THE
CAMBRIDGE
ANCIENT HISTORY
II
PART 1
THE MIDDLE EAST AND
THE AEGEAN REGION
c. 1800-1380 B.C.
THE
CAMBRIDGE
ANCIENT HISTORY
THIRD EDITION
VOLUME II
PART 1
HISTORY OF THE MIDDLE EAST AND
THE AEGEAN REGION c. 1800-1380 b.c.
EDITED BT
I. E. S. EDWARDS f.b.a.
Formerly Keeper of Egyptian Antiquities , The British Museum
THE LATE C. J. GADD f.b.a.
Professor Emeritus of Ancient Semitic Languages and Civilizations ,
School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
N. G. L. HAMMOND f.b.a.
Professor Emeritus of Greek, University of Bristol
E. SOLLBERGER
Keeper of Western Asiatic Antiquities , The British Museum
Cambridge
UNIVERSITY PRESS
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PUBLISHED BY THE PRESS SYNDICATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE
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© Cambridge University Press 1973
This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without
the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 1973
Eighth printing 2006
Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge
Library of Congress catalogue Card number. 75-85719
isbn o 521 082307
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CONTENTS
List of Maps P a Z e xv
List of Tables xv
List of Text-figures xvii
Preface xix
CHAPTER I
NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA AND SYRIA
by J.-R. Kuppzr
i Shamshi-Adad I i
ii Mari 8
iii Eshnunna, lamkhad, Qatna and other states 14
iv The Hurrians c. 1800 b.c. 22
v The Benjaminites and other nomads, and the
Habiru 24
vi Hammurabi’s conquests in the North and the
decline of the Eastern Amorite states 28
vii The ‘Great Kingship’ of Aleppo 30
viii Development of the Hurrian states 36
ix Hurrian elements in art and religion 39
chapter 11
EGYPT: FROM THE DEATH OF
AMMENEMES III TO SEQENENRE II
^ William C. Hayes
I The last years of the Twelfth Dynasty 42
II The decline and fall of the Middle Kingdom: the
Thirteenth and Fourteenth Dynasties 44
iii The Hyksos infiltration and the founding of the
Fifteenth Dynasty 54
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VI
CONTENTS
iv The Hyksos Khyan and his successors page 60
v The recovery of the Theban kingdom: the Seven-
teenth Dynasty to the death of Seqenenre II 64
vi The Pan-Grave people 74
CHAPTER III
PALESTINE IN THE MIDDLE BRONZE AGE
Kathleen M. Kenyon
Introduction
77
1
Middle Bronze Age I: characteristics, distri-
bution, origin
78
11
Middle Bronze Age II
88
hi
Middle Bronze Age II: sites
90
CHAPTER IV
(a) GREECE AND THE AEGEAN ISLANDS
IN THE MIDDLE BRONZE AGE
by John L. Caskey
1
Introduction
117
11
The archaeological evidence
1 1 8
hi
The people: questions of race, language and
chronology
135
{b) THE MATURITY OF
MINOAN CIVILIZATION
by F. Matz
IV
The chronology of the Early Palace Period ( c .
2000—1 700 B.C.)
141
V
The evidence of the monuments
146
VI
The historical conclusions
*59
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CONTENTS
vii
(c) CYPRUS IN THE MIDDLE BRONZE AGE
by H. W. Catling
vii The nature of the Middle Cypriot Period page 165
viii Middle Cypriot settlement 166
ix Middle Cypriot developments in material culture 169
x Cyprus and her neighbours in the Middle Bronze
Age 173
xi Middle Cypriot orientations 175
CHAPTER V
HAMMURABI AND THE END OF
HIS DYNASTY
by C. J. Gadd
I
Events of Hammurabi’s reign
176
II
Personal rule of Hammurabi
184
III
Economic conditions
190
IV
Social conditions
196
V
Cultural conditions
209
VI
The successors of Hammurabi
220
VII
Beginnings of the Kassite dynasty
224
CHAPTER VI
ANATOLIA c. 1750-1600 B.C.
by O. R. Gurney
1
Sources
228
11
Languages and peoples
229
hi
Origin of the kingdom of Khattusha
232
IV
The Old Hittite Kingdom
2 35
V
Early Hittite society
251
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Vlll
CONTENTS
CHAPTER VII
PERSIA c. 1800-1550 B.C.
by W A LT HER HlNZ
i The dynasty of the* Grand Regent’ rulers of Elam page 2 56
11 Legal life in Old Elam 271
CHAPTER VIII
EGYPT: FROM THE EXPULSION OF THE
HYKSOS TO AMENOPHIS I
by T. G. H. James
1 The campaigns of Kamose 289
11 The expulsion of the Hyksos by Amosis 293
hi The Prince of Kush and the reoccupation of Nubia 296
iv Reunion and reorganization under Amosis I 299
v Three royal ladies 305
vi Consolidation under Amenophis I 308
CHAPTER IX
EGYPT: INTERNAL AFFAIRS FROM
TUTHMOSIS I TO THE DEATH OF
AMENOPHIS III
by William C. Hayes
I
The rule of the military king
313
II
The Tuthmoside succession
315
III
The power of Amun
323
IV
Hatshepsut’s expeditions
329
V
The sporting tradition
333
VI
Amenophis Ill’s display
338
VII
The Nubian gold trade
346
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CONTENTS
VIII
CONTENTS
The civil service
ix
? a Z e 353
IX
The army, navy, and police force
363
X
The employment and sources of labour
372
XI
Taxation, commerce, and exchange
381
XII
Building and the state monopoly of stone
39 i
XIII
Tomb development
401
XIV
Art
407
I
CHAPTER X
SYRIA c. 1550-1400 B.C.
by Margaret S. Drower
Syria in the sixteenth century b.c.
417
II
The Kassites and their neighbours
437
III
The Egyptian challenge
444
IV
The balance of power
459
V
The Egyptians' in Retenu
467
VI
The Amarna Age
483
VII
Warfare and society
493
VIII
Commerce and industry
506
IX
Religion, art and literature
519
CHAPTER XI
PALESTINE IN THE TIME OF THE
EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY
^Kathleen M. Kenyon
i Historical background 526
11 Dating evidence 527
hi The sites 530
iv History of Palestine in the time of the Eighteenth
Dynasty in the light of the evidence from the sites 555
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CONTENTS
CHAPTER XII
THE ZENITH OF MINOAN CIVILIZATION
by F. Matz
i The chronology of the Late Palace Period
(c. 1700-1380 B.c.) page 557
11 The evidence of the monuments 559
hi The historical conclusions 571
CHAPTER XIII
THE LINEAR SCRIPTS AND THE
TABLETS AS HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS
(a) Literacy in Minoan and Mycenaean Lands
by Sterling Dow
I Isolation of Minoan— Mycenaean literacy 582
11 Signs and marks not spoken: potters’ marks;
masons’ marks; seals and signets 584
in Scripts: pictographic; numerals; Linear Script A;
the Phaestus Disk; Linear Script B 589
iv Evidence about survival: the end of literacy;
Cyprus; writing in Homer 605
( b ) The Linear B Tablets as Historical Documents
by John Chadwick
1 The nature of the evidence 609
II Obstacles to interpretation 6 1 2
hi Conclusions 6 1 7
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CONTENTS
xi
CHAPTER XIV
THE RISE OF MYCENAEAN CIVILIZATION
by Frank H. Stubbings
i The nature of the evidence -page 627
11 The Shaft Graves at Mycenae 629
hi The Egyptian connexion 633
iv Danaus and the Hyksos 635
v Pelops 638
vi The progress of Mycenaean settlement 640
vii The first Heroic Age 645
viii Perseus: The consolidation of the Mycenaean
Argolid 649
ix Heracles and early Mycenaean history 651
x The mainland and Crete 654
CHAPTER XV
ANATOLIA c. 1600-1380 B.C.
by O. R. Gurney
I The Old Hittite Kingdom (continued)
II The Middle Hittite Kingdom
TROY VI
by Carl W. Blegen
iii Troy VI 683
659
669
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xii CONTENTS
CHAPTER XVI
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE OF
THE SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.
ON THE PERSIAN PLATEAU
by Robert H. Dyson, Jr.
