CAROLINE YEZER
Caroline Yezer is an anthropologist whose work focuses on indigenous rights, political violence, and transitional justice in Peru. Her long-term fieldsite is in Peru’s Ayacucho department, an Andean region that was the epicenter of the country’s internal war, fought between the Peruvian state forces and the Maoist rebels known as The Shining Path. Caroline has published on the politics of memory in Peru’s Truth Commission, the crisis of indigenous citizenship in Ayacucho, and the conflict between village governance, women’s rights and demilitarization. Her coedited book Formas del Recuerdo: Etnografías de Ayacucho pasado y presente (Shapes of Memory: Ethnographies of Political Violence in Peru) was published by the Institute for Peruvian Studies in Lima in Fall of 2013. Her latest research is on Peru’s drug war, including the suspension of civil rights in the drug emergency zone, and the parallel rise of indigenous politics, and coca grower movement in Ayacucho and Pichari, Cusco. She is currently revising manuscripts on the recovery of village memories of the first wave of Shining Path guerrillas in rural Peruvian schools, and the effect of neoliberalism on Peru’s indigenous rights laws. Her funding and awards include the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation, the Weatherhead Dissertation Fellowship at the School for Advanced Research, the Wenner-Gren Foundation, and the United States Institute of Peace.
Profesora de Antropología en EEUU donde ensena cursos sobre los derechos indígenas, ciudadanía y justicia posconflicto en América Latina. Empezó su trabajo de campo etnográfico en 1999 en el tema de la violencia politica y la reconciliación en Huanta. Sus publicaciones explora como las demandas de campesinos para reparaciones y seguridad son afectadas por una época nueva de gobernabilidad transnacional y de violencia clandestina en la guerra contra las drogas. Co-editora del libro Las formas del recuerdo. Etnografias de la violencia política en el Perú, publicado por el Instituto de Estudios Peruanos y Instituto Francés por Estudios Andinos (2013). Ha recibido premios de investigación de la Fundación Harry Frank Guggenheim, la Fundación Wenner-Gren y el Instituto de Paz de los Estados Unidos. Su investigación actual se centra en la militarización, cocaleros y políticas culturales indígenas en el valle del rio Apurímac Ene y Mantaro (VRAEM).
Teaching and research interests:
Latin America / Andes / Peru, “dirty wars”; militarization, gender and citizenship; US-Latin American connections; peasants, indigenous culture and politics; globalization and neoliberalism; violence, human rights and peacemaking; born-again Christianity; cocaine economies; ethnographic field methods
Teaching
Assistant Professor, College of the Holy Cross:
"Political Anthropology"
“Politics and Cultures of Latin America”
“Anthropological Perspectives”
“Culture and Human Rights”
"Activism & Resistance Movements"
"The Art of Protest"
Instructor, Duke University:
“Anthropological Fieldwork Methods”
"Senior Honors Thesis Writing Seminar"
"Women, Culture and Human Rights" (Women’s Studies)
"Peasant Studies in Global Context
Address: Clark University, International Development Community & Environment
IDCE House Office #41, 10 Hawthorne St, Worcester MA 01610 -1477, USA
Profesora de Antropología en EEUU donde ensena cursos sobre los derechos indígenas, ciudadanía y justicia posconflicto en América Latina. Empezó su trabajo de campo etnográfico en 1999 en el tema de la violencia politica y la reconciliación en Huanta. Sus publicaciones explora como las demandas de campesinos para reparaciones y seguridad son afectadas por una época nueva de gobernabilidad transnacional y de violencia clandestina en la guerra contra las drogas. Co-editora del libro Las formas del recuerdo. Etnografias de la violencia política en el Perú, publicado por el Instituto de Estudios Peruanos y Instituto Francés por Estudios Andinos (2013). Ha recibido premios de investigación de la Fundación Harry Frank Guggenheim, la Fundación Wenner-Gren y el Instituto de Paz de los Estados Unidos. Su investigación actual se centra en la militarización, cocaleros y políticas culturales indígenas en el valle del rio Apurímac Ene y Mantaro (VRAEM).
