Books by Christoph Hermann
John Maynard Keynes expected that around the year 2030 people would only work 15 hours a week. In... more John Maynard Keynes expected that around the year 2030 people would only work 15 hours a week. In the mid-1960s, Jean Fourastié still anticipated the introduction of the 30-hour week in the year 2000, when productivity would continue to grow at an established pace. Productivity growth slowed down somewhat in the 1970s and 1980s, but rebounded in the 1990s with the spread of new information and communication technologies. The knowledge economy, however, did not bring about a jobless future or a world without work, as some scholars had predicted. With few exceptions, work hours of full-time employees have hardly fallen in the advanced capitalist countries in the last three decades, while in a number of countries they have actually increased since the 1980s.
This book takes the persistence of long work hours as starting point to investigate the relationship between capitalism and work time. It does so by discussing major theoretical schools and their explanations for the length and distribution of work hours, as well as tracing major changes in production and reproduction systems, and analyzing their consequences for work hours.
Furthermore, this volume explores the struggle for shorter work hours, starting from the introduction of the ten-hour work day in the nineteenth century to the introduction of the 35-hour week in France and Germany at the end of the twentieth century. However, the book also shows how neoliberalism has eroded collective work time regulations and resulted in an increase and polarization of work hours since the 1980s. Finally, the book argues that shorter work hours not only means more free time for workers, but also reduces inequality and improves human and ecological sustainability.
Reviewed by David A. Spencer in Work, Employment and Society:
"A strong feature of the book is its coverage of different perspectives and ideas from
across the social sciences. The book takes a ‘political economy’ perspective, in that ‘it combines theoretical reflections with historical enquiries and a thorough examination of the present situation’ (p. 2). The argument and line of critique is particularly influenced by Marxian political economy. Specifically, there is a focus on the contested nature of work time and on the role of workers’ collective protest and resistance in securing shorter work time...
The book, overall, will appeal to researchers in economics and sociology who are
interested in learning more about the theory and history of work time. It is recommended as an illuminating reference point in an important debate on the barriers to, and prospects for, shorter work time. Those who invest time in reading it will profit from the experience. This reviewer certainly profited from reading it."
"Public services throughout Europe have undergone dramatic restructuring processes in recent year... more "Public services throughout Europe have undergone dramatic restructuring processes in recent years in connection with liberalization and privatization. While evaluations of the successes of public services have focused on prices and efficiency, much less attention has been paid to the impacts of liberalization and privatization on employment, labor relations, and working conditions. This book addresses this gap by illustrating the ways in which liberalization has contributed to increasing private and foreign ownership of public services, the decentralization of labor relations has amplified pressure on wages, and decreasing employment numbers and increasing workloads have improved productivity partly at the cost of service quality.
Examining diverse public-service sectors including network industries, public transportation, and hospitals, and using international case studies, Privatization of Public Services covers a wide range of aspects of service provision, with particular emphasis on companies and workers. The result is a unique picture of the changes created by the liberalization processes in Europe.
http://books.google.de/books?id=b9U8NHPQDskC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false
Reviews:
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/bjir.12046_2/abstract
http://analytica.metapress.com/content/174x526270736w1m/?p=b5c9a79bf46e4d51a99446c1371c7075&pi=10
This book presents a comprehensive overview and critical analysis of the processes of liberalisat... more This book presents a comprehensive overview and critical analysis of the processes of liberalisation and privatisation, and their consequences for economic performance, social cohesion and political democracy in the European Union. It examines the main drivers and the various theoretical rationales for privatisation in the context of different schools of thinking.
It argues on the basis of broad empirical evidence that privatisation in Europe, particularly the ongoing privatisation of social services, undermines the basic elements of the different social models that have developed in Europe. These arguments are supported by a number of in-depth case studies, with specific focus on health care, education and finance. The authors of this volume advance from this critique and explore the basic requirements for a progressive public sector and its role for economic, social and democratic development.
This book will be indispensable reading for all interested in Economic Policy, Public Sector Economics, European Integration and Political Science.