Introduction -page 686
i The late third and early second millennia b.c. 686
ii Ceramic patterns of the middle second millennium 702
hi End of the Bronze Age cultures, c. 1350— 1150
b.c. 712
BIBLIOGRAPHIES
Abbreviations
716
Chapter i
720
Chapter ii
723
Chapter in
730
Chapter iv(a)
732
Chapter iv(b)
738
Chapter iv(r)
740
Chapter v
742
Chapter vi
749
Chapter vii
754
Chapter vm
756
Chapter ix
760
Chapter x
777
Chapter xi
798
Chapter xii
799
Chapter xm (a)
801
Chapter xm (b)
805
Chapter xiv
805
Chapter xv
809
Chapter xvi
813
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CONTENTS xiii
Chronological Tables
A Egypt page 8 1 8
B Western Asia 820
C Crete, the Aegean Islands and Mainland Greece 822
Index to Maps 825
General Index 829
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MAPS
1 Greece and the Aegean Islands in the Middle Bronze Age
between pages 1 1 9 and 1 20
2 Crete in the Palace Period page 142
3 Babylonia and Western Persia between pages 19 1 and 192
4 Palestine in the mid-second millennium page 424
5 The Lebanon, Syria, Mesopotamia and Assyria in the
mid-second millennium page 428
6 Ancient Asia Minor and Northern Mesopotamia facing page 660
7 Major second millennium sites on the Persian plateau page 691
TABLES
1 Correspondence of stratigraphy and types of pottery page 145
2 Chronology of the Eparti dynasty 272
3 Descendants of Tudkhaliash II 675
4 Approximate correlations for ceramic traditions during the
second millennium b . c . on the Persian plateau 71 1
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TEXT-FIGURES
1 Selected Middle Bronze Age I pottery page 79
2 Selected Middle Bronze Age II pottery 89
3 Plan of Tell el-Far‘ah (North), west gate 109
4 Plan of Shechem, north gate 112
5 Plan of Stratum VIII Temple at Megiddo 531
6 Plan of Temple I at Lachish 550
7 Plan of the Palace at Cnossus facing page 559
8 Plan of the domestic quarter and adjoining halls at Cnossus page 560
9 Plan of the Palace at Phaestus 561
10 Plan of the Palace at Mallia 562
1 1 Plan of the Palace at Hagia Triada 563
12 Plan of the Town of Goumia 564
13 Four-sided bead seal with Pictographic Script from Sitia 589
14 Clay label with Pictographic Script from Cnossus 590
15 Linear A tablet from Hagia Triada 592
16 The Linear A syllabary in use at Hagia Triada 594
17 The Linear B syllabary 600
18 The Mycenaean weights and measures 613
T9 KN Ca 895: horses and asses 6r4
20 PY Ae 303: the slaves of the priestess 615
21 PY Jn 310: bronzesmiths at Akerewa 623
22 PY An 657: the beginning of the series of ‘coast-guard’ tablets 624
23 PY Tn 316 showing evidence of hasty writing and scribbling 625
[rrii ]
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PREFACE
The second volume of this History begins with events which
occurred at a time when the Amorite dynasties in Western Asia
were vying with each other for supremacy, making and break-
ing alliances but nevertheless maintaining the great Sumero-
Akkadian culture which they had inherited from the con-
quered populations. It was the era of the Western Semites and,
in particular, of the most outstanding of the Semitic dynasties,
that of Hammurabi, the ‘lawgiver’. The Semites were, however,
not destined to remain in control for long. Foreigners from the
north-east, the Kassites, soon took possession of Babylonia and
held it under their sway for five centuries, thereby establishing
the longest dynastic succession in the history of the land. Mean-
while, in Anatolia, the rise of the Hittites marked the beginning
of the first Indo-European empire which was eventually to deal a
death blow to Amorite rule in Babylon.
Disturbances in Western Asia soon began to affect life in the
Nile Valley. Asiatic elements moved southwards until they
occupied most of the Delta and penetrated into Middle and
Upper Egypt, asserting their authority as they went. Manetho
called these Asiatic settlers the Hyksos, and he claimed that they
achieved their domination ‘without a battle’. While there is
nothing in contemporary evidence to suggest that they estab-
lished their position by any other way than by a process of
gradual infiltration, they were certainly helped by the possession
of superior weapons, notably the horse-drawn chariot, and by
Egypt’s political and military weakness at the time. Like other
invaders, both before and after them, they soon adopted Egyp-
tian customs, but they were never accepted by the populace and
were always regarded as foreigners. Their expulsion, after about
150 years, led to the rise of a succession of warrior kings, the
Eighteenth Dynasty, who extended their realm to the banks of
the Euphrates in the north-east and far into the Sudan in the south.
The fruits of their conquests swelled the treasuries of the pharaohs
and their temples for two centuries and raised the standard
of life, at least for the upper classes, to its highest level of pros-
perity. Under Amenophis III, however, stagnation set in, not-
withstanding outward appearances to the contrary, and his reign,
the last period of Egyptian history described in the present part,
marks the end of an epoch.
[xix]
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XX
PREFACE
Within the Aegean region the outstanding civilization of this
age was that of Minoan Crete. Its most striking monuments are
the great palaces at Cnossus, Mallia and Phaestus, and we learn
much of the society and life of the times from the scenes which
are so beautifully portrayed on frescoes, gems, sealings and metal
objects. Meanwhile on the Greek mainland the Middle Bronze
Age began with invasions by people who spoke an Indo-Euro-
pean language which was the remote ancestor of the Greek of
the Homeric epics ; it ended with the rise of Mycenaean civiliza-
tion which owed much to the influence of Minoan Crete but
finally overthrew the rulers of the island. One of the inventions
of Minoan civilization was a linear script, and the Mycenaean
conquerors of Crete used a successor to this script which has been
deciphered and provides us with the earliest texts in the Greek
language.
A number of the contributors to this Part have taken advantage
of the invitation of the Syndics of the Cambridge University
Press to include in their chapters information which was not
available when the chapters were first published as fascicles. No
doubt the number would have been larger if Professor Gadd,
whose death was mentioned in the Preface to Volume i, Part 2,
and Dr W. C. Hayes had lived until this volume was prepared for
the printer. Professor Gadd had begun to gather notes for his
chapter on ‘Hammurabi and the End of his Dynasty’ but his
work was only in its initial stage and the Editors decided to leave
the text unchanged, apart from making small adjustments neces-
sary for the present publication.
In the Preface to Volume i, Part i an explanation was given of
the code used in the footnotes for references to the bibliographies;
the same system has been adopted in this Part. References are
also given in the footnotes to plates which will be published as a
separate volume after the completion of Volume 2, Part 2 . In
accordance with the intention expressed in the fascicles, sketch
maps have been inserted in the text of this edition. Also included
here, but not in the fascicles, are text-figures for Chapters in and
xi, plans* of palaces in Chapter xir, and a genealogical table of
Hittite kings, descendants of Tudkhaliash II, in Chapter xv.
Two chapters have been translated by Mr C. E. N. Childs,
formerly Assistant Keeper in the Department of Printed Books,
British Museum, Chapter i from French and Chapter vii from
German, Chapter iv(£) and Chapter xii have been translated
from German by Mr W. J. Dale, Headmaster of Tettenhall
College.
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PREFACE
XXI
Although, with one exception, all the chapters relating to
Western Asia had already been published as fascicles before the
death of Professor Gadd, the preparation of a large part of the
present volume for the printer involved extra editorial work
which required special knowledge of that field. The Syndics of
the Press therefore accepted a request from the two surviving
Editors and appointed Dr E. Sollberger as an additional Editor.
Professor Sterling Dow wishes to express his gratitude to
Mr John Chadwick for his generous help and advice in the
writing of Chapter xiii(^); he is also indebted to W. E. McLeod
for data about potters’ marks from Lerna, and to J. L. Caskey,
the excavator, for permission to publish them. Dr R. H. Dyson
is indebted to the following scholars for allowing him to include in
Chapter xvi some of the results of their excavations and archaeo-
logical surveys before they were published : C. A. Burney (northern
Azarbayjan), C. Goff (eastern and southern Luristan, Tepe Baba
Jan, near Nurabad in Luristan), L. Levine (Kurdistan), J. Meld-
gaard (western Luristan), O. W. Muscarella (Dinkha Tepe), D.
Stronach (Gurganand Hamadan region, Yarim Tepe), H. Thrane
(western Luristan), M. van Loon (Schmidt data on Kamtarlan,
Chigha Sabz, Surkh Dom), and T. C. Young, Jr. (southern
Azarbayjan, Kurdistan, north-eastern Luristan, Godin Tepe).
The Editors have continued to receive from the Staff of the
Cambridge University Press the utmost help and they wish to
record their appreciation both of their friendly cooperation and of
their skill and care in the production of this book.
I.E.S.E.
N.G.L.H.
E.S.
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CHAPTER I
NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA
AND SYRIA
I. SHAMSHI-ADAD I
Scarcely thirty years ago the figure of Hammurabi, the unifier
of Babylonia, still stood out in striking isolation. In fact, at the
time he ascended the throne another centralized empire already
occupied the whole of northern Mesopotamia: it was the personal
creation of Shamshi-Adad I, to whom recent discoveries have
made it possible to give his place in history.
Whereas Hammurabi had inherited a considerable territory
from his father, Shamshi-Adad had more modest beginnings. He
belonged to one of the numerous nomad clans which had infil-
trated into Mesopotamia after the break-up of the Third Dynasty
of Ur. His father, Ila-kabkabu, ruled over a land bordering on
the kingdom of Mari, with which he had come into conflict . 1 It is
not well known what happened next. According to one version, the
authenticity of which is not certain, Shamshi-Adad made his
way into Babylonia, while his brother succeeded to Ila-kabkabu.
Later on he seized Ekallatum ; the capture of this fortress, on the
left bank of the Tigris, in the southern reaches of the lower Zab,
laid the gates of Assyria open to him . 2 The moment was pro-
pitious, for Assyria had only lately regained her independence,
having previously had to submit to Naram-Sin of Eshnunna, who
had advanced as far as the upper Khabur . 3 But Naram-Sin’s
conquests had been ephemeral : on his death, Assyria had shaken
off the yoke of Eshnunna, only to fall beneath that of Shamshi-
Adad. Once installed on the throne of Ashur, the latter soon set
about extending his dominion in the direction of the West.