Teaching and research interests:
Latin America / Andes / Peru, “dirty wars”; militarization, gender and citizenship; US-Latin American connections; peasants, indigenous culture and politics; globalization and neoliberalism; violence, human rights and peacemaking; born-again Christianity; cocaine economies; ethnographic field methods
Teaching
Assistant Professor, College of the Holy Cross:
"Political Anthropology"
“Politics and Cultures of Latin America”
“Anthropological Perspectives”
“Culture and Human Rights”
"Activism & Resistance Movements"
"The Art of Protest"
Instructor, Duke University:
“Anthropological Fieldwork Methods”
"Senior Honors Thesis Writing Seminar"
"Women, Culture and Human Rights" (Women’s Studies)
"Peasant Studies in Global Context
Address: Clark University, International Development Community & Environment
IDCE House Office #41, 10 Hawthorne St, Worcester MA 01610 -1477, USA
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PUBLICATIONS by CAROLINE YEZER
of peace, but after a violent conflict. These
rumors can be a kind of 'weapon of the weak' in which peasants attempt to explain and predict the
kind of violence & security they face today.
But they may also be used by the state to
hide corruption or neglect, and further
consolidate control over citizens.
What made this election so close, however, was not the political positions of the run-off election candidates—both candidates ran on pro-business, neoliberal political platforms. Rather, Kuczynski’s triumph over Fujimori was, ironically, the result of a newly strengthened Peruvian Left, and the formation of a coalition that linked progressive urban sectors with increasingly organized resistance to mining and rights violations in the country’s largely indigenous rural provinces.
https://nacla.org/news/2016/06/22/peru’s-unlikely-anti-fujimori-alliance
he also simply wants to be reunited with his older brother, who joined the rebels and has since risen in the guerrilla movement’s ranks. So begins When Rains Became Floods, the remarkable autobiography of Peruvian child soldier and dirty war survivor Lurgio Gavilán Sánchez.....
Las memorias negativas asociadas al Estado no han desaparecido de aquella área, en la que la mayoría de los campesinos sufrieron la muerte de al menos un ser querido a manos de los militares o de las guerrillas. Sin embargo, comuneros percibían la intervención del discurso de los derechos humanos como una fuerza desestabilizadora, e incluso expresaban nostalgia por la disciplina militar de “hombres de verdad” del pasado reciente. Durante mi trabajo de campo en Wiracocha, una pequeña comunidad localizada en lo que fue el corazón de la guerra en Perú, tanto hombres como mujeres lamentaban la aparente pérdida de la solidaridad social que había traído el fin de la guerra. Expresaban estas inseguridades a través de un discurso de género y autoridad que igualaba la virilidad y vitalidad masculinas con la autonomía comunitaria y la fuerza social. Si los antiguos líderes de Wiracocha habían sido efectivos y firmes por su fuerza y virilidad durante la guerra, los comuneros de hoy se quejaban de que ya no eran más que machu qari (hombre [s] viejo[s]), demasiado débiles e ineficaces para asegurar la continuidad y supervivencia de su comunidad.
Este trabajo explora cómo la transformación de la militarización a la reforma de derechos humanos en Wiracocha se ha vivido como una serie de cambios entreverados en los roles de género y en la ciudadanía de los campesinos indígenas en el Perú de la postguerra. Durante la guerra, los comuneros de Wiracocha habían encontrado seguridad e incluso orgullo en su cooperación con los militares, especialmente al ser confrontados con el autoritarismo de los rebeldes de Sendero Luminoso (Starn 1998). A partir de esa cooperación, los hombres comenzaron a “ponerse machos,” en palabras de un patrullero, formando sus propias patrullas de contrainsurgencia que más tarde serían subsumidas por las fuerzas del estado (Del Pino 1992). La militarización de las comunidades llegó incluso a remplazar ciertas formas de liderazgo y justicia comunales que habían perdido relevancia durante la guerra.
Introducción: etnografías e historias de la violencia; Ponciano Del Pino H.
Parte 1: Relocalizando "la violencia"
"En nombre del gobierno": políticas locales, memoria y violencia en el Perú del siglo XX
Ponciano Del Pino H.