Dieses Buch befasst sich mit der Dynamik des österreichischen Beschäftigungs- und Sozialsystems u... more Dieses Buch befasst sich mit der Dynamik des österreichischen Beschäftigungs- und Sozialsystems und arbeitet die Brüche und Kontinuitäten seit den 1970er Jahren heraus. Es bietet nicht nur eine Analyse zentraler Aspekte des österreichischen Wirtschafts- und Gesellschaftsmodells, sondern zeigt auch, dass in diesem kleinen, konsensorientierten und wirtschaftlich erfolgreichen Land in den letzten drei Dekaden unter der Oberfläche zum Teil dramatische Veränderungen stattgefunden haben. Dazu zählen die weit reichende Privatisierung staatlicher Betriebe, die Internationalisierung und die verstärkte Hinwendung zur aktionärsorientierten Unternehmensführung; die Sparpolitik, die Flexibilisierung des Arbeitsmarktes und die Reform des Wohlfahrtsstaates. Auf der anderen Seite gibt es auch bemerkenswerte Kontinuitäten wie ein stabiles Kollektivvertragssystem, die Benachteiligung von Frauen und die großen Unterschiede zwischen den Branchen im Hinblick auf Löhne und Beschäftigungsbedingungen. Mit seinen Analysen verschiedener Facetten des " liefert das Buch auch einen Beitrag zu einer kritischen Reflexion der Theorien zu Kapitalismus- und Wohlfahrtstaatsmodellen.
Papers by Christoph Hermann
With the recent economic crisis, conditional lending and mandatory structural reforms arrived in ... more With the recent economic crisis, conditional lending and mandatory structural reforms arrived in the European Union. Greece and a number of other crisis countries were subjected to a rigorous process of economic adjustment in exchange for emergency credits from the troika (European Commission, European Central Bank, and International Monetary Fund). Conditionality and structural adjustment were first tested in Latin America. This article compares the European adjustment programmes with the structural reforms introduced in Latin American countries several decades earlier. By doing so, the article reveals strong parallels in spite of the fact that the initial adjustment programmes are rarely considered a success story and that the neoliberal ideology which inspired the related reforms is widely made responsible for the recent crisis. The fact that there are differences in the adjustment programmes is not the result of a re-think of the neoliberal agenda, but of the specific dynamics of European integration and of pragmatic responses to financial threats. However, the article also shows parallels in the outcome of structural adjustment. Some European crisis countries face a ‘lost decade’ quite similar to the one experienced in Latin America in the 1980s.
Christoph Hermann (2016): Another ‘Lost Decade’? Crisis
and Structural Adjustment in Europe and Latin America, Globalizations, DOI: 10.1080/14747731.2016.1236464
Global Social Policy April 2016 vol. 16 no. 1 4-21
After years of neglect, inequality is back o... more Global Social Policy April 2016 vol. 16 no. 1 4-21
After years of neglect, inequality is back on the political agenda. The International Labour Organization has proposed the introduction of so-called social protection floors to tackle poverty in the age of globalization. However, little attention has been paid to the role of the public sector for limiting inequality. This is surprising in the light that new research shows the positive impact of public services such as health care and education for improving or maintaining equality. In some countries, access to public services is even more important in terms of redistribution than taxes and social benefits. Yet while the public sector hardly plays a role in discussions on equality, equality is mostly absent in the debates on public sector reforms. Here the main focus of the discussion is efficiency. The purpose of this article is twofold: on the one hand, it introduces the public sector as a major factor into the debates about inequality; on the other, it sheds light on the consequences of privatization, liberalization, and marketization of public services for equality.
Global Social Policy April 2015 15: 82-85, doi:10.1177/1468018114566360a
Economic and Industrial Democracy
The president of the European Central Bank, Mario Draghi, stated in an interview that the
Europe... more The president of the European Central Bank, Mario Draghi, stated in an interview that the
European Social Model (ESM) is ‘gone’. In the same interview he also underlined the need for
structural reform as a precondition for renewed growth in Europe. The main hypothesis of this
article is that the simultaneous mentioning of the end of the ESM and the need for structural
reform was not a coincidence. Structural reforms as adopted during the crisis are threatening
the European Social Model(s). This can also be seen in the growth of poverty and inequality in
the crisis countries. The article, furthermore, argues that the shift from the Open Method of
Coordination to Economic Governance could increase pressure on other countries to introduce
similar reforms, further weakening the ESM.
Published in Steffen Lehndorff (ed), Divise integration. The triumph of failed ideas in Europe re... more Published in Steffen Lehndorff (ed), Divise integration. The triumph of failed ideas in Europe revisisted.
