Istorika. Tito. O partizanos pou egine isovios igetis, 2004
The text gives a brief overview of the history of the resistance movement and struggle against th... more The text gives a brief overview of the history of the resistance movement and struggle against their Axis Powers and their local collaborators in Yugoslavia during the Second World War. Also, how the war was the framework for ideological and military confrontation and the struggle for power after the war .
Istorika. I 28i Oktovriou apo ta xena arheia, 2001
The text is dedicated to the attitude and reactions in Yugoslavia to the Italian aggression agai... more The text is dedicated to the attitude and reactions in Yugoslavia to the Italian aggression against Greece 1940-1941.
Isabella Löhr/Matthias Middeii/Haness Siegrist (Hrsg.), Kultur und Beruf in Europa, F. Steiner Verlag, 2012
In the Government's Service and in the Shadow of the State: Civil Servant in the Serbian and Yugo... more In the Government's Service and in the Shadow of the State: Civil Servant in the Serbian and Yugoslav Social Context in the 19 th and 20 th Centuries Critique of bureaucratic careerism of senior and junior civil servants was among the frequent topics in comedies of character written by the most famous Serbian writer Branislav Nušić (1864-1938).
Karl Blum’s long journey through the Balkans, 1942–1943 (A contribution to the history of Pharrajmos), 2022
Karl Blum's long journey through the Balkans, 1942-1943 (A contribution to the history of Pharraj... more Karl Blum's long journey through the Balkans, 1942-1943 (A contribution to the history of Pharrajmos) A bstract: Several German Roma-Sinti families, members of a caravan of traveling artists, set off from central Germany to Istanbul, passing through the war-torn Balkans during 1942 to the end of January 1943 when they were arrested and transferred to the Red Cross camp in Niš. A few months later they were transferred to the Anhaltelager Dedinje in Belgrade (Banjički camp) from where, they were transported to the "Gypsy Camp" of Auschwitz in late June. Following the fate of this group of Roma (i. e. Sinti), the paper also discusses the racist policy of the National Socialist regime towards Roma and Sinti with the fi nal consequence-their mass physical destruction, genocide (Pharrajmos).
European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire Volume 15, 2008 - Issue 2: Collaboration: A Comparative Perspective., 2008
The Serbian collaborationist administration, The Council of Commissaries and National Salvation's... more The Serbian collaborationist administration, The Council of Commissaries and National Salvation's Government, between May 1941 and October 1944 in shaping its political programme and ideology mixed ultraconservative nationalism with elements of domestic version of fascist, authoritarian 'sociology'. The main elements were mythologisation of the village and patriarchal life in the rural extended family community, as the only acceptable model for the spiritual and political 'renaissance' of Serbia-an authoritarian, 'organic', peasant state-as a future member of German New European Order. General Nedic from the end of August 1941 head of the National Salvation's Government presented to the German authorities, in January 1943, his ambitious and detailed plan for the reorganisation of the domestic political system, based on these ideas, which Berlin resolutely rejected.