Among the archives of the palace of Mari has been found a letter
from a prince of the ‘High Country’ seeking Iakhdunlim’s
protection . 4 He feels that the encroachments of Shamshi-Adad,
who has already taken several of his towns, are a threat to him;
until then he had victoriously resisted the attacks of his neigh-
bours from the lands of Aleppo, Carchemish and Urshu. But
1 G, 6, 20 7 f., 212. 2 G, 7, 34 f.; G, 6, 2ii ; §i, 5, 26 f.
3 G, 6, 8 a. 1. * G, i, vol. 1, 22, no. 1.
[1]
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2 NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA AND SYRIA
Iakhdunlim himself was to pass from the scene, assassinated by
his own servants , 1 who perhaps acted on Shamshi-Adad’s instiga-
tion. At all events, he turned the affair to account by occupying
Mari, while the heir to the throne, Zimrilim, took refuge with the
king of Aleppo. The annexation of Mari represented a consider-
able gain in territory, for Iakhdunlim had controlled the middle
Euphrates valley at least as far as the mouth of the Ballkh.
In possession, from now onwards, of an empire which stretched
from the Zagros hills to the Euphrates, Shamshi-Adad shared his
power with his two sons . 2 He installed the eldest, Ishme-Dagan,
in Ekallatum, with the onerous task of keeping the warlike in-
habitants of the mountains in check and of mounting a vigilant
guard against the kingdom of Eshnunna, which was to remain his
chief enemy. In Mari he left his younger son, Iasmakh-Adad,
who would have to exert himself mostly against incursions of
nomads from the Syrian steppe.
The correspondence between the king and his two sons re-
covered at Mari, along with a small collection of archives coming
from Tell Shemshara, the centre of a district government in
southern Kurdistan, make it possible to determine the limits of
Shamshi-Adad’s authority. In the direction of Eshnunna the
frontier — if one may speak of ‘ frontier’ at this date — must have
run more or less along the ‘Adhaim, at least along the Tigris
valley, since the eastern marches remained in dispute. Thus it
was that Shamshi-Adad had to struggle with Dadusha, the succes-
sor of Naram-Sin, for the possession of Qabra , 3 in the district of
Arbela, while the Turukkians made it impossible to retain Shu-
sharra (Tell Shemshara ). 4 Here it was not only the almost con-
tinuous hostility of Eshnunna which had to be faced, but the
turbulent inhabitants of the foot-hills of the Zagros as well — the
Gutians and Turukkians. These last must have been particularly
dangerous opponents. On the occasion of a peace treaty Mut-
Ashkur, the son and successor of Ishme-Dagan, married the
daughter of a Turukkian chieftain called Zaziya , 5 and even
Hammurabi of Babylonia did not disdain to seek this man’s
alliance . 8
The whole of Upper Mesopotamia proper was in Shamshi-
Adad’s hands. The Assyrian ‘colonies’ in Cappadocia were
showing renewed activity at that time, but it is not known how
far the new ruler’s real authority extended in the direction of the
1 G, 7, 35 n. 28; §1, 3, 63. 2 §1, 5 » 2 7 -
3 §1, 7, 441. Cf. below, p. 6. 4 §1, 6, 31.
6 G, 1, vol. ii, 90, no. 40. 9 G, 1, vol. vi, 54, no. 33.
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SHAMSHI-ADAD I
3
Anatolian plateau. In the west it must have stopped at the
Euphrates, where began the kingdom of Iamkhad, with its capital
at Aleppo. When Shamshi-Adad boasts of having erected trium-
phal stelae on the Mediterranean coast, in the Lebanon , 1 it can
have been only upon one of those short-lived expeditions, more
economic than military, in the tradition established by Sargon of
Agade years before. However, Shamshi-Adad did not neglect to
extend his influence so as to neutralize Aleppo. He was in
alliance with princes of Upper Syria, notably the prince of
Carchemish, and he sealed his good relations with Qatna by
a marriage: his son Iasmakh-Adad married the daughter of
the king of that city, Ishkhi-Adad . 2 In the south, finally, he
dominated the middle Euphrates valley almost to the latitude of
Eshnunna.
The empire which Shamshi-Adad had carved out for himself
in this way was vast and prosperous. Crossed by several great
trade routes, it embraced the prolific Assyrian plain, the humid
belt bordering on the Anatolian plateau and the fertile valleys of
the Khabur and Euphrates. Naturally, it was coveted to an equal
degree by all his neighbours — the half-starved plunderers of the
mountains and steppes, and the ambitious monarchs of Aleppo,
Eshnunna and Babylon. Shamshi-Adad was to manoeuvre through
these manifold dangers with clear-sightedness and skill, energy
and tenacity. We have seen that he gave his sons the duty of
watching the two flanks of his realm. On Ishme-Dagan, who was,
like himself, a forceful soldier not afraid to risk his own skin, he
could rely unhesitatingly. Nor did he omit to hold him up as an
example to his second son, who was far from following in his
footsteps. Feeble and hesitant, Iasmakh-Adad more often de-
served blame than praise : 3 ‘Are you a child, not a man,’ his
father reproached him, ‘ have you no beard on your chin ? ’ He
tells him some blunt home-truths: ‘While here your brother is
victorious, down there you lie about among the women . . . . ’
Ishme-Dagan too does not scruple to admonish his younger
brother: ‘Why are you setting up a wail about this thing? That
is not great conduct .’ 4 Later, he suggests, either as a political
manoeuvre or out of a genuine desire to help his brother, that he
should not address himself to the king, their father, directly, but
use him as intermediary: ‘Write me what you are intending to
write to the king, so that, where possible, I can advise you my-
self.’ Elsewhere he exclaims: ‘Show some sense.’ It is under-
1 §i, i, 15. 2 See below, p. 20.
8 See §1, 3, 68 f. 4 G, 1, vol. iv, 96 ff., no. 70.
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4
NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA AND SYRIA
standable that Shamshi-Adad, whose commendable intention was
to school his son for exercising power, should give him advisers
who had his confidence and were kept informed of the instructions
Iasmakh-Adad received from his father . 1 At the same time, the
latter kept his hand on everything. His letters deal not only with
questions of high policy, with international relations or military
operations, but frequently concern themselves with matters of
lesser importance, such as the appointment of officials, caravans
or messengers passing through, measures to be taken with regard
to fugitives, the watch to be kept on nomads, the despatch of
livestock or provisions, boat-building, the projected movements
of Iasmakh-Adad, not to mention private matters concerning
individuals.
If Shamshi-Adad kept a strict control over things, it was still
not his intention to take all initiative away from his sons or
officials. For instance, it was for Iasmakh-Adad himself to fill the
post of governor of Terqa, or of mayor of the palace at Mari . 2 It
was often the matter of his father’s complaints: ‘How long will
you not rule in your own house? Do you not see your brother
commanding great armies ?’ 3 On the other hand, the whole run-
ning of affairs did not rest solely on the sovereign’s shoulders, for
the administrative service was organized on a sound basis at all
levels. Each district was entrusted to a governor assisted by
other career-officials, all carefully selected on the dual ground of
competence and loyalty . 4 Other high officers were specialized,
like the one concerned with the preparation of censuses, who was
attached to Iasmakh-Adad’s ‘headquarters ’. 5 Chancellery and
accounting services were organized with the same concern for
efficiency. Fast-moving couriers regularly passed through the
land, and Shamshi-Adad often emphasized the urgency of mes-
sages which were to be passed. That is why he sometimes dates
his letters, a practice uncommon at that time, in certain cases even
going so far as to specify the time of day . 6 The king and his sons
were always on the move, but the correspondence addressed to
them nevertheless ended by being sorted and catalogued in the
archive rooms of the central administration. There was the same
strictness about the drafting and the keeping of financial docu-
1 G, 6, 194. 2 G, 1, vol. 1, 38, no. 9; 120, no. 61.
8 G, 1, vol. i, 182, no. 108.
4 G, i, vol. 1, 38, no. 9; 52 ff., no. 18; 122, no. 62; 200, no. 120.
6 G, 6, 194.
6 G, 1, vol. 1, 42, no. 10; 1 28, no. 67 (cf. A. L. Oppenheim, J . N . E . S . 1 1 (1952),
131 Q -
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SHAMSHI-ADAD I
5
ments. Thus, Shamshi-Adad required that detailed accounts
should be produced concerning the cost of making silver statues. 1
Military affairs were naturally organized with no less care
than the civil administration. Garrisons, no doubt small in num-
bers, were permanently stationed in the towns, and troops were
levied for each campaign, both from the fixed population and the
nomads ; the Khanaeans, especially, provided valued contingents.
On their return, the men were demobilized. It sometimes
happened that they were sent to rest in their homes for a few days
between two engagements, and for the same reason, measures
were taken to relieve fortress garrisons periodically. Before
marching, a list of the men taking part in the campaign was
drawn up, and the distribution of provisions was settled. Some-
times troops operated in considerable numbers: for the siege of
Nurrugum, the capture of which represented, on the evidence of
Shamshi-Adad himself, one of the most important military events
of his reign, the figure of 60,000 men is mentioned. 2 Censuses,
which involved at the same time purificatory rites and the
registering of inhabitants on the army muster-rolls, were insti-
tuted sometimes at district level, sometimes throughout the king-
dom. 3 Although the Mari texts make no mention of it, the army
must have included some specialized personnel in its ranks. It
was perfectly equipped for siege-warfare, about which previously
our only information was derived from Assyrian sources. All the
methods which may be called classic were employed — the throw-
ing-up of encircling ramparts to strengthen the blockade of a
besieged town, the construction of assault-banks of compacted
earth making it possible to reach the top of fortifications, digging
of galleries to undermine walls, and the use of two kinds of
siege-engines, the assault-tower and the battering-ram. 4 Prepara-
tions for conquests were made far in advance : recourse was had to
spies, and a propaganda campaign, carried out by natives who had
been bought over, opened the way for the military offensive. The
aim was to get the populace to come over to the invader’s side of
its own accord. Finally, the invading columns were preceded by
advance guards, whose duty it was to carry out reconnaissance. 5
Whether it was to lead his troops into battle in person, or to
inspect them, to meet foreign princes, or simply to make sure that
1 G, 1, vol. 1, 138 ff., no. 74.
2 See J. Laessae in Assyriological Studies, 16 (1965), 193.
3 G, 6, 23 ff.
4 See J.-R. Kupper, R.A. 45 (1951), 125 f.
6 Ibid. 123 f.
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6
NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA AND SYRIA
his orders were carried out intelligently and to keep in working-
order the bureaucratic machine he had created, Shamshi-Adad
was continually on the move. It cannot really be said that he had
a capital. To judge from the letters that have come down to us,
he was not often at Ashur or at Nineveh, but preferred living
in a city on the upper Khabur, which we must probably look for
at the site of Chagar Bazar , 1 where a repository of financial
archives has been found.