ETUI, 2015
Boletín internacional de investigación sindical Vol 6 No 1, 2014
"En las últimas décadas, los méritos del sector público, incluidos la infraestructura y los servi... more "En las últimas décadas, los méritos del sector público, incluidos la infraestructura y los servicios públicos, han sido objeto de debate, primordialmente con respecto a su eficiencia. No se ha prestado la debida atención a los efectos redistributivos de los servicios públicos, aun cuando el acceso equitativo a servicios básicos como la salud, la educación, el transporte y la energía redunda en un beneficio mayor para quienes perciben bajos
ingresos que para quienes perciben ingresos más altos, a la vez que contribuye a alcanzar la igualdad social. Son varias las dimensiones que de ello se derivan: primero, el valor (en metálico) de los servicios públicos representa una proporción más significativa de los ingresos de los hogares con menos recursos; por ejemplo, quienes perciben remuneraciones bajas usan el transporte público con más frecuencia. Segundo, el sector público ofrece empleo comparativamente decente para aquellos trabajadores no cualificados o marginados, además de que la desigualdad salarial tiende ser menor que en el sector privado. Tercero, al prestar el mismo servicio a todos por igual, el sector público garantiza un trato equitativo a todos los ciudadanos. No obstante, la privatización, la mercantilización y, de forma más reciente, los recortes en el sector público implementados como respuesta a la crisis financiera han ido en detrimento del efecto redistributivo de los servicios públicos."
International Journal of Labour Research Vo 6/No 1, 2014
"In the last decades, the merits of the public sector, including public infrastructures and servi... more "In the last decades, the merits of the public sector, including public infrastructures and services, have mostly been discussed with respect to their efficiency. Little attention has been paid to the redistributive effects of public services – despite the fact that equal access to essential services such as health care, education, transport and energy benefits low-income earners more than high-income earners and contributes to social equality. This has several dimensions: first, the (cash) value of public services as a proportion of income is greater for low-income households; for example, low-income earners use public transport more frequently. Second, the public sector provides comparably decent jobs for low-skilled and marginalized workers, and wage inequality tends to be lower than in the private sector. Third, the public sector guarantees of equal treatment of all citizens by providing the same service for everyone. However, privatization, marketization and, more recently, the public sector cuts imposed in response to the financial crisis have undermined the redistributive effect of public services."
Competition & Change, Volume 18 Issue 2 (April 2014), pp. 111-130
Abstract
Varieties of capitalism (VoC) scholars assume that countries tend to respond differen... more Abstract
Varieties of capitalism (VoC) scholars assume that countries tend to respond differently to common challenges such as globalization and economic crisis. In this view the responses largely reflect institutional complementarities and new compromises reached by rationally acting political and economic actors. This article challenges this view. Based on a review of national responses to the current crisis in 11 EU member states, it argues that structural adjustments in welfare and labour markets amount to a convergence of national economic and social models along the lines of neoliberal policy prescriptions. Furthermore, it argues that VoC scholars have ignored the role of (neoliberal) ideology and class interests in imposing a particular solution on an economic problem even if it causes widespread misery and fails to generate growth. This is underpinned by the impact of European integration, and the introduction of the euro in particular.
Following ECB president Draghi’s remark that the European Social Model does no longer exist and t... more Following ECB president Draghi’s remark that the European Social Model does no longer exist and the crisis can only be overcome through a combination of austerity and structural
reform, this paper examines the consequences of austerity measures and structural reforms adopted during the crisis in a number of EU member states. The hypo thesis is that the juxtaposition of the end of the European Social Model on the one hand, and austerity and structural reform on the other was well chosen. In fact austerity and the structural reforms amount to a veritable attack on the foundations of the European Social Model. The first part of the essay summarizes the discussion on the European Social Model, while the second part describes and compares major austerity measures and structural reforms adopted during the crisis. The third part discusses the impact of the newly established European Economic Governance structure on national economic and social policies. The fourth part deals with the consequences of austerity and structural reform, including for poverty and inequality. The essay ends with some reflections on the role of solidarity and the future of the European Social Model.
Klaus Busch, Christoph Hermann, Karl Hinrichs & Thorsten Schulten
The harsh austerity measur... more Klaus Busch, Christoph Hermann, Karl Hinrichs & Thorsten Schulten
The harsh austerity measures that, according to official policy, are supposed to overcome the euro crisis have once again plunged Europe into recession in 2012. Austerity policy has proved – in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain (GIPS) – to be primarily an attack on wages, social services and public ownership.