British intervention and Yugoslav reaction Concurrence of political events of prime importance fo... more British intervention and Yugoslav reaction Concurrence of political events of prime importance for reinforcing the position of Yugoslav communists towards the end of 1944 and beginning of 1945, who were forced by the Allies' decision to cooperate with some of bourgeois politicians (joint government was established on 7 March 1945), final operations for the liberation of the country (stuck during the winter at the Syrmian front), tense relations with Western Allies, dispute with the Greek Communist Party (KKE) over the Macedonia issue, plans for setting up a "federation" with Bulgaria with the "unification of Macedonia"-these are all the factors which caused extreme caution and passivity of the of Yugoslav communist leadership during the short, dramatic and bloody "Second Round" of civil conflicts in Greece. 1 Street fighting (Ta Dekemvriana), starting on 3 December 1944 in Athens, marked the beginning of a new stage in civil conflict, which ultimately ended with the defeat of the left in the "Battle of Athens" and truce on 11 January 1945. 2 However, these conflicts increased the cleavage between the new Balkan communist regimes and the Greek government, which escalated during the years of civil war in Greece. At the beginning of December uprising in 1944, the KKE leadership demanded from its representative in Belgrade, Andreas Tzimas, to reiterate the request for assistance in arms,
Shortened version of the text published in the collection: Slobodan Jovanović. Ličnost i delo, Zbornik radova sa naučnog skupa održanog od 17- 20. februara 1997. Urednik Miodrag Jovičić, SANU, Beograd 1998, 321-335., 1998
Jewish refugees and internees and the Yugoslav government in exile 1942-1943. 1 The long list of ... more Jewish refugees and internees and the Yugoslav government in exile 1942-1943. 1 The long list of problems that Yugoslav Governments in exile 1941-1944 had to deal with included the issue of providing assistance to several thousand Jewish refugees-Yugoslav citizens, the Holocaust survivors, dispersed in neutral and Allied states, in internment in Italy or on the Yugoslav territories under Italian occupation. Trying to escape physical extinction, refugees-the last surviving remnants of the Yugoslav Jewish community-had to seek help and protection from the Government which also was in exile since mid-April 1941.
This paper looks at the Yugoslav public' s reactions to the rise of fascism and Mussolini' s comi... more This paper looks at the Yugoslav public' s reactions to the rise of fascism and Mussolini' s coming to power in Italy. The main source for the analysis of this change at the top of power structure have been texts published in the contemporary Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian daily press, periodicals and publications. Among their authors were active diplomats of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, influential political figures of diverse political leanings. Observation of the rise of fascism, its violent "methodology" of disposing of its political rivals, the misplaced response of the traditional centres of power and the ceding of ground to the fascists caused concern on the east side of the Adriatic over further radicalization of Italian nationalism and irredentist claims in spite of the obligations assumed under the treaties concluded by the two governments.
Yugoslav-Greek relations from the end of WWII to the breakup of Yugoslavia and went through sever... more Yugoslav-Greek relations from the end of WWII to the breakup of Yugoslavia and went through several phases. A short period of interlude when the diplomatic relations were re-established 1945/1946 was followed by a much longer one (1946-1950) of conflict due to the Yugoslav support to the Communists in the Greek Civil War. A pragmatic approach to the issue of both parties resulted in a prolonged period (1950-1967) of working relations that culminated in the signing of tripartite treaties with Turkey, Treaty of Ankara (1953) and Bled Agreements (1954). Even though the treaties lost most of their importance after the reconciliation between Belgrade and Moscow in 1955/1956, and the Cyprus crisis, they created a climate of correct relations between two neighbouring states marked by reciprocal visits on the highest level. The coup d??tat of April 1967 brought to power a dictatorship in Greece (1967-1974) and thus inaugurated a new period of tensions in bilateral relations. The last period...
The author revisits works produced during the time of socialist Yugoslavia to assess the historio... more The author revisits works produced during the time of socialist Yugoslavia to assess the historiographical literature on the German occupation regimes there. He concludes that since Yugoslavia’s demise there has been hardly any evolution towards a more solid nor more differentiated historiography such as would meet international standards. To be sure, significant new research has been produced, but it has been hampered by the narrow and often difficult academic frameworks that have existed in the last twenty-five years. Scholars have been expected to respond to the new nationalized agendas of the successor states, and have seen few structural incentives to link their work to international research networks, or to the work of their colleagues in neighbouring countries. The author’s focus is the German occupation of Serbia, but he includes some examples of scholars whose focus is German-occupied Slovenia, or the Independent State of Croatia, and he keeps in perspective the wider (Sout...