"Una brutalidad propia de hombres cavernarios": conflicto de género y lucha armada en Ayacucho (1940-1983)
Miguel La Serna
Parte 2: Producción cultural y memorias de la violencia
Canciones de sirenas: ritual y revolución en los Andes peruanos
Jonathan Ritter
Cuando las almas cuentan la guerra: sueños, apariciones y visitas de los desaparecidos en la región de Ayacucho Arianna Cecconi
"Con San Luis nos hemos hecho respetar": la guerra, el santo y sus milagros en la construcción de una memoria heroica del conflicto en Huancapi (Ayacucho, Perú)
Valérie Robin Azevedo
Parte 3: Comunidad y posconflicto
Del machismo y el machu-qarismo: derechos humanos en un Ayacucho desmilitarizado
Caroline Yezer
Liderazgo evangélico y el espíritu de comunidad en Huaytabamba, Ayacucho
Arthur Scarritt
..............................This volume is the first collected volume of extended ethnographic research in the Ayacucho area since the end of Peru’s dirty war. For many years the violence in Peru’s countryside meant that anthropological investigation was done under a state of emergency, with brief visits only to the countryside. The paucity of data lead to severe misconceptions about what was going on in the highlands from 1980 to 1999 (academic articles mistakenly understood Shining Path to be a utopian indigenous movement instead of a Marxist one, for example, due to this difficulty in getting firsthand interviews or information). Since the end of the war quite a few anthropologists had conducted fieldwork in Ayacucho, but few Peruvian had access to this work because the resulting publications were in Spanish or held in the libraries in Lima. . As a result ethnohistorian Ponciano del Pino and I began a project of buiding this collection of our own work as well as that of a historian, an ethnomusicologist, a rural sociologist and anthropologists from France, Italy and Peru. This volume will thus 1. Be the first of its kind to bring together long term ethnographic field research in Ayacucho since the war (1980-2000); 2. Make findings of this fieldwork – authored for the most part by foreigners who will publish in English – available to the Peruvian public, human rights activists and academics in Spanish.
rondas
usedtobeaguarantee(theoretically)ofrightsasPeruvians,nowrightsweretobemanagedthroughdeterritorializedpara-stateorganizations(non-governmentalorganizations[NGOs]andinternationalbodiesliketheUnitedNations)mysteriouslybeyondthesovereigntyofPeru.Atthesametime,humanrightsdiscourseresonatedwithwomen’sgrowingeconomicandsocialindependenceafterthewar.Withintheirhomes,womenwereabletousethehumanrightsinterventionstocreateaspacefromwhichtheycouldmakepoliticaldemandsfordecisionmaking,especiallytocontroltheirreproductiverights.
Peru’s uneven and sometimes contradictory transition from a culture of nationalrights to a culture of fundamental humanity also speaks to broader patterns of governance, in which states transition from Keynesian welfare programs to what somehave called a "neoliberal governmentality" (Gupta and Ferguson 2002
"This chapter explains how people in Wiracocha are experiencing shifts from militarization to human rights reform in ways that are crosscut by changes in gender roles and in indigenous peasant citizenship in post-conflict Peru. During the war, villagers in Wiracocha were able to find some measure of security and even pride in their cooperation with the military, especially when confronted with the authoritarianism of Shining Path rebels (Starn 1990). At that time peasant men began to, as one patroller put it, “ponerse macho” (“make themselves macho”) by forming their own counterinsurgency patrols that were later subsumed by state forces (Del Pino 1991). Militarization of villages went so far as to even replace certain customary forms of leadership and justice that had diminished during the war.
In the Andes, where citizenship rights have been routinely denied to Quechua speaking highlanders, serving in the military has been one of the few ways that indigenous men can claim their most basic rights for themselves and their families. This militarized culture of rights has clashed, however, with the turn to peace-building and international human rights laws. In Peru, the deployment of human rights has brought with it an ideological shift in the ways that rights are understood and regulated, from a nation-state soldier-citizen model to a transnational one based on the universal human rights of the international citizen. Villagers express and experience this change through cultural understandings of gender. As well, they experience this shift differently, across the gender divide. Men who had served in Wiracocha’s counterinsurgency, and sided with the state against Maoist rebels felt the shift from military justice to international human rights as disorienting and potentially dangerous. If their service in the military, or rondas used to be a guarantee (theoretically) of rights as Peruvians, now rights were to be managed through deterritorialized para-state organizations (non-governmental organizations [NGOs] and international bodies like the United Nations) mysteriously beyond the sovereignty of Peru. At the same time, human rights discourse resonated with women’s growing economic and social independence after the war. Within their homes, women were able to use the human rights interventions to create a space from which they could make political demands for decision making, especially to control their reproductive rights.