The EU has developed a new form of wage policy interventionism (Euro Plus Pact, Six Pack). The principles of centralised collective agreements and general applicability are being undermined in the GIPS states and collective bargaining systems are being decentralised. Real wages fell in these four states from 2010 to 2012 at an above-average rate.
As regards pension policy the GIPS states have introduced reforms that significantly curtail spending growth in pension systems. Relative pension levels will fall dramatically in these states up to 2040, measured in terms of the wage replacement rate. Due to the euro crisis the policy of privatising public assets in the GIPS states has been given new impetus. Greece has been hardest hit and is planning a veritable fire sale of state property.
The abovementioned interventions in Southern Europe mean that the liberalisation of the European Social Model – which up until the crisis was to be observed mainly in western and eastern Europe – will be implemented in the EU as a whole. If the path of economic austerity, despite all opposition, is maintained until 2014/2015 and then experiences a new upswing the policy disaster for European social democracy and the trade unions will be complete.
From 2011 onwards the last remaining barriers to competition in most European postal markets will... more From 2011 onwards the last remaining barriers to competition in most European postal markets will be eliminated. Supporters of liberalization and privatization have argued that competition and private ownership will induce service providers to improve efficiency. And greater efficiency will benefit service users as services will become cheaper and of better quality. This article challenges the view that liberalization and privatization unanimously enhance efficiency and quality and equally benefit all service users. Based on a series of company studies, it argues that liberalization and privatization in the European postal sectors had mixed effects with respect to efficiency and quality and mostly negative effects for employment and working conditions. It furthermore questions the idea that the changes have equally benefited all users. Actually, liberalization and privatization have fuelled diversification and fragmentation, producing winners and losers from the restructuring processes.
Uploads
Books by Christoph Hermann
https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-critique-of-commodification-9780197576762?lang=en&cc=us
This book takes the persistence of long work hours as starting point to investigate the relationship between capitalism and work time. It does so by discussing major theoretical schools and their explanations for the length and distribution of work hours, as well as tracing major changes in production and reproduction systems, and analyzing their consequences for work hours.
Furthermore, this volume explores the struggle for shorter work hours, starting from the introduction of the ten-hour work day in the nineteenth century to the introduction of the 35-hour week in France and Germany at the end of the twentieth century. However, the book also shows how neoliberalism has eroded collective work time regulations and resulted in an increase and polarization of work hours since the 1980s. Finally, the book argues that shorter work hours not only means more free time for workers, but also reduces inequality and improves human and ecological sustainability.
Reviewed by David A. Spencer in Work, Employment and Society:
"A strong feature of the book is its coverage of different perspectives and ideas from
across the social sciences. The book takes a ‘political economy’ perspective, in that ‘it combines theoretical reflections with historical enquiries and a thorough examination of the present situation’ (p. 2). The argument and line of critique is particularly influenced by Marxian political economy. Specifically, there is a focus on the contested nature of work time and on the role of workers’ collective protest and resistance in securing shorter work time...
The book, overall, will appeal to researchers in economics and sociology who are
interested in learning more about the theory and history of work time. It is recommended as an illuminating reference point in an important debate on the barriers to, and prospects for, shorter work time. Those who invest time in reading it will profit from the experience. This reviewer certainly profited from reading it."
Examining diverse public-service sectors including network industries, public transportation, and hospitals, and using international case studies, Privatization of Public Services covers a wide range of aspects of service provision, with particular emphasis on companies and workers. The result is a unique picture of the changes created by the liberalization processes in Europe.
http://books.google.de/books?id=b9U8NHPQDskC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false
Reviews:
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/bjir.12046_2/abstract
http://analytica.metapress.com/content/174x526270736w1m/?p=b5c9a79bf46e4d51a99446c1371c7075&pi=10
It argues on the basis of broad empirical evidence that privatisation in Europe, particularly the ongoing privatisation of social services, undermines the basic elements of the different social models that have developed in Europe. These arguments are supported by a number of in-depth case studies, with specific focus on health care, education and finance. The authors of this volume advance from this critique and explore the basic requirements for a progressive public sector and its role for economic, social and democratic development.
This book will be indispensable reading for all interested in Economic Policy, Public Sector Economics, European Integration and Political Science.