THE RIGHT TO REBELION: THE YEAR 1968 IN OUR COUNTRY AND GLOBALLY. Proceedings of the Scientific Conference, Ed. :Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts and the Institute for Balkanology, Belgrade, 2021
The composer Mikis Theodorakis marked with his opus the Greek culture of the second half of 20th ... more The composer Mikis Theodorakis marked with his opus the Greek culture of the second half of 20th century, but he also tried to do it in particular, no les provocative a way with his political activity. Both of these his obsessions remained inextricably mingled, making his life a dynamic whole, often marked by controversies and changes he had gone through in the course of his political activity. Part of his rich political and artistic biography was connected with Yugoslavia, in whose embassy he unsuccessfully sought refuge at the beginning of the colonel’s dictatorship 1967. He resumed his contacts with Yugoslav diplomats after his release from prison in 1968, and Yugoslavia was the first country which he visited (twice) after emigrated from Greece in 1970. On that occasion he was unexpectedly named chief of the Delegation of the Greek Communist Party (in the country) and had talks with Yugoslav president J.B. Tito and his closest collaborators about the situation in Greece and Yugoslav help to the Greek anti-dictatorial movement. A “byproduct” of these visits was an order to compose music for two Yugoslav films about partisan movement (“The Partisans” by S. Janković and “The Sutjeska” by S.Delić).
In 1999, Theodorakis sharply criticized NATO bombardment of Serbia, and demonstratively visited Belgrade from18th to 22nd June. At the Belgrade Square of the Republic Theodorakis conducted the Belgrade Radio and TV orchestra, which performed music from his ballet „Zorbas the Greek".
Bogdan Murgescu-Ioana Pintile (Eds.),World War I and Beyond: Human Tragedies, Social Challenges, Scientific and Cultural Responses, 2021
In Belgrade, on December 1, 1918 Serbian Regent Aleksandar Karađorđević stood before the represen... more In Belgrade, on December 1, 1918 Serbian Regent Aleksandar Karađorđević stood before the representatives of the Serbian Government and a delegation of the National Council (Assembly of the South Slavic nations from the former Habsburg Monarchy)-which had arrived with an «address» expressing the desire to unify the South Slavic lands formerly under Austria-Hungary, with the Kingdom of Serbia-and proclaimed the «unification of Serbia with the lands of the independent State of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs, into a single Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes» 1. For the first time in history, this unification brought onto the historical scene and put on the new political map of Europe a united country of Southern Slavs (as of 1929: the Kingdom of Yugoslavia). The new nation was received with high hopes, but it faced formidable internal and external challenges. Inherited problems jeopardized its survival and imposed the need to find and implement an extremely complex policy 2 .The Kingdom was created as a parliamentary monarchy, based on liberal-democratic principles. It was the result of a compromise of democratic beliefs and traditionalism of conservative national elites, with a limited political pluralism, 3 but was also project of an «imagined community» 4. From the very first day of its existence, it was forced to fight for international recognition and had disputes over the borders with its neighbors 5. Preserving its territorial and national sovereignty against external antagonisms played a significant role as a «factor of reconciling its national forces». On the other hand, numerous internal problems, political misunderstandings and conflicts, regional differences and interests, economic underdevelopment-had an effect on destabilizing the country and its integration processes. Serbia emerged from the war as a victor, but with huge human and material losses (more than 700,000 casualties 6 , a destroyed economy, a devastated infrastructure); the former Austro-Hungarian provinces, although suffering serious human losses in the war, had a more developed economic base (with the exception of Bosnia-Herzegovina). The southern parts of the Kingdom of Serbia (Macedonia, Kosovo, Sandžak-until 1912 a part of the Ottoman Empire) represented the most populous part of the country with the highest rate of illiteracy, a semi-feudal agrarian society, an underdeveloped infrastructure, and a complicated ethnic and religious mix (of orthodox Serbs, Muslim Albanians and Turks, orthodox Macedonian Slavs, Jews, and others). The new country absorbed very different political traditions and identities, national ideologies and ethnic divisions, cultural similarities and differences, as well as different views by the national elites on the future (including the new state's constitutional system, monarchy issues, the distribution of political and economic power, inter-ethnic relations, languages, national cultures, and so on) 7. The search for a new common identity ranged from the idea of the «three tribes of a single south Slavic nation» (1918-1929), to a unique «integral» Yugoslav national identity (after 1929)-accompanied by c оnflicts with intolerant nationalist and separatist policies 8 .