Peru’s uneven and sometimes contradictory transition from a culture of national rights to a culture of fundamental humanity also speaks to broader patterns of governance, in which states transition from Keynesian welfare programs to what some have called a "neoliberal governmentality" (Gupta and Ferguson 2002)
The consequences of these neoliberal reforms are especially dramatic and difficult to evaluate in Latin America. On the one hand, transnational networks of human rights organizations and international NGOs are an important source of solidarity and external intervention for local activists (Escobar and Alvarez 1992). The new forms of governance that come from privatized, non-governmental organizations have played a progressive role in revealing hidden state violence such as death squads, torture and “disappearances” in order to hold oppressors accountable for these deniable crimes. International networks are also a source of aid and solidarity in countries with large indigenous populations like Peru, where watch-dog groups may be all that stands between state or private interests . and the territories, rights and lives of indigenous citizens (Garcia 1999, Stavenhagen 1995).
But while transnational alliances have helped combat state atrocities, anthropologists caution that they can also fit well within neoliberal reforms that may take away access to indigenous resources formerly protected by the state. Research on indigenous social movements, for example, cautions that at times multiculturalism and human rights law may, paradoxically, reign in indigenous autonomy (Hale 2006; Postero 2006; Speed 2005; Speed and Collier 2000). [….] By the same token, the case of Wiracocha shows us that any advocacy for human rights in struggles for social justice must also take place, as Hannah Arendt once argued, at the level of belonging to a nation. In Ayacucho rural citizens have most often encountered the nation in the form of the military patrol, the paramilitary, or the barracks. In this analysis I use feminist critiques of militarization to understand how indigenous peasants struggle to do ensure their membership in the national by maintaining some ties to their war past. These scholars have argued that an analysis of the relationship between marginalized people and state forces as solely oppressive does not capture the complexity of war or the options for citizenship offered by conscription. Equally important are the ways that desire, power and cultural capital are bound up in military service (Enloe 1983; Gill 2000, 2004; Lutz 2001). For example, Lesley Gill has explored the ways that indigenous men in Bolivia, view military service as a way to improve their status within a society that excludes them (Gill 2000). Even though they face racism of the whiter, mestizo officers and are forced to occupy the lowest rungs of military service, subaltern men become soldiers, she argues, because, among other things military service is one of the few ways to gain official citizenship in the nation (Gill 1997). In Wiracocha villagers use their strongest claim to the nation – their military service – to ensure that they keep this fundamental connection to this essential “right to have rights.”
"
Teaching Documents by CAROLINE YEZER
Conference Presentations by CAROLINE YEZER
of peace, but after a violent conflict. These
rumors can be a kind of 'weapon of the weak' in which peasants attempt to explain and predict the
kind of violence & security they face today.
But they may also be used by the state to
hide corruption or neglect, and further
consolidate control over citizens.
What made this election so close, however, was not the political positions of the run-off election candidates—both candidates ran on pro-business, neoliberal political platforms. Rather, Kuczynski’s triumph over Fujimori was, ironically, the result of a newly strengthened Peruvian Left, and the formation of a coalition that linked progressive urban sectors with increasingly organized resistance to mining and rights violations in the country’s largely indigenous rural provinces.
https://nacla.org/news/2016/06/22/peru’s-unlikely-anti-fujimori-alliance
he also simply wants to be reunited with his older brother, who joined the rebels and has since risen in the guerrilla movement’s ranks. So begins When Rains Became Floods, the remarkable autobiography of Peruvian child soldier and dirty war survivor Lurgio Gavilán Sánchez.....
Las memorias negativas asociadas al Estado no han desaparecido de aquella área, en la que la mayoría de los campesinos sufrieron la muerte de al menos un ser querido a manos de los militares o de las guerrillas. Sin embargo, comuneros percibían la intervención del discurso de los derechos humanos como una fuerza desestabilizadora, e incluso expresaban nostalgia por la disciplina militar de “hombres de verdad” del pasado reciente. Durante mi trabajo de campo en Wiracocha, una pequeña comunidad localizada en lo que fue el corazón de la guerra en Perú, tanto hombres como mujeres lamentaban la aparente pérdida de la solidaridad social que había traído el fin de la guerra. Expresaban estas inseguridades a través de un discurso de género y autoridad que igualaba la virilidad y vitalidad masculinas con la autonomía comunitaria y la fuerza social. Si los antiguos líderes de Wiracocha habían sido efectivos y firmes por su fuerza y virilidad durante la guerra, los comuneros de hoy se quejaban de que ya no eran más que machu qari (hombre [s] viejo[s]), demasiado débiles e ineficaces para asegurar la continuidad y supervivencia de su comunidad.