Papers by Christoph Hermann
Christoph Hermann (2016): Another ‘Lost Decade’? Crisis
and Structural Adjustment in Europe and Latin America, Globalizations, DOI: 10.1080/14747731.2016.1236464
After years of neglect, inequality is back on the political agenda. The International Labour Organization has proposed the introduction of so-called social protection floors to tackle poverty in the age of globalization. However, little attention has been paid to the role of the public sector for limiting inequality. This is surprising in the light that new research shows the positive impact of public services such as health care and education for improving or maintaining equality. In some countries, access to public services is even more important in terms of redistribution than taxes and social benefits. Yet while the public sector hardly plays a role in discussions on equality, equality is mostly absent in the debates on public sector reforms. Here the main focus of the discussion is efficiency. The purpose of this article is twofold: on the one hand, it introduces the public sector as a major factor into the debates about inequality; on the other, it sheds light on the consequences of privatization, liberalization, and marketization of public services for equality.
European Social Model (ESM) is ‘gone’. In the same interview he also underlined the need for
structural reform as a precondition for renewed growth in Europe. The main hypothesis of this
article is that the simultaneous mentioning of the end of the ESM and the need for structural
reform was not a coincidence. Structural reforms as adopted during the crisis are threatening
the European Social Model(s). This can also be seen in the growth of poverty and inequality in
the crisis countries. The article, furthermore, argues that the shift from the Open Method of
Coordination to Economic Governance could increase pressure on other countries to introduce
similar reforms, further weakening the ESM.
ETUI, 2015
ingresos que para quienes perciben ingresos más altos, a la vez que contribuye a alcanzar la igualdad social. Son varias las dimensiones que de ello se derivan: primero, el valor (en metálico) de los servicios públicos representa una proporción más significativa de los ingresos de los hogares con menos recursos; por ejemplo, quienes perciben remuneraciones bajas usan el transporte público con más frecuencia. Segundo, el sector público ofrece empleo comparativamente decente para aquellos trabajadores no cualificados o marginados, además de que la desigualdad salarial tiende ser menor que en el sector privado. Tercero, al prestar el mismo servicio a todos por igual, el sector público garantiza un trato equitativo a todos los ciudadanos. No obstante, la privatización, la mercantilización y, de forma más reciente, los recortes en el sector público implementados como respuesta a la crisis financiera han ido en detrimento del efecto redistributivo de los servicios públicos."
Varieties of capitalism (VoC) scholars assume that countries tend to respond differently to common challenges such as globalization and economic crisis. In this view the responses largely reflect institutional complementarities and new compromises reached by rationally acting political and economic actors. This article challenges this view. Based on a review of national responses to the current crisis in 11 EU member states, it argues that structural adjustments in welfare and labour markets amount to a convergence of national economic and social models along the lines of neoliberal policy prescriptions. Furthermore, it argues that VoC scholars have ignored the role of (neoliberal) ideology and class interests in imposing a particular solution on an economic problem even if it causes widespread misery and fails to generate growth. This is underpinned by the impact of European integration, and the introduction of the euro in particular.
reform, this paper examines the consequences of austerity measures and structural reforms adopted during the crisis in a number of EU member states. The hypo thesis is that the juxtaposition of the end of the European Social Model on the one hand, and austerity and structural reform on the other was well chosen. In fact austerity and the structural reforms amount to a veritable attack on the foundations of the European Social Model. The first part of the essay summarizes the discussion on the European Social Model, while the second part describes and compares major austerity measures and structural reforms adopted during the crisis. The third part discusses the impact of the newly established European Economic Governance structure on national economic and social policies. The fourth part deals with the consequences of austerity and structural reform, including for poverty and inequality. The essay ends with some reflections on the role of solidarity and the future of the European Social Model.
The harsh austerity measures that, according to official policy, are supposed to overcome the euro crisis have once again plunged Europe into recession in 2012. Austerity policy has proved – in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain (GIPS) – to be primarily an attack on wages, social services and public ownership.
The EU has developed a new form of wage policy interventionism (Euro Plus Pact, Six Pack). The principles of centralised collective agreements and general applicability are being undermined in the GIPS states and collective bargaining systems are being decentralised. Real wages fell in these four states from 2010 to 2012 at an above-average rate.
As regards pension policy the GIPS states have introduced reforms that significantly curtail spending growth in pension systems. Relative pension levels will fall dramatically in these states up to 2040, measured in terms of the wage replacement rate. Due to the euro crisis the policy of privatising public assets in the GIPS states has been given new impetus. Greece has been hardest hit and is planning a veritable fire sale of state property.