Zwischen großen Erwartungen und bösen Erwachen. Juden, Politik und Antisemitismus in Ost-und Südosteuropa 1918-1945. Ferdinand Schöning Verlag, Paderborn-München-Wien-Zürich, 2007
Istorika. Tito. O partizanos pou egine isovios igetis, 2004
The text gives a brief overview of the history of the resistance movement and struggle against th... more The text gives a brief overview of the history of the resistance movement and struggle against their Axis Powers and their local collaborators in Yugoslavia during the Second World War. Also, how the war was the framework for ideological and military confrontation and the struggle for power after the war .
Istorika. I 28i Oktovriou apo ta xena arheia, 2001
The text is dedicated to the attitude and reactions in Yugoslavia to the Italian aggression agai... more The text is dedicated to the attitude and reactions in Yugoslavia to the Italian aggression against Greece 1940-1941.
Isabella Löhr/Matthias Middeii/Haness Siegrist (Hrsg.), Kultur und Beruf in Europa, F. Steiner Verlag, 2012
In the Government's Service and in the Shadow of the State: Civil Servant in the Serbian and Yugo... more In the Government's Service and in the Shadow of the State: Civil Servant in the Serbian and Yugoslav Social Context in the 19 th and 20 th Centuries Critique of bureaucratic careerism of senior and junior civil servants was among the frequent topics in comedies of character written by the most famous Serbian writer Branislav Nušić (1864-1938).
Karl Blum’s long journey through the Balkans, 1942–1943 (A contribution to the history of Pharrajmos), 2022
Karl Blum's long journey through the Balkans, 1942-1943 (A contribution to the history of Pharraj... more Karl Blum's long journey through the Balkans, 1942-1943 (A contribution to the history of Pharrajmos) A bstract: Several German Roma-Sinti families, members of a caravan of traveling artists, set off from central Germany to Istanbul, passing through the war-torn Balkans during 1942 to the end of January 1943 when they were arrested and transferred to the Red Cross camp in Niš. A few months later they were transferred to the Anhaltelager Dedinje in Belgrade (Banjički camp) from where, they were transported to the "Gypsy Camp" of Auschwitz in late June. Following the fate of this group of Roma (i. e. Sinti), the paper also discusses the racist policy of the National Socialist regime towards Roma and Sinti with the fi nal consequence-their mass physical destruction, genocide (Pharrajmos).
European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire Volume 15, 2008 - Issue 2: Collaboration: A Comparative Perspective., 2008
The Serbian collaborationist administration, The Council of Commissaries and National Salvation's... more The Serbian collaborationist administration, The Council of Commissaries and National Salvation's Government, between May 1941 and October 1944 in shaping its political programme and ideology mixed ultraconservative nationalism with elements of domestic version of fascist, authoritarian 'sociology'. The main elements were mythologisation of the village and patriarchal life in the rural extended family community, as the only acceptable model for the spiritual and political 'renaissance' of Serbia-an authoritarian, 'organic', peasant state-as a future member of German New European Order. General Nedic from the end of August 1941 head of the National Salvation's Government presented to the German authorities, in January 1943, his ambitious and detailed plan for the reorganisation of the domestic political system, based on these ideas, which Berlin resolutely rejected.