This city was called Shubat-Enlil in honour of the god of
Nippur, who pronounced the names of kings and delivered the
sceptre to them. The ambition of Shamshi-Adad was in propor-
tion with his success, and he did not hesitate to proclaim himself
‘king of all’, a title borne of old by Sargon of Agade. In accord-
ance with this claim he invoked the patronage of Enlil, whose
lieutenant he was pleased to style himself, and built a new temple
for that god at Ashur . 2 It was probably in the same line of
conduct that he repaired the ruins of the temple of Ishtar, built in
former days at Nineveh by Manishtusu, and that he dedicated a
temple to Dagan in his town of Terqa , 3 for Dagan was the god
who had once accepted the worship of Sargon, and granted him
in return sovereignty over the ‘Upper Country’.
It is not yet possible to write a history of Shamshi-Adad’s
reign. Thanks to the letters from Mari we know some of its
outstanding events, but they give us only momentary glimpses.
They are not arranged chronologically, and they cover, irregu-
larly no doubt, only part of the reign, which is said to have lasted
thirty-three years in all. Texts were dated in two manners , 4 the
Assyrian practice of appointing annual eponyms being much
more widely used than the Babylonian system of naming years
after an event. Nevertheless, the numerous references to military
operations in the king’s correspondence indicate that his reign
was far from peaceful. One of the principal campaigns had the
region of the Lesser Zab as its objective. This ended with the
capture of several important towns, notably Qabra, Arrapkha and
Nurrugum . 5 Many operations, conducted with varying fortune
against the Turukkians, also took place in the mountainous
region of the eastern marches . 6 A most carefully organized
expedition was made in order to conquer the land of Zalmaqum,
the name given to the region of Harran . 7 Only a few echoes reveal
1 G, 7, 36; G, 6, 2 ff. 2 §1, 1, 1 3 f.
3 §1, 1,9 f ., 17. See §1, 8, 25 f. 4 §1, 2, 53 f.
6 §1, 6, 72 ff. 8 §1, 5, 28 n. 1.
7 G, 1, vol. i, 40, no. 10; 72, no. 29; 1 10, no. 53 ; 1 16 ff., no. 60.
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SHAMSHI-ADAD I
7
the hostilities with Eshnunna; we know, from a year-name of
Dadusha’s reign, that he defeated an army commanded by Ishme-
Dagan . 1 A series of letters deals with another defensive campaign
waged against the armies of Eshnunna, but it is composed only of
messages exchanged between Iasmakh-Adad and his brother
Ishme-Dagan. All the evidence suggests that these events took
place only after their father’s death.
Shamshi-Adad, in fact, must have passed from the scene at the
height of his career. In Eshnunna, Dadusha’s son and successor,
Ibalpiel II, called the fifth year of his reign ‘the year of Shamshi-
Adad’s death’, which suggests that about this time he had become
a dependant of the great king. This is confirmed by a letter in
which Ishme-Dagan, having ascended the throne, reassures his
brother, saying in particular that he has the Elamites on a leash
as well as their ally, the king of Eshnunna . 2 However, Iasmakh-
Adad’s fears were well-founded. Here the testimonies bear one
another out. Several letters recovered at Mari indicate the ad-
vance of the troops of Eshnunna; they had reached the Euphrates
at Rapiqum, three days’ march above Sippar, and were moving
upstream. The names of the eighth and ninth years of Ibalpiel II,
for their part, commemorate the destruction of Rapiqum and the
defeat of the armies of Subartu and Khana, by which we should
understand Assyria and Mari . 3 Ishme-Dagan had not been able
to come to his brother’s aid effectively. No doubt he was engaged
elsewhere against other adversaries, for the conqueror’s death had
certainly spurred all his enemies on to attack his dominions. As
soon as he was reduced to his own resources, Iasmakh-Adad, a
colourless individual, was doomed to be lost from sight in the
storm. The precise circumstances accompanying his downfall are
not known. A passage in a letter implies that he wag driven out
of Mari after a defeat inflicted on his elder brother . 4
The army of Eshnunna did not get as far as Mari, for Ibalpiel
makes no reference to the city’s capture. But the representative
of the dynasty which had been dispossessed, Zimrilim, took ad-
vantage of these events in order to regain the throne of his fathers.
He could count on the support of King Iarimlim of Aleppo, who
had made him welcome during his long years of exile and had
given him his daughter in marriage . 5 Perhaps the defeat suffered
by Ishme-Dagan was inflicted on him by troops from Aleppo,
who had then expelled Iasmakh-Adad in favour of Zimrilim. In
1 §i, 7, 440 f. 2 G, 1, vol. iv, 36, no. 20.
3 G, 7, 38 f.; §1, 7, 445 ff. 4 §v, 4, 981 n. 1.
5 §m, 4, 236 f.
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8 NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA AND SYRIA
a letter to his father-in-law Zimrilim declares: ‘Truly it is my
father who has caused me to regain my throne .’ 1 It is never-
theless a fact that the king of Eshnunna’s campaign had opened
the way for Zimrilim’s reconquest by invading Shamshi-Adad’s
former empire from the south.
As for Ishme-Dagan, he succeeded in holding his own, but
only in Assyria, losing at one stroke the middle Euphrates and
the greater part of Upper Mesopotamia, which either regained
its independence or passed under Zimrilim’s control . 2 Even the
region of the upper Khabur, along with his father’s residence
Shubat-Enlil, passed out of his hands . 3 He did indeed attempt
several counter offensives in this direction, but apparently with-
out success, at least during Zimrilim’s reign. We do not know
whether he succeeded in regaining a foothold in this portion of
his father’s heritage after Eshnunna and Mari had fallen under
Hammurabi’s onslaughts: from that moment our sources fall
silent, leaving in obscurity the rest of the reign of Ishme-Dagan,
to whom the royal lists give the high total of forty or even fifty
years . 4
To judge from his father’s letters Ishme-Dagan seemed never-
theless to have the stature to carry on the work which had been
begun. The fact was that the empire Shamshi-Adad bequeathed
him was difficult to maintain. It was rich and populous, but
lacking in cohesion, formed by a juxtaposition of several quite
distinct provinces. Besides, exposed along all its frontiers, its
geographical situation made it particularly vulnerable; there was,
for example, no direct communication between Mari and Ashur.
Hemmed in by powerful and ill-disposed neighbours, Aleppo and
Eshnunna, it could not survive the man who had created it by his
personal qualities alone, by his unflagging'energy, his military
genius, and his abilities as an organizer.
II. MARI
Like Shamshi-Adad, Iakhdunlim, his unsuccessful opponent at
Mari, was a Western Semite whose forebears had abandoned the
nomadic life in order to settle in the Euphrates valley. The
origins of his dynasty are obscure. Of his father Iagitlim we
know only that he came into conflict with Shamshi-Adad’s father,
after having been his ally . 5 But it was Iakhdunlim who seems
to have laid the foundations of Mari’s greatness. In a building-
1 §iii, +, 235. 2 §1, 5, 29. 3 G, 6, 30.
4 G, 7, 36; §1, 5, 31. 6 G, 6, 33.
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MARI
9
record, 1 which by its flawless material execution and brilliant
literary qualities shows how far the sons of the desert had adopted
Babylonian culture, Iakhdunlim recalls the triumphant cam-
paign he had waged, as the first of his line, on the Mediterranean
coast and in the mountains, from which he had brought back
valuable timber, while at the same time forcing the country to pay
tribute. It has been seen that Shamshi-Adad boasted that he had
done the same thing (above, p. 3), which cannot be considered
a real conquest. Moreover, Iakhdunlim’s power was not wholly
secure in his own territory, he had to withstand both attacks by
the petty kings of the middle Euphrates and the incursions of
nomads, Benjaminites and Khanaeans. It was against the last of
these that he had his most striking successes, imposing his rule
on them from that time onwards. Once the country was pacified
he was able to build a temple to Shamash and to undertake great
irrigation projects, designed, notably, to supply water to a new
city. It is a fact, as he himself claimed, that he had strengthened
the foundations of Mari. 2 Although his kingdom was shortly to
fall into Shamshi-Adad’s hands, his work was not in vain, since
it was eventually taken up by his son Zimrilim.
The latter did not wait long after the usurper’s death to ascend
the throne of Mari. We are no more in a position to give an
account of the new king’s reign than to understand how the re-
conquest took place. More than thirty year-names have been
recovered, but the order of their succession is not known. State
correspondence makes it possible to reconstruct certain events,
but the constant instability of the political situation in Meso-
potamia at this time obliges us to show extreme caution in
arranging the letters.