Este trabajo explora cómo la transformación de la militarización a la reforma de derechos humanos en Wiracocha se ha vivido como una serie de cambios entreverados en los roles de género y en la ciudadanía de los campesinos indígenas en el Perú de la postguerra. Durante la guerra, los comuneros de Wiracocha habían encontrado seguridad e incluso orgullo en su cooperación con los militares, especialmente al ser confrontados con el autoritarismo de los rebeldes de Sendero Luminoso (Starn 1998). A partir de esa cooperación, los hombres comenzaron a “ponerse machos,” en palabras de un patrullero, formando sus propias patrullas de contrainsurgencia que más tarde serían subsumidas por las fuerzas del estado (Del Pino 1992). La militarización de las comunidades llegó incluso a remplazar ciertas formas de liderazgo y justicia comunales que habían perdido relevancia durante la guerra.
Introducción: etnografías e historias de la violencia; Ponciano Del Pino H.
Parte 1: Relocalizando "la violencia"
"En nombre del gobierno": políticas locales, memoria y violencia en el Perú del siglo XX
Ponciano Del Pino H.
"Una brutalidad propia de hombres cavernarios": conflicto de género y lucha armada en Ayacucho (1940-1983)
Miguel La Serna
Parte 2: Producción cultural y memorias de la violencia
Canciones de sirenas: ritual y revolución en los Andes peruanos
Jonathan Ritter
Cuando las almas cuentan la guerra: sueños, apariciones y visitas de los desaparecidos en la región de Ayacucho Arianna Cecconi
"Con San Luis nos hemos hecho respetar": la guerra, el santo y sus milagros en la construcción de una memoria heroica del conflicto en Huancapi (Ayacucho, Perú)
Valérie Robin Azevedo
Parte 3: Comunidad y posconflicto
Del machismo y el machu-qarismo: derechos humanos en un Ayacucho desmilitarizado
Caroline Yezer
Liderazgo evangélico y el espíritu de comunidad en Huaytabamba, Ayacucho
Arthur Scarritt
..............................This volume is the first collected volume of extended ethnographic research in the Ayacucho area since the end of Peru’s dirty war. For many years the violence in Peru’s countryside meant that anthropological investigation was done under a state of emergency, with brief visits only to the countryside. The paucity of data lead to severe misconceptions about what was going on in the highlands from 1980 to 1999 (academic articles mistakenly understood Shining Path to be a utopian indigenous movement instead of a Marxist one, for example, due to this difficulty in getting firsthand interviews or information). Since the end of the war quite a few anthropologists had conducted fieldwork in Ayacucho, but few Peruvian had access to this work because the resulting publications were in Spanish or held in the libraries in Lima. . As a result ethnohistorian Ponciano del Pino and I began a project of buiding this collection of our own work as well as that of a historian, an ethnomusicologist, a rural sociologist and anthropologists from France, Italy and Peru. This volume will thus 1. Be the first of its kind to bring together long term ethnographic field research in Ayacucho since the war (1980-2000); 2. Make findings of this fieldwork – authored for the most part by foreigners who will publish in English – available to the Peruvian public, human rights activists and academics in Spanish.
rondas
usedtobeaguarantee(theoretically)ofrightsasPeruvians,nowrightsweretobemanagedthroughdeterritorializedpara-stateorganizations(non-governmentalorganizations[NGOs]andinternationalbodiesliketheUnitedNations)mysteriouslybeyondthesovereigntyofPeru.Atthesametime,humanrightsdiscourseresonatedwithwomen’sgrowingeconomicandsocialindependenceafterthewar.Withintheirhomes,womenwereabletousethehumanrightsinterventionstocreateaspacefromwhichtheycouldmakepoliticaldemandsfordecisionmaking,especiallytocontroltheirreproductiverights.