British intervention and Yugoslav reaction Concurrence of political events of prime importance fo... more British intervention and Yugoslav reaction Concurrence of political events of prime importance for reinforcing the position of Yugoslav communists towards the end of 1944 and beginning of 1945, who were forced by the Allies' decision to cooperate with some of bourgeois politicians (joint government was established on 7 March 1945), final operations for the liberation of the country (stuck during the winter at the Syrmian front), tense relations with Western Allies, dispute with the Greek Communist Party (KKE) over the Macedonia issue, plans for setting up a "federation" with Bulgaria with the "unification of Macedonia"-these are all the factors which caused extreme caution and passivity of the of Yugoslav communist leadership during the short, dramatic and bloody "Second Round" of civil conflicts in Greece. 1 Street fighting (Ta Dekemvriana), starting on 3 December 1944 in Athens, marked the beginning of a new stage in civil conflict, which ultimately ended with the defeat of the left in the "Battle of Athens" and truce on 11 January 1945. 2 However, these conflicts increased the cleavage between the new Balkan communist regimes and the Greek government, which escalated during the years of civil war in Greece. At the beginning of December uprising in 1944, the KKE leadership demanded from its representative in Belgrade, Andreas Tzimas, to reiterate the request for assistance in arms,
Shortened version of the text published in the collection: Slobodan Jovanović. Ličnost i delo, Zbornik radova sa naučnog skupa održanog od 17- 20. februara 1997. Urednik Miodrag Jovičić, SANU, Beograd 1998, 321-335., 1998
Jewish refugees and internees and the Yugoslav government in exile 1942-1943. 1 The long list of ... more Jewish refugees and internees and the Yugoslav government in exile 1942-1943. 1 The long list of problems that Yugoslav Governments in exile 1941-1944 had to deal with included the issue of providing assistance to several thousand Jewish refugees-Yugoslav citizens, the Holocaust survivors, dispersed in neutral and Allied states, in internment in Italy or on the Yugoslav territories under Italian occupation. Trying to escape physical extinction, refugees-the last surviving remnants of the Yugoslav Jewish community-had to seek help and protection from the Government which also was in exile since mid-April 1941.
This paper looks at the Yugoslav public' s reactions to the rise of fascism and Mussolini' s comi... more This paper looks at the Yugoslav public' s reactions to the rise of fascism and Mussolini' s coming to power in Italy. The main source for the analysis of this change at the top of power structure have been texts published in the contemporary Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian daily press, periodicals and publications. Among their authors were active diplomats of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, influential political figures of diverse political leanings. Observation of the rise of fascism, its violent "methodology" of disposing of its political rivals, the misplaced response of the traditional centres of power and the ceding of ground to the fascists caused concern on the east side of the Adriatic over further radicalization of Italian nationalism and irredentist claims in spite of the obligations assumed under the treaties concluded by the two governments.
Yugoslav-Greek relations from the end of WWII to the breakup of Yugoslavia and went through sever... more Yugoslav-Greek relations from the end of WWII to the breakup of Yugoslavia and went through several phases. A short period of interlude when the diplomatic relations were re-established 1945/1946 was followed by a much longer one (1946-1950) of conflict due to the Yugoslav support to the Communists in the Greek Civil War. A pragmatic approach to the issue of both parties resulted in a prolonged period (1950-1967) of working relations that culminated in the signing of tripartite treaties with Turkey, Treaty of Ankara (1953) and Bled Agreements (1954). Even though the treaties lost most of their importance after the reconciliation between Belgrade and Moscow in 1955/1956, and the Cyprus crisis, they created a climate of correct relations between two neighbouring states marked by reciprocal visits on the highest level. The coup d??tat of April 1967 brought to power a dictatorship in Greece (1967-1974) and thus inaugurated a new period of tensions in bilateral relations. The last period...
The author revisits works produced during the time of socialist Yugoslavia to assess the historio... more The author revisits works produced during the time of socialist Yugoslavia to assess the historiographical literature on the German occupation regimes there. He concludes that since Yugoslavia’s demise there has been hardly any evolution towards a more solid nor more differentiated historiography such as would meet international standards. To be sure, significant new research has been produced, but it has been hampered by the narrow and often difficult academic frameworks that have existed in the last twenty-five years. Scholars have been expected to respond to the new nationalized agendas of the successor states, and have seen few structural incentives to link their work to international research networks, or to the work of their colleagues in neighbouring countries. The author’s focus is the German occupation of Serbia, but he includes some examples of scholars whose focus is German-occupied Slovenia, or the Independent State of Croatia, and he keeps in perspective the wider (Sout...