Basically, Zimrilim’s kingdom was made up of the middle
Euphrates and Khabur valleys. To the south it cannot have
reached farther than Hit. To the north it undoubtedly included
the mouth of the Ballkh, but beyond that it is uncertain whether
there lay territories directly dependent on Mari and administered
by district governors, or simply more or less autonomous vassal
princedoms. 3 In his attempts to expand' Zimrilim directed the
best part of his efforts towards the ‘High Country’, that is to
say Upper Mesopotamia, which in those days was split up into
numerous little states. In particular the region, bordering on the
upper Khabur, which at Mari was called Idamaraz, appears to
have been under his control all the time. 4 But Zimrilim’s policy
1 §n, 2. 2 G, 6, 33 f.
3 §ii, 4, 163. 4 G, 1, vol. ix, 348 f.; G, 6, 10.
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10 NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA AND SYRIA
was to impose his tutelage on the petty monarchs of the ‘High
Country’, or even simply to draw them into alliance with him,
rather than to annex their countries — no doubt because he had
not the resources to do so. This line of conduct was fairly general.
We have only to listen to the report of one of Zimrilim’s cor-
respondents : ‘ No king is powerful by himself : ten or fifteen kings
follow Hammurabi, king of Babylon, as many follow Rim-Sin,
king of Larsa, as many follow Ibalpiel, king of Eshnunna, as
many follow Amutpiel, king of Qatna, twenty kings follow
Iarimlim, king of Iamkhad . . . . ’* Grouping their vassals about
them, the ‘ great powers ’ of the time entered in their turn into wider
coalitions, aiming at supremacy, but these formed and broke up as
circumstances and the interests of the moment dictated.
In this changing world, between negotiations and battles,
Zimrilim’s policy nevertheless kept certain constant factors in
view — it remained loyal to the alliances with Babylon and Aleppo.
In this the king of Mari obeyed a vital necessity, for his country
was above all a line of communication linking Babylon with
northern Syria, and he needed to retain the goodwill of the powers
which guarded both ends. These powers, for their part, had
every interest in protecting the freedom of trade and leaving the
burden of doing it to an ally. But once Hammurabi, after unify-
ing Babylonia, felt strong enough to assume control himself and
reap the profit from it he did not hesitate to subjugate Mari.
It is understandable that in these conditions political intrigue
was extremely vigorous, leading constantly to fresh conflicts.
Zimrilim recognizes this in a message which he sends to his
father-in-law the king of Aleppo: ‘Now, since I regained my
throne many days ago, I have had nothing but fights and battles .’ 2
The opponents were manifold; first, enemies outside, the most
dangerous of whom was Eshnunna, frequently operating in
concert with its ally Elam, and not afraid to send its troops into
the heart of the High Country . 3 There were also rebellious
vassals whose loyalty had to be enforced. Lastly, and perhaps
above all, there were the nomads, constantly on watch at the
edge of the desert, whom no defeat could disarm once and for all . 4
Zimrilim boasts of having crushed the Benjaminites in the Khabur
valley, but a victory like this could, at the most, procure only a
momentary respite, for the struggle between nomads and settlers,
having its origins in physical conditions, could never cease. With-
out any respite, new groups came to replace those who had left
1 G, 3, 1 17; §ni, 4, 230 f. 2 §111, 4, 235.
8 See below, p. 15. 4 See below, pp. 25 ff.
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MARI
ii
the desert to install themselves in the sown lands. The threat was
there each day. Not content with raiding the flocks or plundering
the villages, the nomads became bold enough to attack important
localities, whether caravan cities or towns on the banks of the
Euphrates. The anxiety to ensure the policing of the desert and
to contain the movements of the nomads must have been among
Zimrilim’s main preoccupations. No negligence could be per-
mitted, lest it should be the start of a catastrophic invasion, for
every advance of the nomads brought with it an inevitable process
of disintegration. Despite the measures taken, security remained
precarious. Sometimes it happened that the nomads infested the
whole countryside and were brought to a halt only before the
ramparts of the towns. The king himself was advised not to leave
the capital. Clearly, a struggle like this must have been a con-
siderable embarrassment to Zimrilim’s policy, using up his re-
sources and weakening the country’s economy.
This state of affairs was certainly not what the country had
known in the time of Shamshi-Adad. Relations with the Ben-
jaminites, in particular, had distinctly deteriorated. Shamshi-
Adad was at the head of a powerful, centralized state, making the
nomads, whose movements he could control over vast areas of
land, acutely aware of his authority. Zimrilim, on the other hand,
absorbed in exhausting competition with other sovereigns, had
relatively limited means at his disposal and reigned over a smaller
territory, entirely surrounded by steppe. However, the archives
seem to reflect the image of a prosperous, vigorous country. The
palace of Mari enrolled a large staff, in which singing girls, for
example, are to be counted in tens. 1 We see executives in move-
ment all the time, hurrying in from all the surrounding countries,
while reports pour in addressed to the king by his representatives
and by the ambassadors he maintains at the principal foreign
courts. 2 The inventories bear witness to the wealth of precious
things, 3 and the accounts record the arrival of foodstuffs and
luxury products, the latter generally sent by kings of neighbour-
ing lands, to whom Zimrilim replied in kind.
Archaeological discoveries have given this picture material
form. We have a message in which the king of Aleppo communi-
cates to Zimrilim the wish expressed to him by the king of
Ugarit to visit the palace of Mari. 4 This palace is in fact the most
remarkable monument that excavations have found there. 5 It is of
gigantic proportions. More than 260 chambers, courtyards and
1 1, 59 - 2 §”> 3 > 5 8 5 ff -; G, 1, vol. vn, 333.
3 G, 2, 104. 4 §111, 4, 236. 8 See Plate 65.
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12 NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA AND SYRIA
corridors have already been counted, arranged according to a
plan in the shape of a trapezium, but one part of the building has
entirely disappeared; the complete structure must have covered
an area of more than six acres. The decoration of the private
apartments and some of the reception rooms is up to the standard
of this royal architecture. The brilliant art of the fresco-painters
is displayed particularly in the great compositions of the central
court, leading to the chamber with a podium and the throne room.
In the scene which has given its name to the main painting, the
king is receiving investiture at the hands of the goddess Ishtar,
shown in her warlike aspect . 1 The luxurious refinement of the
decoration has its counterpart in the comfort of the domestic
installations. But the palace was not simply the king’s residence;
it was also an administrative centre, with a school for training
scribes, its archive-repositories, its magazines and workshops.
It is impossible to believe that a building like this could have
been the work of a single person. Moreover, the successive
stages in the plan or in the construction can be picked out without
difficulty. But Zimrilim was responsible for the latest architectural
phase and left his mark in the form of bricks inscribed with his
name . 2 The occupant of such an imposing palace, which excited
the admiration of contemporaries, needed abundant resources, as
reading of the records suggests. Hence arises the question of
Zimrilim’s resources — what did his wealth come from? The
reports of his provincial governors reveal the attention paid by the
king to agriculture and to the irrigation-works upon which it
depended . 3 There was an extensive network of canals, the most
important of which (still visible today) had been dug on the
orders of Iakhdunlim . 4 These made it possible, at the cost of
unremitting efforts, to extend the area under cultivation. But
despite their fertility the Euphrates and Khabur valleys, closed
in by arid plateaux, are not enough to explain Mari’s prosperity, for
as a result of a famine, caused no doubt by war, we even find
Zimrilim having corn brought from Upper Syria . 5
The geographical position of Mari provides the answer to our
question : the city controlled the caravan-route linking the Persian
Gulf with Syria and the Mediterranean coast. Merely to trace the
main destinations of trade on the map establishes how much it
followed this route. Along it Babylonia received the timber,
1 See Plate 66.
2 §n, io, 169 f.; §n, 8, part 1, 18, 47, 52, and passim.
3 §•>» 3 . 5 8 3 U §»> 4 . 175 ff- 4 G, 1, vol. 111, 1 12; G, 6, 33 f.
6 §m, 4, 235. See also A, 1, 40 f.
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MARI
13
stone and resinous substances of Lebanon and the Amanus
mountains, the wine and olive-oil of Syria . 1 Other products too
reached Mari from more distant countries, perhaps to be re-
exported. Thus Zimrilim sends Hammurabi of Babylon some
object, or a piece of cloth, coming from Crete . 2 On the other
hand the Cypriot copper which is several times mentioned in the
accounts , 3 no doubt remained at Mari, because Babylonia had
other sources of supply. In any case, the city kept up close rela-
tions with the Mediterranean ports of Ugarit and Byblos , 4 and
even with Palestine. Babylonian messengers went through Mari
on their return from a long stay at Hazor in Galilee . 5 In the other
direction, Babylonia had little to export. But she kept up a
vigorous flow of trade with Tilmun, the island of Bahrain, from
which she got notably copper and precious stones. An embassage
from Tilmun to Shubat-Enlil has been observed returning home
by way of Mari — this was in the reign of Shamshi-Adad . 6
Moreover there were other routes, bringing the products of
central Asia, which ran into Babylonia. Along one of these lay
Susa, another came down the Diyala valley. It was no doubt by
this route that lapis-lazuli, quarried in Afghanistan, was brought.