The abovementioned interventions in Southern Europe mean that the liberalisation of the European Social Model – which up until the crisis was to be observed mainly in western and eastern Europe – will be implemented in the EU as a whole. If the path of economic austerity, despite all opposition, is maintained until 2014/2015 and then experiences a new upswing the policy disaster for European social democracy and the trade unions will be complete.
https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-critique-of-commodification-9780197576762?lang=en&cc=us
This book takes the persistence of long work hours as starting point to investigate the relationship between capitalism and work time. It does so by discussing major theoretical schools and their explanations for the length and distribution of work hours, as well as tracing major changes in production and reproduction systems, and analyzing their consequences for work hours.
Furthermore, this volume explores the struggle for shorter work hours, starting from the introduction of the ten-hour work day in the nineteenth century to the introduction of the 35-hour week in France and Germany at the end of the twentieth century. However, the book also shows how neoliberalism has eroded collective work time regulations and resulted in an increase and polarization of work hours since the 1980s. Finally, the book argues that shorter work hours not only means more free time for workers, but also reduces inequality and improves human and ecological sustainability.
Reviewed by David A. Spencer in Work, Employment and Society:
"A strong feature of the book is its coverage of different perspectives and ideas from
across the social sciences. The book takes a ‘political economy’ perspective, in that ‘it combines theoretical reflections with historical enquiries and a thorough examination of the present situation’ (p. 2). The argument and line of critique is particularly influenced by Marxian political economy. Specifically, there is a focus on the contested nature of work time and on the role of workers’ collective protest and resistance in securing shorter work time...
The book, overall, will appeal to researchers in economics and sociology who are
interested in learning more about the theory and history of work time. It is recommended as an illuminating reference point in an important debate on the barriers to, and prospects for, shorter work time. Those who invest time in reading it will profit from the experience. This reviewer certainly profited from reading it."
Examining diverse public-service sectors including network industries, public transportation, and hospitals, and using international case studies, Privatization of Public Services covers a wide range of aspects of service provision, with particular emphasis on companies and workers. The result is a unique picture of the changes created by the liberalization processes in Europe.
http://books.google.de/books?id=b9U8NHPQDskC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false
Reviews:
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/bjir.12046_2/abstract
http://analytica.metapress.com/content/174x526270736w1m/?p=b5c9a79bf46e4d51a99446c1371c7075&pi=10
It argues on the basis of broad empirical evidence that privatisation in Europe, particularly the ongoing privatisation of social services, undermines the basic elements of the different social models that have developed in Europe. These arguments are supported by a number of in-depth case studies, with specific focus on health care, education and finance. The authors of this volume advance from this critique and explore the basic requirements for a progressive public sector and its role for economic, social and democratic development.
This book will be indispensable reading for all interested in Economic Policy, Public Sector Economics, European Integration and Political Science.
Christoph Hermann (2016): Another ‘Lost Decade’? Crisis
and Structural Adjustment in Europe and Latin America, Globalizations, DOI: 10.1080/14747731.2016.1236464
After years of neglect, inequality is back on the political agenda. The International Labour Organization has proposed the introduction of so-called social protection floors to tackle poverty in the age of globalization. However, little attention has been paid to the role of the public sector for limiting inequality. This is surprising in the light that new research shows the positive impact of public services such as health care and education for improving or maintaining equality. In some countries, access to public services is even more important in terms of redistribution than taxes and social benefits. Yet while the public sector hardly plays a role in discussions on equality, equality is mostly absent in the debates on public sector reforms. Here the main focus of the discussion is efficiency. The purpose of this article is twofold: on the one hand, it introduces the public sector as a major factor into the debates about inequality; on the other, it sheds light on the consequences of privatization, liberalization, and marketization of public services for equality.
European Social Model (ESM) is ‘gone’. In the same interview he also underlined the need for
structural reform as a precondition for renewed growth in Europe. The main hypothesis of this
article is that the simultaneous mentioning of the end of the ESM and the need for structural
reform was not a coincidence. Structural reforms as adopted during the crisis are threatening
the European Social Model(s). This can also be seen in the growth of poverty and inequality in
the crisis countries. The article, furthermore, argues that the shift from the Open Method of
Coordination to Economic Governance could increase pressure on other countries to introduce
similar reforms, further weakening the ESM.