THE RIGHT TO REBELION: THE YEAR 1968 IN OUR COUNTRY AND GLOBALLY. Proceedings of the Scientific Conference, Ed. :Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts and the Institute for Balkanology, Belgrade, 2021
The composer Mikis Theodorakis marked with his opus the Greek culture of the second half of 20th ... more The composer Mikis Theodorakis marked with his opus the Greek culture of the second half of 20th century, but he also tried to do it in particular, no les provocative a way with his political activity. Both of these his obsessions remained inextricably mingled, making his life a dynamic whole, often marked by controversies and changes he had gone through in the course of his political activity. Part of his rich political and artistic biography was connected with Yugoslavia, in whose embassy he unsuccessfully sought refuge at the beginning of the colonel’s dictatorship 1967. He resumed his contacts with Yugoslav diplomats after his release from prison in 1968, and Yugoslavia was the first country which he visited (twice) after emigrated from Greece in 1970. On that occasion he was unexpectedly named chief of the Delegation of the Greek Communist Party (in the country) and had talks with Yugoslav president J.B. Tito and his closest collaborators about the situation in Greece and Yugoslav help to the Greek anti-dictatorial movement. A “byproduct” of these visits was an order to compose music for two Yugoslav films about partisan movement (“The Partisans” by S. Janković and “The Sutjeska” by S.Delić).
In 1999, Theodorakis sharply criticized NATO bombardment of Serbia, and demonstratively visited Belgrade from18th to 22nd June. At the Belgrade Square of the Republic Theodorakis conducted the Belgrade Radio and TV orchestra, which performed music from his ballet „Zorbas the Greek".
Bogdan Murgescu-Ioana Pintile (Eds.),World War I and Beyond: Human Tragedies, Social Challenges, Scientific and Cultural Responses, 2021
In Belgrade, on December 1, 1918 Serbian Regent Aleksandar Karađorđević stood before the represen... more In Belgrade, on December 1, 1918 Serbian Regent Aleksandar Karađorđević stood before the representatives of the Serbian Government and a delegation of the National Council (Assembly of the South Slavic nations from the former Habsburg Monarchy)-which had arrived with an «address» expressing the desire to unify the South Slavic lands formerly under Austria-Hungary, with the Kingdom of Serbia-and proclaimed the «unification of Serbia with the lands of the independent State of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs, into a single Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes» 1. For the first time in history, this unification brought onto the historical scene and put on the new political map of Europe a united country of Southern Slavs (as of 1929: the Kingdom of Yugoslavia). The new nation was received with high hopes, but it faced formidable internal and external challenges. Inherited problems jeopardized its survival and imposed the need to find and implement an extremely complex policy 2 .The Kingdom was created as a parliamentary monarchy, based on liberal-democratic principles. It was the result of a compromise of democratic beliefs and traditionalism of conservative national elites, with a limited political pluralism, 3 but was also project of an «imagined community» 4. From the very first day of its existence, it was forced to fight for international recognition and had disputes over the borders with its neighbors 5. Preserving its territorial and national sovereignty against external antagonisms played a significant role as a «factor of reconciling its national forces». On the other hand, numerous internal problems, political misunderstandings and conflicts, regional differences and interests, economic underdevelopment-had an effect on destabilizing the country and its integration processes. Serbia emerged from the war as a victor, but with huge human and material losses (more than 700,000 casualties 6 , a destroyed economy, a devastated infrastructure); the former Austro-Hungarian provinces, although suffering serious human losses in the war, had a more developed economic base (with the exception of Bosnia-Herzegovina). The southern parts of the Kingdom of Serbia (Macedonia, Kosovo, Sandžak-until 1912 a part of the Ottoman Empire) represented the most populous part of the country with the highest rate of illiteracy, a semi-feudal agrarian society, an underdeveloped infrastructure, and a complicated ethnic and religious mix (of orthodox Serbs, Muslim Albanians and Turks, orthodox Macedonian Slavs, Jews, and others). The new country absorbed very different political traditions and identities, national ideologies and ethnic divisions, cultural similarities and differences, as well as different views by the national elites on the future (including the new state's constitutional system, monarchy issues, the distribution of political and economic power, inter-ethnic relations, languages, national cultures, and so on) 7. The search for a new common identity ranged from the idea of the «three tribes of a single south Slavic nation» (1918-1929), to a unique «integral» Yugoslav national identity (after 1929)-accompanied by c оnflicts with intolerant nationalist and separatist policies 8 .