One text does in fact mention lapis-lazuli as coming from Esh-
nunna . 7 It was also through Mari that the tin imported by
Babylonia from Elam passed westwards towards Aleppo, Qatna,
Carchemish and Hazor . 8
The chamber of commerce ( karum ) of Sippar had good reason
to keep a mission in the capital of the middle Euphrates , 9 which
was one of the cross-roads of international trade. The numerous
stores and repositories of the palace, in which even now rows of
enormous jars have been found, bear witness perhaps to Zimri-
lim’s direct participation in this profitable business, without
taking into account the revenue he got from it to swell his trea-
sury. In spite of the struggles caused by inter-state rivalries the
whole of western Asia at that time shared a common civilization.
There was no splitting up into compartments, and despite tem-
porary restrictions men and merchandise could move about from
the Persian Gulf to Upper Syria, and from Elam to the Mediter-
ranean coast.
1 §11, 5, 102 ff.; A, 2, 73 ff.; A, 6, 1 1 5. 2 G, 2, 1 1 1.
8 Ibid. 4 Ibid.
6 G, 1, vol. vi, 1 io, no. 78.
6 G, 1, vol. 1, 50, no. 17. See §11, 5, 141.
7 G, 1, vol. rx, 209, no. 254. 8 G, 1, vol. vn, 337 f.; §11, 5, 123 f.
8 §11, 5, 106 ff.
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H NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA AND SYRIA
It was the prominent part played by Mari in these exchanges
which guaranteed its material prosperity and placed Zimrilim on
a level footing with the principal sovereigns of his time, permitting
him to finance expensive campaigns or to act as intermediary
between the kings of Aleppo and Babylon. But in the last
analysis, this power was artificial and could give only a false
security. The glamour is deceptive, the wonders of Mari more
brilliant than solid. Without natural defences and without hinter-
land, spread out along the Euphrates and Khabur valleys, and
plagued by the disturbing proximity of the nomads, the country
could not put up any serious resistance to the pressure of a real
military power. So long as Hammurabi was kept occupied on
other frontiers, he played Zimrilim skilfully, leaving him the
profit he gained from his situation as well as the duty of protecting
the route to the west. But as soon as his hands were free he
changed his policy. Mari was eliminated in two stages, the second
ending in the city’s occupation and final ruin . 1 Here is the
palpable weakness of its position: the middle Euphrates would
never again seem a political factor of any importance. Mari’s
prosperity was vulnerable because it depended to a large extent
upon external circumstances. Its high point coincided with a
moment of equilibrium, the fortunate conditions of which did
not recur. Zimrilim had the merit of turning it to the best
possible account.
III. ESHNUNNA, IAMKHAD, QATNA
AND OTHER STATES
Among the chief powers of the day enumerated by one of Zimri-
lim’s correspondents 2 are two Syrian kingdoms, Qatna and
Iamkhad, and at the other extremity of the Fertile Crescent, in
the region beyond the Tigris, the kingdom of Eshnunna. There
is good reason for the last of these states figuring on the list: the
best proof of this is found in the direct interference of its kings
in the affairs of Upper Mesopotamia, Naram-Sin, the first of
them, who had gained a foothold in Assyria, penetrated far into the
region and seized Ashnakkum, a locality in the district of Upper
Idamaraz . 3 This exploit was to have no lasting result for Esh-
nunna, because Naram-Sin was shortly to be driven out of Ashur
by Shamshi-Adad. During the latter’s reign relations with Esh-
nunna were not good , 4 but the theatre of military operations was
1 See below, p. 28. 2 See above, p. 10.
8 See above, pp. 1 and 9. 4 See above, p. 7.
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ESHNUNNA, IAMKHAD, QATNA 15
on the eastern frontiers of Assyria. Ishme-Dagan guarded
Ekallatum strongly, and in spite of a defeat inflicted on him by
Dadusha, Naram-Sin’s brother and successor, he barred the way
into Upper Mesopotamia. It has been seen that on Shamshi-
Adad’s death, Ishme-Dagan reassured his brother Iasmakh-Adad,
declaring that he held Elam and Eshnunna on a leash (above,
p. 7). The alliance of these two powers was of long standing, for
it is frequently recalled in the correspondence of Zimrilim, who
seems to credit Elam with the leading role. 1 However, Dadusha’s
son, Ibalpiel II, who occupied the throne of Eshnunna at that
time, was not long in opening hostilities by attacking the weak
spot. His troops pushed on as far as the Euphrates, then moved
up the valley in the direction of Mari. The campaign ended with
the expulsion of Iasmakh-Adad and with Zimrilim’s return to the
throne of Mari. 2
It is hard to believe that this was all that Ibalpiel intended, yet
the king of Eshnunna does not seem to have exploited his success
in any other way. But the dismembering of Shamshi-Adad’s
empire had freed Upper Mesopotamia. It is in this direction
that Eshnunna once again set its sights, managing from time to
time to get the co-operation of its former enemy: Ishme-Dagan
had held on to Assyria only, and was naturally trying to regain the
lands he had lost. The troops of Elam and Eshnunna took again
the road to Idamaraz and to the town of Ashnakkum. 3 They laid
siege to Razama, a town not yet located; it was in the hands of
one of Zimrilim’s vassal princes. The prize was important, for
Hammurabi of Babylon got reinforcements through to his ally in
Mari. 4 Zimrilim’s correspondence seldom names the king of
Eshnunna, we do not know when Silli-Sin succeeded to Ibal-
piel II. 5 But the days of the dynasty were numbered. The 32nd
year of Hammurabi’s reign takes its name from a great victory
won against Eshnunna and its allies. Zimrilim, who was to be
the future victim of Babylonian expansion, advised Hammurabi
to set himself on the throne of Eshnunna or to designate one of
his adherents. 6
If the armies despatched by Eshnunna were able to advance
so far into Upper Mesopotamia, it was no doubt because they
had met with support, but also because they had not come up
against any organized force. Apart from the time when it was
unified under the sceptre of Shamshi-Adad, Upper Mesopotamia
1 §11, 6, 333 ff. 2 See above, p. 7.
3 G, 6, 10 n. 2. 4 G, 6, 86; §11, 6, 338 ff.
6 G, 2, 109; § hi, 6, 140, 200. 8 G, 3, 120.
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16 NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA AND SYRIA
was split up into a series of small principalities. The Mari letters
contain references to the kings of Subartu and Zalmaqum and
the princes of Idamaraz . 1 The most influential of them, like the
kings of Kurda or Nakhur must, at the most, have ruled over a
few towns. The humid belt of higher country between the Tigris
and Euphrates is rich in agricultural resources, and the numerous
tells scattered across it, especially in the Khabur ‘triangle’, reveal
how densely it was populated in ancient times. But this prolifera-
tion of towns close together is unfavourable to the formation of
wide territorial units. Moreover this was a corridor zone, open
to migratory movements and to the armies of conquerors.
The Mari documents name some of these petty kings; the
majority of them have ‘West Semitic’ names, the rest Hurrian . 2
About the people themselves we have no information, except at
Chagar Bazar, the possible site of Shubat-Enlil . 3 Here the
Akkadian element is foremost, exceeding by a clear margin the
Hurrians, who themselves outnumber the ‘Western Semites’. It
is therefore likely that a double stream, originating in the moun-
tainous periphery and the Syrian steppe, had come in and mingled
with the old element under Babylonian influence, supplanting it in
the political structure.
To find a country which has a place in international relations,
even in the second rank, one has to go as far as the Euphrates:
this was the kingdom of Carchemish. Hemmed in between the
important kingdom of Iamkhad in the south, and that of Urshu
in the north, the territory under the sway of Carchemish cannot
have been very extensive. But its situation on the great bend of
the Euphrates, where the mountains open out, was highly favour-
able for large-scale trade: it was the gateway to the Taurus and to
the Anatolian plateau. That is why its princes sent to Mari not
only local products such as wine, honey and olive-oil, and also
manufactured articles — clothing and vases — of unknown proven-
ance, but cedar-wood from the Amanus mountains and horses
bred in Anatolia . 4
In the interests of both cities relations between Mari and
Carchemish were always friendly, although the two participants
cannot have dealt with one another as equals. It is known that
exchanges of gifts between sovereigns were only a form of trade,
but Aplakhanda of Carchemish showed himself remarkably atten-
1 G, i, vol. ii, 80, no. 35; vol. hi, 60, no. 37; G, 3, 109; §11, 10, 173; §v, 4,
986, 992. See also G, 1, vol. ix, 346 ff.
2 G, 6, 230 n. 1. 3 G, 6, 229.
4 G, 1, vol. vii, 337; vol. ix, 346; §111, 1, 119 f.; §111, 2, 48; §11, 5, 103.
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ESHNUNNA, IAMKHAD, QATNA 17
tive in fulfilling the wishes of Iasmakh-Adad. He calls Shamshi-
Adad his father, and, on the latter’s evidence, joined in his
alliance . 1 The change of regime at Mari did not make any differ-
ence to the good relations. On Aplakhanda’s death his son
Iatar-ami made a declaration of fidelity to Zimrilim, which reveals
his position as a vassal . 2
In fact, the position of Carchemish on the borders of one of the
most important states of the time, the kingdom of Iamkhad, or of
Aleppo, from the name of its capital, was peculiarly delicate.
While other sovereigns could reckon between ten and fifteen vas-
sals, twenty princes followed Iarimlim, the first king of Iamkhad
whose memory has been preserved in the letters of Zimrilim.