Peru’s uneven and sometimes contradictory transition from a culture of nationalrights to a culture of fundamental humanity also speaks to broader patterns of governance, in which states transition from Keynesian welfare programs to what somehave called a "neoliberal governmentality" (Gupta and Ferguson 2002
"This chapter explains how people in Wiracocha are experiencing shifts from militarization to human rights reform in ways that are crosscut by changes in gender roles and in indigenous peasant citizenship in post-conflict Peru. During the war, villagers in Wiracocha were able to find some measure of security and even pride in their cooperation with the military, especially when confronted with the authoritarianism of Shining Path rebels (Starn 1990). At that time peasant men began to, as one patroller put it, “ponerse macho” (“make themselves macho”) by forming their own counterinsurgency patrols that were later subsumed by state forces (Del Pino 1991). Militarization of villages went so far as to even replace certain customary forms of leadership and justice that had diminished during the war.
In the Andes, where citizenship rights have been routinely denied to Quechua speaking highlanders, serving in the military has been one of the few ways that indigenous men can claim their most basic rights for themselves and their families. This militarized culture of rights has clashed, however, with the turn to peace-building and international human rights laws. In Peru, the deployment of human rights has brought with it an ideological shift in the ways that rights are understood and regulated, from a nation-state soldier-citizen model to a transnational one based on the universal human rights of the international citizen. Villagers express and experience this change through cultural understandings of gender. As well, they experience this shift differently, across the gender divide. Men who had served in Wiracocha’s counterinsurgency, and sided with the state against Maoist rebels felt the shift from military justice to international human rights as disorienting and potentially dangerous. If their service in the military, or rondas used to be a guarantee (theoretically) of rights as Peruvians, now rights were to be managed through deterritorialized para-state organizations (non-governmental organizations [NGOs] and international bodies like the United Nations) mysteriously beyond the sovereignty of Peru. At the same time, human rights discourse resonated with women’s growing economic and social independence after the war. Within their homes, women were able to use the human rights interventions to create a space from which they could make political demands for decision making, especially to control their reproductive rights.
Peru’s uneven and sometimes contradictory transition from a culture of national rights to a culture of fundamental humanity also speaks to broader patterns of governance, in which states transition from Keynesian welfare programs to what some have called a "neoliberal governmentality" (Gupta and Ferguson 2002)
The consequences of these neoliberal reforms are especially dramatic and difficult to evaluate in Latin America. On the one hand, transnational networks of human rights organizations and international NGOs are an important source of solidarity and external intervention for local activists (Escobar and Alvarez 1992). The new forms of governance that come from privatized, non-governmental organizations have played a progressive role in revealing hidden state violence such as death squads, torture and “disappearances” in order to hold oppressors accountable for these deniable crimes. International networks are also a source of aid and solidarity in countries with large indigenous populations like Peru, where watch-dog groups may be all that stands between state or private interests . and the territories, rights and lives of indigenous citizens (Garcia 1999, Stavenhagen 1995).
But while transnational alliances have helped combat state atrocities, anthropologists caution that they can also fit well within neoliberal reforms that may take away access to indigenous resources formerly protected by the state. Research on indigenous social movements, for example, cautions that at times multiculturalism and human rights law may, paradoxically, reign in indigenous autonomy (Hale 2006; Postero 2006; Speed 2005; Speed and Collier 2000). [….] By the same token, the case of Wiracocha shows us that any advocacy for human rights in struggles for social justice must also take place, as Hannah Arendt once argued, at the level of belonging to a nation. In Ayacucho rural citizens have most often encountered the nation in the form of the military patrol, the paramilitary, or the barracks. In this analysis I use feminist critiques of militarization to understand how indigenous peasants struggle to do ensure their membership in the national by maintaining some ties to their war past. These scholars have argued that an analysis of the relationship between marginalized people and state forces as solely oppressive does not capture the complexity of war or the options for citizenship offered by conscription. Equally important are the ways that desire, power and cultural capital are bound up in military service (Enloe 1983; Gill 2000, 2004; Lutz 2001). For example, Lesley Gill has explored the ways that indigenous men in Bolivia, view military service as a way to improve their status within a society that excludes them (Gill 2000). Even though they face racism of the whiter, mestizo officers and are forced to occupy the lowest rungs of military service, subaltern men become soldiers, she argues, because, among other things military service is one of the few ways to gain official citizenship in the nation (Gill 1997). In Wiracocha villagers use their strongest claim to the nation – their military service – to ensure that they keep this fundamental connection to this essential “right to have rights.”
"