Zwischen großen Erwartungen und bösen Erwachen. Juden, Politik und Antisemitismus in Ost-und Südosteuropa 1918-1945. Ferdinand Schöning Verlag, Paderborn-München-Wien-Zürich, 2007
Everyday Life and Social Responses to the Epidemics of 1914–2020. Collection of Works. Milan Ristović (editor), 2021
Milan Ristović*
BETWEEN THE SUPPRESSION OF
INFECTIOUS DISEASES AND THEIR IDEOLOGICAL USE
IN OC... more Milan Ristović*
BETWEEN THE SUPPRESSION OF
INFECTIOUS DISEASES AND THEIR IDEOLOGICAL USE
IN OCCUPIED SERBIA IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR
Suggestion for further research
Abstract: Experiences with epidemics of infectious disease during and at the end of
the First World War, including the typhus epidemic in Serbia 1914-1915, were the
basis for fear of their recurrence during the Second World War. At the top of the list
of the most undesirable course of events was certainly the outbreak of the typhus
epidemic, as an infection that “traditionally” accompanied all major military conflicts
from ancient times and attacked armies and civilians alike. On the example of
the attitude of the German military-occupation authorities and the Serbian collaborationist
administration towards two infectious diseases, typhus (in both its manifestations)
and syphilis, an attempt was made to sketch a possible further research
of the connection between imposed and forced behavior of authorities and efforts
of medical experts in the suppression of these diseases and their sentimentalization
in the political and ideological discourse of occupation practice. Restrictions
set by scarce and available primary and secondary sources influenced these issues
to be monitored only during the first two years of occupation (1941–1942).
Key words: World War II, Serbia, occupation, typhoid fever, syphilis, prostitution
In the Government's Service and in the Shadow of the State: Civil Servant in the Serbian and Yugo... more In the Government's Service and in the Shadow of the State: Civil Servant in the Serbian and Yugoslav Social Context in the 19 th and 20 th Centuries Critique of bureaucratic careerism of senior and junior civil servants was among the frequent topics in comedies of character written by the most famous Serbian writer Branislav Nušić (1864-1938).
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Papers by Milan Ristovic
In 1999, Theodorakis sharply criticized NATO bombardment of Serbia, and demonstratively visited Belgrade from18th to 22nd June. At the Belgrade Square of the Republic Theodorakis conducted the Belgrade Radio and TV orchestra, which performed music from his ballet „Zorbas the Greek".
In 1999, Theodorakis sharply criticized NATO bombardment of Serbia, and demonstratively visited Belgrade from18th to 22nd June. At the Belgrade Square of the Republic Theodorakis conducted the Belgrade Radio and TV orchestra, which performed music from his ballet „Zorbas the Greek".
BETWEEN THE SUPPRESSION OF
INFECTIOUS DISEASES AND THEIR IDEOLOGICAL USE
IN OCCUPIED SERBIA IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR
Suggestion for further research
Abstract: Experiences with epidemics of infectious disease during and at the end of
the First World War, including the typhus epidemic in Serbia 1914-1915, were the
basis for fear of their recurrence during the Second World War. At the top of the list
of the most undesirable course of events was certainly the outbreak of the typhus
epidemic, as an infection that “traditionally” accompanied all major military conflicts
from ancient times and attacked armies and civilians alike. On the example of
the attitude of the German military-occupation authorities and the Serbian collaborationist
administration towards two infectious diseases, typhus (in both its manifestations)
and syphilis, an attempt was made to sketch a possible further research
of the connection between imposed and forced behavior of authorities and efforts
of medical experts in the suppression of these diseases and their sentimentalization
in the political and ideological discourse of occupation practice. Restrictions
set by scarce and available primary and secondary sources influenced these issues
to be monitored only during the first two years of occupation (1941–1942).
Key words: World War II, Serbia, occupation, typhoid fever, syphilis, prostitution