Little is known of his country’s history before him. A certain
Sumuepu' of Iamkhad is named among the opponents of Zimri-
lim’s father Iakhdunlim. He is referred to several times in the
correspondence of Shamshi-Adad, who launched an attack on
him with the help of the princes of Khashshum, Urshu and Car-
chemish. Some have therefore proposed to see in him a king of
Iamkhad preceding Iarimlim , 3 but neither Iakhdunlim nor
Shamshi-Adad gives him the royal title, and the latter does not
even mention the land of Iamkhad in connection with him.
At all events, the Aleppo monarchy was well-established before
Zimrilim’s return to Mari, for it was in Aleppo that the latter
found sanctuary during his exile, and it was owing to the support
of Iarimlim, who had become his father-in-law in the meantime,
that he was able to reconquer his paternal throne. The letters of
Shamshi-Adad’s time practically ignore Aleppo and the land of
Iamkhad, but this was not on account of the distance, for Shamshi-
Adad maintained excellent relations with the king of Qatna, who
was another Syrian prince. It is probable that there was some
hostility between Iarimlim — or his predecessor — and Shamshi-
Adad. As the latter did not seek to enlarge his empire on the
right bank of the Euphrates at the expense of his western neigh-
bour, one may conclude that he had there a serious opponent.
Perhaps it was as much in order to contain this neighbour as to
find an opening on to the Mediterranean that Shamshi-Adad had
concluded an alliance with Qatna.
It would seem that the kingdom of Iamkhad was at the height
of its power under Iarimlim, although it is often difficult for us to
make a distinction between his reign and that of his successor
Hammurabi. As regards Iarimlim there is no lack of evidence
1 §111, 8, 28. 2 §111, 1, 120.
8 §m, 8, 44 ff. ; §vn, 4, 1 14.
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18 NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA AND SYRIA
to bear witness to his prestige and power. We need only observe
the marked deference Zimrilim shows him , 1 the report already
quoted in which he appears as the foremost sovereign of his age
(above, p. io), and a letter addressed to the prince of Der, re-
covered at Mari where it had been held up in transit . 2 In this
message, Iarimlim reminds his ‘brother’ that he had saved his
life fifteen years before, at the time when he was coming to the
help of Babylon, and that he had also given his support to the
king of the town of Diniktum, on the Tigris, to whom he supplied
five hundred boats. Outraged by the prince of Der’s ingratitude
he threatens to come at the head of his troops and exterminate
him. The campaign thus recalled by the king of Aleppo took
place in the north of Babylonia and in the region beyond the
Tigris, as far as Badrah, the modern site of Der. The only op-
ponent it can have had seems to be Eshnunna, and it might have
been a counter to Ibalpiel II’s advance along the Euphrates. In
that case, it would be as a consequence that Zimrilim returned to
Mari. Whatever the circumstances of the expedition were, it says
a great deal for the military power of Iarimlim, who led the
soldiers of Aleppo as far as the borders of Elam.
The assistance which Iarimlim had given to Babylon explains
the consideration Hammurabi showed to the ambassadors of
Aleppo at his court . 3 The friendly understanding survived the
decease of Iarimlim, for his son Hammurabi was persuaded to
send a contingent of troops to his namesake in Babylon . 4 It is
likely enough that the new king’s reign was less brilliant than his
father’s, although Zimrilim’s more relaxed demeanour is not
proof of this. The consolidation of his authority and the prevailing
prosperity he had brought about may have given Zimrilim more
assurance, besides the fact that he was now dealing with a younger
prince. The king of Mari went to Aleppo again in the time of
Hammurabi, but perhaps his veneration for Adad, the great god
of Aleppo, had something to do with his journey . 5 There was
never a break in the friendly relations between Aleppo and Mari:
letters and accounts reveal messengers making frequent journeys
in both directions and numerous ‘presents’ exchanged by the
two courts . 6
The kingdom of Iamkhad occupied a privileged position for
trading relations. To the east it bordered on the Euphrates; to
the west it stretched as far as the Mediterranean coast, if not
1 §m, 4, 235 f. ; §m, 8, 56. 2 §m, 3.
3 § in, 4, 232. 4 § hi, 8, 62.
8 §111, 2, 49; §111, 4, 233. 6 §111, 4, 236 f.; §111, 8, 58, 64 f.
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ESHNUNNA, IAMKHAD, QATNA 19
directly, at least through the intermediary of a vassal state. It
was through Aleppo that merchandise imported by sea, bound
for either the upper Tigris or for Babylonia and the Persian
Gulf, entered Mesopotamia. Caravans and travellers going from
Babylonia to Syria or Palestine were obliged to pass through
territory belonging to Aleppo, if they wished to avoid the dangers
of the desert route through Palmyra. In exchange for tin Aleppo
sent much the same commodities as Carchemish — clothes, vases
and local products . 1 The city must also have served as a staging-
post for copper from Cyprus and luxury goods from the Aegean . 2
It is known from other evidence that there were herds of elephants
in northern Syria, and tusks have been found in the palace of
Alalakh, a town on the lower Orontes, on the way from Aleppo to
the coast . 3 It is therefore likely that the profitable ivory trade
was controlled by the kings of Aleppo, whose power was based
at once on the economic prosperity of their country and on its
pivotal strategic position between the Mediterranean world and
Mesopotamia.
The few names of persons at Aleppo so far recovered can be
assigned to the ‘West Semitic’ category . 4 Nevertheless, the
tablets discovered at Alalakh have established that there must
have been Hurrians in Upper Syria at this time. Indeed, the
oldest group of tablets, which is about half a century later than
the Mari documents, gives us a glimpse of a society in which the
Hurrian element occupied an important position and revealed its
presence in various fields . 5 This presupposes that the Hurrian
penetration was already of relatively long standing. A further
indication is to be found in the Hurrian names of several of the
princes of Upper Mesopotamia. None the less at Aleppo, as at
Babylon and Mari, the royal power was in the hands of Amorites.
An Amorite dynasty also ruled over the neighbouring kingdom
of Qatna. The city of Qatna stood at the centre of a district rich in
cereals, the plain of Homs, where the vine and olive-tree also
flourished. It was at one extremity of the caravan-route running
from the Euphrates through Palmyra, and its communications
with the sea were secured by the Tripoli pass, which cleaves
its way between the Lebanon and the Ansariyyah mountains.
Numerous ancient tells survive in this area to bear witness to the
importance of Qatna. To the east a belt of pasture-land, fre-
quented even today by sheep-rearing tribes, forms the transition
1 G, 1, vol. vii, 337 f.; vol. ix, 346; §111, 2, 48.
2 See above, p. 13. 3 §vn, 10, 102; §vn, 11, 74 f.
4 §111, 4, 237 f.; G, 6, 232 f. 6 See below, p. 23.
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20 NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA AND SYRIA
between the lands under cultivation and the desert steppe, stretch-
ing as far as the Euphrates valley; the Mari letters refer to the
rich pastures of the land of Qatna . 1 How far the kingdom ex-
tended to west and south is not known.
The two states of Aleppo and Qatna appear to have developed
almost simultaneously. We are better informed about the history
of the second during the reign of Shamshi-Adad because he was
the ally of Ishkhi-Adad, who occupied the throne of Qatna at
that time. The agreement between the two monarchs had been
sealed by a marriage, Iasmakh-Adad, the viceroy of Mari, having
married Ishkhi-Adad’s daughter . 2 Co-operation was political and
military as well as economic. There were frequent movements of
troops between Mari and Qatna, and it seems likely that a detach-
ment from Mari was stationed in the Syrian town . 3 The presence
of these foreign soldiers at Qatna does not seem to indicate a
relation of dependence, for Ishkhi-Adad himself insists on their
being sent, and invites his son-in-law to take part in an expedi-
tion which seems likely to yield some spoils . 4 It was Shamshi-
Adad who had taken the first steps towards the marriage, stressing
to his son that the house of Qatna had a ‘ name’. He also dealt on
level terms with Ishkhi-Adad, whom he called his brother . 5
The end of Ishkhi-Adad’s reign is still obscure. Committed
as he was to the ‘Assyrian’ alliance his position must have been
considerably weakened by the crumbling of Shamshi-Adad’s
empire. From then onwards he could rely only on his own forces
to defend himself against his powerful northern neighbour, the
king of Aleppo, who, for his part, helped Zimrilim to evict
Iasmakh-Adad from Mari. It is possible that another faction
then gained power in Qatna. At all events a new name appears
in Zimrilim’s correspondence, that of Amutpiel, who had there-
fore succeeded to Ishkhi-Adad in the interval. Owing to a change
of political trend, or merely to its very favourable geographical
situation, Qatna seems to have been able to recover its position
quickly. The city maintained constant relations with Mari, from
which it obtained tin, and a succession of messengers journeyed
in both directions . 6 With its prosperity founded on trade, Mari
had every interest in being on good terms with the important
city of the middle Orontes on the other side of the Syrian desert.
It was no doubt Zimrilim in person who worked for a reconcilia-
tion between the former enemies, Qatna and Aleppo, and the
1 G, 6, 179 ; § hi , 5, 422. 2 §111, 4, 231 ; §111, 5, 417.
3 §111, 8, 76 f. 4 §111, 5, 4 20 f-
1 §iii, 8, 80. 8 G, 1, vol. vii, 337 f.; §111, 8, 83.
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ESHNUNNA, IAMKHAD, QATNA 21
treaty restoring peace was concluded in Aleppo . 1 This step need
not be interpreted as a gesture of submission on the part of the
king of Qatna. His multifarious diplomatic relations with Mari,
Babylon, Larsa, Eshnunna, Arrapkha and even Susa 2 fully es-
tablish his independence. Iarimlim of Aleppo no doubt had a
greater number of vassals at his disposal, but in this respect
Amutpiel could rival Hammurabi, Rim-Sin or Ibalpiel . 3 Qatna
was looked upon during his reign as one of the great capitals of
the Fertile Crescent.
