The year 1970 marked a major change within the perceptions and attitudes towards disability. Up t... more The year 1970 marked a major change within the perceptions and attitudes towards disability. Up to this time period, during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, principles of disability were founded upon the medical model of disability, which defined individuals by their personal disabilities, majored on the beliefs that pupils with special educational needs and disabilities (SEN/D) were 'ineducable', and 'educationally sub-normal' and endorsed the use of medically diagnosed categories and segregated education (Armstrong, 2007; Armstrong and Squires, 2012, p.11; Elshabrawy and Hassanein, 2015; Hodkinson and Vickerman, 2014; MacBeath, et al., 2006, p.2; Peer and Reid, 2012).<br>
Classroom Management in Primary Education: A Report Based on Observations Focussing on the Classroom Rules and Routines Teachers’ Adopt to Represent Their Expectations, Manage Social Behaviour and Support the Conditions for Pupils’ Engagement with Learning, 2018
Academy schools have now been part of the educational landscape in England for nearly two decades... more Academy schools have now been part of the educational landscape in England for nearly two decades. Originally introduced by the New Labour government (from 1997 – 2010) in 2000, and significantly expanded and evolved by the Conservative-led Coalition government (from 2010 – 2015) in 2010, this school model has consistently adhered to Neoliberal governmentality and rhetoric, and has promised to raise educational standards and reduce the achievement gap between the most and least disadvantaged pupils. However, over the years, a growing body of contradictory evidence has fuelled major criticism and uncertainty surrounding academies and their complex relationship(s) with achievement, autonomy, accountability and collaboration. This was the focus of this paper, to delve into these debates, and review, analyse and critique the past and current evidence on the Coalition Academy Programme, ultimately questioning its success or failure in addressing the social class achievement gap. By critiquing the growing evidence surrounding the Coalition ‘converter’ academy model (through the sociological lenses of Functionalistic, Marxist and Social and Cultural Reproduction Theory), it was found that this Academy Programme was and is being used by the Coalition (and the current Conservative) government as a functionalistic and exploitative medium for legitimising and reproducing social and educational inequality, which poses the greater risks of increased academy school selective practices, the further social segregation and exclusion of disadvantaged pupils and a continuation of the gaps in achievement between advantaged and disadvantaged pupils. However, by critiquing other conflicting evidence surrounding the Coalition ‘sponsored’ academy model and academy chains (through the different interpretations and counter-arguments of other traditional and more contemporary researchers), it was found that working class parents themselves contribute to this social segregation, and that even though this academy policy is founded upon Neoliberal principles, they are employed through ‘quasi-markets’ and seemingly democratic rhetoric, which differs from the traditional educational markets. Policy which promises the development of the ‘self-improving school system’, increased cooperation and collaboration between schools, and a realistic and sustainable solution to the social class achievement gap.
The year 1970 marked a major change within the perceptions and attitudes towards disability. Up t... more The year 1970 marked a major change within the perceptions and attitudes towards disability. Up to this time period, during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, principles of disability were founded upon the medical model of disability, which defined individuals by their personal disabilities, majored on the beliefs that pupils with special educational needs and disabilities (SEN/D) were 'ineducable', and 'educationally sub-normal' and endorsed the use of medically diagnosed categories and segregated education (Armstrong, 2007; Armstrong and Squires, 2012, p.11; Elshabrawy and Hassanein, 2015; Hodkinson and Vickerman, 2014; MacBeath, et al., 2006, p.2; Peer and Reid, 2012).<br>
Classroom Management in Primary Education: A Report Based on Observations Focussing on the Classroom Rules and Routines Teachers’ Adopt to Represent Their Expectations, Manage Social Behaviour and Support the Conditions for Pupils’ Engagement with Learning, 2018
Academy schools have now been part of the educational landscape in England for nearly two decades... more Academy schools have now been part of the educational landscape in England for nearly two decades. Originally introduced by the New Labour government (from 1997 – 2010) in 2000, and significantly expanded and evolved by the Conservative-led Coalition government (from 2010 – 2015) in 2010, this school model has consistently adhered to Neoliberal governmentality and rhetoric, and has promised to raise educational standards and reduce the achievement gap between the most and least disadvantaged pupils. However, over the years, a growing body of contradictory evidence has fuelled major criticism and uncertainty surrounding academies and their complex relationship(s) with achievement, autonomy, accountability and collaboration. This was the focus of this paper, to delve into these debates, and review, analyse and critique the past and current evidence on the Coalition Academy Programme, ultimately questioning its success or failure in addressing the social class achievement gap. By critiquing the growing evidence surrounding the Coalition ‘converter’ academy model (through the sociological lenses of Functionalistic, Marxist and Social and Cultural Reproduction Theory), it was found that this Academy Programme was and is being used by the Coalition (and the current Conservative) government as a functionalistic and exploitative medium for legitimising and reproducing social and educational inequality, which poses the greater risks of increased academy school selective practices, the further social segregation and exclusion of disadvantaged pupils and a continuation of the gaps in achievement between advantaged and disadvantaged pupils. However, by critiquing other conflicting evidence surrounding the Coalition ‘sponsored’ academy model and academy chains (through the different interpretations and counter-arguments of other traditional and more contemporary researchers), it was found that working class parents themselves contribute to this social segregation, and that even though this academy policy is founded upon Neoliberal principles, they are employed through ‘quasi-markets’ and seemingly democratic rhetoric, which differs from the traditional educational markets. Policy which promises the development of the ‘self-improving school system’, increased cooperation and collaboration between schools, and a realistic and sustainable solution to the social class achievement gap.
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By critiquing the growing evidence surrounding the Coalition ‘converter’ academy model (through the sociological lenses of Functionalistic, Marxist and Social and Cultural Reproduction Theory), it was found that this Academy Programme was and is being used by the Coalition (and the current Conservative) government as a functionalistic and exploitative medium for legitimising and reproducing social and educational inequality, which poses the greater risks of increased academy school selective practices, the further social segregation and exclusion of disadvantaged pupils and a continuation of the gaps in achievement between advantaged and disadvantaged pupils.
However, by critiquing other conflicting evidence surrounding the Coalition ‘sponsored’ academy model and academy chains (through the different interpretations and counter-arguments of other traditional and more contemporary researchers), it was found that working class parents themselves contribute to this social segregation, and that even though this academy policy is founded upon Neoliberal principles, they are employed through ‘quasi-markets’ and seemingly democratic rhetoric, which differs from the traditional educational markets. Policy which promises the development of the ‘self-improving school system’, increased cooperation and collaboration between schools, and a realistic and sustainable solution to the social class achievement gap.
By critiquing the growing evidence surrounding the Coalition ‘converter’ academy model (through the sociological lenses of Functionalistic, Marxist and Social and Cultural Reproduction Theory), it was found that this Academy Programme was and is being used by the Coalition (and the current Conservative) government as a functionalistic and exploitative medium for legitimising and reproducing social and educational inequality, which poses the greater risks of increased academy school selective practices, the further social segregation and exclusion of disadvantaged pupils and a continuation of the gaps in achievement between advantaged and disadvantaged pupils.
However, by critiquing other conflicting evidence surrounding the Coalition ‘sponsored’ academy model and academy chains (through the different interpretations and counter-arguments of other traditional and more contemporary researchers), it was found that working class parents themselves contribute to this social segregation, and that even though this academy policy is founded upon Neoliberal principles, they are employed through ‘quasi-markets’ and seemingly democratic rhetoric, which differs from the traditional educational markets. Policy which promises the development of the ‘self-improving school system’, increased cooperation and collaboration between schools, and a realistic and sustainable solution to the social class achievement gap.