ETUI, 2015
ingresos que para quienes perciben ingresos más altos, a la vez que contribuye a alcanzar la igualdad social. Son varias las dimensiones que de ello se derivan: primero, el valor (en metálico) de los servicios públicos representa una proporción más significativa de los ingresos de los hogares con menos recursos; por ejemplo, quienes perciben remuneraciones bajas usan el transporte público con más frecuencia. Segundo, el sector público ofrece empleo comparativamente decente para aquellos trabajadores no cualificados o marginados, además de que la desigualdad salarial tiende ser menor que en el sector privado. Tercero, al prestar el mismo servicio a todos por igual, el sector público garantiza un trato equitativo a todos los ciudadanos. No obstante, la privatización, la mercantilización y, de forma más reciente, los recortes en el sector público implementados como respuesta a la crisis financiera han ido en detrimento del efecto redistributivo de los servicios públicos."
Varieties of capitalism (VoC) scholars assume that countries tend to respond differently to common challenges such as globalization and economic crisis. In this view the responses largely reflect institutional complementarities and new compromises reached by rationally acting political and economic actors. This article challenges this view. Based on a review of national responses to the current crisis in 11 EU member states, it argues that structural adjustments in welfare and labour markets amount to a convergence of national economic and social models along the lines of neoliberal policy prescriptions. Furthermore, it argues that VoC scholars have ignored the role of (neoliberal) ideology and class interests in imposing a particular solution on an economic problem even if it causes widespread misery and fails to generate growth. This is underpinned by the impact of European integration, and the introduction of the euro in particular.
reform, this paper examines the consequences of austerity measures and structural reforms adopted during the crisis in a number of EU member states. The hypo thesis is that the juxtaposition of the end of the European Social Model on the one hand, and austerity and structural reform on the other was well chosen. In fact austerity and the structural reforms amount to a veritable attack on the foundations of the European Social Model. The first part of the essay summarizes the discussion on the European Social Model, while the second part describes and compares major austerity measures and structural reforms adopted during the crisis. The third part discusses the impact of the newly established European Economic Governance structure on national economic and social policies. The fourth part deals with the consequences of austerity and structural reform, including for poverty and inequality. The essay ends with some reflections on the role of solidarity and the future of the European Social Model.
The harsh austerity measures that, according to official policy, are supposed to overcome the euro crisis have once again plunged Europe into recession in 2012. Austerity policy has proved – in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain (GIPS) – to be primarily an attack on wages, social services and public ownership.
The EU has developed a new form of wage policy interventionism (Euro Plus Pact, Six Pack). The principles of centralised collective agreements and general applicability are being undermined in the GIPS states and collective bargaining systems are being decentralised. Real wages fell in these four states from 2010 to 2012 at an above-average rate.
As regards pension policy the GIPS states have introduced reforms that significantly curtail spending growth in pension systems. Relative pension levels will fall dramatically in these states up to 2040, measured in terms of the wage replacement rate. Due to the euro crisis the policy of privatising public assets in the GIPS states has been given new impetus. Greece has been hardest hit and is planning a veritable fire sale of state property.
The abovementioned interventions in Southern Europe mean that the liberalisation of the European Social Model – which up until the crisis was to be observed mainly in western and eastern Europe – will be implemented in the EU as a whole. If the path of economic austerity, despite all opposition, is maintained until 2014/2015 and then experiences a new upswing the policy disaster for European social democracy and the trade unions will be complete.
und vor allem auf die Beschäftigungsverhältnisse und Arbeitsbedingungen der Beschäftigten. Während die ehemaligen Monopolisten in die Automatisierung ihres Verteilerapparates investieren und Arbeit intensivieren, konkurrieren die Mitbewerber vor allem durch die Beschäftigung von billigen Arbeitskräften, viele davon Selbstständige, die nach Stücklöhnen bezahlt werden. Der Artikel startet mit einer Zusammenfassung der wichtigsten Liberalisierungsschritte. In den folgenden Abschnitten beschreiben wir dann die Vorbereitung des ehemaligen Monopolisten auf den Wettbewerb (inklusive der Reorganisation des Verteiler- und Filialnetzes) und die Herausforderung der Marktmacht durch einen neuen Mitbewerber. Der nächste Abschnitt behandelt dann die Auswirkungen auf Beschäftigung und Arbeitsbedingungen und vergleicht dabei die Situation beim ehemaligen Monopolisten mit jener bei den neuen Mitbewerbern. In einem weiteren Abschnitt werden die Herausforderungen für die Gewerkschaften und für die Kollektivvertragslandschaft diskutiert, bevor in einem letzten Abschnitt einige Schlussfolgerungen gezogen werden.