Immediately to the south of Qatna, it seems, began the country
of Amurru, which was divided up between several petty kings . 4
The name of Damascus has not yet appeared in the Mari docu-
ments. The town of Apum, in which some have proposed to find
Damascus under the name known from the Amarna letters , 5 also
figures in the Cappadocian tablets; it must have been in Upper
Mesopotamia . 6 Syria really occupied a peripheral position in
relation to Mari, and since the Mari documents are the only
source for this period at our disposal, information is spasmodic
and fragmentary. It naturally becomes more scarce the farther
one gets from the Euphrates. Of the coastal towns, only two are
mentioned in the Mari texts, Ugarit and Byblos. The first does
not seem to have had any direct relations with Mari, for it is
through the king of Aleppo, whose ally or vassal he was, that the
king of Ugarit expresses his wish to visit Zimrilim’s palace . 7
Byblos, which had contacts with Mesopotamia from the time of the
Third Dynasty of Ur , 8 is often encountered, especially in finan-
cial documents . 9 Its messengers accompanied those of Aleppo
and Qatna, and the king of the city gave Zimrilim a golden vase.
The name of this king, Iantin-Khamu, is ‘West Semitic’, as are
also those of his predecessors, known to us from objects dis-
covered in their tombs . 10 A dynastic seal, still used by the kings
of Ugarit in the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries, proves that
‘West Semitic’ kings ruled over the city at about the beginning
of the First Dynasty of Babylon . 11 Adding these facts to the
information supplied by the Egyptian execration texts, we may
conclude that the Amorites had succeeded in imposing them-
selves everywhere, even in Palestine, to the west of the Syrian
1 §m, 5, 423. 2 §m, 8, 83. 3 See above, p. 10.
4 G, 6, 179. See now G. Dossin in R.S.O. 32 (1957), 37.
6 Cf. G, 7, 1 1 5 n. 234.
8 See M. Falkner in Arch.f. Or. 18 (1957), 2.
7 §m» 4 > 2 3 6 ; 8 » 69.
8 See E. Sollberger in Arch.f. Or. 19 (1959-60), 120 ff.
9 G, 2, hi. Ҥm,8,88. 11 G, 6, 235.
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22 NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA AND SYRIA
desert . 1 This conquest is not merely of political significance. It
must have helped to make Syria look towards Mesopotamia and
play a more intimate part in the common civilization which had
developed there in this period.
IV. THE HURRIANS e. 1800 B.C.
The Hurrians had already penetrated into northern Mesopotamia
in the Sargonic period. However, under theThird Dynasty of Ur,
their main centres of population were still to the east of the Tigris.
The situation does not appear to have changed during the period
of the Mari documents. A tablet from the Chagar Bazar excava-
tions contains a list of workers in the palace of Ekallatum, where
more than half of the names are Hurrian . 2 At Shusharra, on the
lower Zab, to the south-east of Rania, the majority of the
population was Hurrian . 3 Probably on Shamshi-Adad’s death the
town had to be abandoned under pressure from the Turukkians . 4
One of the chiefs of the latter, Zaziya, has a name which appears
to be Hurrian ; two other Turukkians mentioned in a letter from
Mari answer to names which certainly are such . 5 It is conceiv-
able, therefore, that the whole warlike race of Turukkians, which
lived on the slopes of the Zagros and entered into conflict with
Hammurabi himself, belonged to the Hurrian family.
For Upper Mesopotamia the Mari documents yield the
names of a score of princes, the majority of them ‘West Semitic’.
Four or five of them, however, are Hurrian, like Adalshenni of
Burundum and Shukru-Teshub of Elakhut . 6 In some cases, there-
fore, the advance of the Hurrian population achieved political
ascendency. This did not necessarily mean that the country had to
be densely occupied. At Chagar Bazar, the only place where we
can take a test of the personal names, the Hurrians must have
constituted a little less than a third of the population, the Ak-
kadian section supplying the biggest contingent . 7 Apart from
Harran, where the king was an Amorite, none of the towns in
which the princes in question reigned has been definitely located.
For this reason it is not known where in Upper Mesopotamia the
Hurrian principalities lay, whether grouped together or scattered
across the whole region.
In Syria power was generally in the hands of the Amorites, but
Hurrians had nevertheless crossed the Euphrates and conquered
1 Cf. §v, 5, 38 f. 2 G, 6, 227 f. 3 §i, 6, 75.
4 G, 1, vol. iv, 44, no. 25. Cf. §1. 6, 31. 5 §1, 6, 73; G, 6, 232 n. 1.
6 G, 6, 230 n. 1. See now A. Finet, R.A. 60 (1966), 17 ff. 7 G, 6, 229.
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THE HURRIANS c. 1800 B.C.
23
some territories on the right bank. The principalities they occu-
pied, like Khashshum and Urshu 1 were situated to the north of
Aleppo, between the river and the foot-hills which prolong Mount
Casius and the Amanus. Here the division between the Hurrian
and the Amorite zones may have been fairly close to the limit
which today separates the Kurdish from the Arabic-speaking
inhabitants.
This geographical division holds good only on the political
plane, for it is probable that the Hurrian population had already
swarmed farther southwards. Our evidence on this point is very
poor, only a few names of royal messengers from Aleppo and
Qatna, all ‘West Semitic ’. 2 On the other hand, we have in the
Alalakh tablets a more recent source which nevertheless allows
us to make an instructive comparison. These tablets divide up
into two main groups, the older (level VII) going back to the
time of the First Dynasty of Babylon. In the society there
described the Hurrians appear to be firmly established. Leaving
aside the throne, on which there are Amorites, they occupy high
civil and religious offices, while the religious practices bear traces
of their presence. The texts contain a number of Hurrian terms,
particularly in technical matters, and certain indications suggest
that possibly Hurrian was the language of the scribes . 3 Such a
state of affairs makes it necessary to push the beginnings of
Hurrian penetration back to a more remote date. Between these
texts, however, and the Mari documents, there is a gap which we
shall see reason to estimate as at least fifty years . 4 The second
group of Alalakh tablets (level IV), which belongs to the fifteenth
century, reveals a society Hurrianized in every respect; the ‘West
Semitic’ element represents no more than a tiny minority . 5 The
Hurrian advance had therefore persisted and gathered force in
the interval between the two groups, but it must already have
been in progress at the time the tablets of level VII were written.
The deed by which king Abbael of Aleppo cedes the town of
Alalakh to his vassal Iarimlim shows that the great Hurrian
goddess Khepat had been accepted into the official religion at
this time . 6 The existence, during Zimrilim’s reign, of Hurrian
kingdoms in the north of Syria is another pointer tending to
prove that the Hurrian expansion in Upper Syria had begun at
the time of the Mari documents.
It is now possible for us to appreciate the scope of the Hurrian
1 G, 2, 109. See also A, 5, 258 ff. 2 G, 6, 232 f., 236.
3 G, 6, 234 f.; §v, 5, 39. 4 See below, p. 31.
6 G, 8, 9. See also below, p. 35. 6 See below, p. 41.
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24 NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA AND SYRIA
movement as a whole about 1 800 b.c. The heaviest concentrations
can be observed to the east of the Tigris, but there are also
Hurrians in Upper Mesopotamia, where they control several
small states, and they have gained a foothold on the western
bank of the Euphrates. It looks as if, coming from a generally
north-easterly direction, the Hurrians moved down in ever-in-
creasing numbers from the mountainous border of the Fertile
Crescent, and advanced to meet the Amorites, who for their part
had come out of the Syrian steppe. At Chagar Bazar, in the heart
of Upper Mesopotamia where the two streams meet, it is the
Hurrians who come off best. On the other hand, to the south, at
Mari, on the edge of the desert, the Amorites are completely
triumphant. There the Hurrians play hardly any part, although a
few religious texts written in Hurrian have been discovered in the
palace, 1 and a fragment of a letter indicates that the language
was understood in Zimrilim’s chancellery. 2 On the other side of
the desert, at Qatna, the situation must have been roughly the
same as at Mari, while at Aleppo and Alalakh the Hurrians made
their presence felt more markedly.
V. THE BENJAMINITES AND OTHER NOMADS,
AND THE HABIRU
The steppe occupies a great part of the territories now under
consideration. The valley of the Euphrates, which separates
Syria from Mesopotamia, is but a fertile ribbon unrolling along
a desert landscape. Between the land under cultivation and the
desert proper, the limits of which are determined by the annual
rainfall, stretches a belt of steppe on which the flocks of nomads
find enough to support them. To the west of the Euphrates, this
belt goes down as far as the region of Palmyra; to the east, it takes
in the region traversed by the Ballkh and the Khabur.
In fact, the people in question were semi-nomads. Nomadic
life in the full meaning of the word depends on the use of the
camel. At the period now reached, the camel was still unknown. 3
The herdsmen were sheep-rearers, who move slowly from one
place to another, and cannot go too far away from the rivers or
watering-places. They generally have more or less precarious
settlements in the valleys, to which they have to return to work
at seed-time and harvest. Living on the edge of the desert in this
way, close to the cultivated lands, these were in permanent contact
1 See below, p. 40. 2 Cf. E. Laroche in R.A. 51 (1957), 104 ff.
3 G, 6 , x; §v, 5, 27.
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