My formal training is in Semitics with special focus on Ancient Hebrew, Akkadian, Aramaic, and Ugaritic. While I spent the mid part of my life working in industry, in retirement I have returned to my studies. An active amateur scholar, I have published in Ugarit-Forschungen, The Catholic Biblical Quarterly, JANER, and JBL. I was also an associate editor of as Shamra Parallels: the Texts from Ugarit and the Hebrew Bible vol. II to which I contributed a chapter on the Akkadian wisdom text RS 22.439 from Ugarit.
This article argues that the snake in Gen 3 is best understood within a cultural context that inc... more This article argues that the snake in Gen 3 is best understood within a cultural context that included Mesopotamian ophiomancy. Reading the snake in Gen 3 in this context leads to understanding Hebrew טוב ורע as meaning “good fortune and ill fortune.” The article reviews ophiomancy as reflected in omen series Šumma Ālu ina mēlê šakin and other Mesopotamian omen and ritual texts. Of the hundreds of snake omens, forty some deal with the ominous behavior of snakes acting in the presence of a man and a woman. These omens provide instructive parallels for the interaction of the snake in Gen 3 and the first couple. They also provide evidence for the cultural context of the snake’s role as a communicator of YHWH’s mind if not YHWH’s will. With several well-attested examples of polysemy and alliteration in Gen 2–3, ancient authors and readers no doubt perceived an unstated relationship between (“snake”) and (“divination”). Hebrew טוב and רע have overlapping semantic ranges with Akkadian damqu and lemuttu. Good fortune and ill fortune are within those overlapping ranges. Scholars have long noted parallels between Gen 2–3 and other Mesopotamian traditions, most notably Gilgamesh and Adapa.
Drawing on the Akkadian omen series Šumma Ālu and its predecessors, this essay argues for a Mesop... more Drawing on the Akkadian omen series Šumma Ālu and its predecessors, this essay argues for a Mesopotamian origin of Homeric bird-divination. Against the suggestion of Högemann and Oettinger that Greek bird-divination has its closest parallels with Hittite bird-divination, I argue that both in its function as a tool for divination and in its specific content, Homeric bird-divination, if not all such ancient Greek divination, finds much closer parallels in Mesopotamian divination traditions than it does in Anatolian traditions. I suggest that the late 8th century B.C.E. and the decades before and after 1200 B.C.E. represent two periods when conditions were particularly ripe for the introduction of Mesopotamian bird-divination into the Aegean and that itinerant diviners, perhaps in the employment of armies, were the most likely conveyors of this particular form of divination.
In this paper I first study the occurrences of the trope משׁתין בקיר in Samuel and Kings. I then ... more In this paper I first study the occurrences of the trope משׁתין בקיר in Samuel and Kings. I then outline and evaluate various scholarly interpretations of the trope. Finally, I propose a new interpretation that relies on the urine omina in the Assyrian Dream Book, series Ziqïqu. Based on these omina, I will suggest that a משׁתין בקיר is a person who hopes for progeny.
This article argues that the snake in Gen 3 is best understood within a cultural context that inc... more This article argues that the snake in Gen 3 is best understood within a cultural context that included Mesopotamian ophiomancy. Reading the snake in Gen 3 in this context leads to understanding Hebrew טוב ורע as meaning “good fortune and ill fortune.” The article reviews ophiomancy as reflected in omen series Šumma Ālu ina mēlê šakin and other Mesopotamian omen and ritual texts. Of the hundreds of snake omens, forty some deal with the ominous behavior of snakes acting in the presence of a man and a woman. These omens provide instructive parallels for the interaction of the snake in Gen 3 and the first couple. They also provide evidence for the cultural context of the snake’s role as a communicator of YHWH’s mind if not YHWH’s will. With several well-attested examples of polysemy and alliteration in Gen 2–3, ancient authors and readers no doubt perceived an unstated relationship between נחשׁ (“snake”) and נחשׁ (“divination”). Hebrew טוב and רע have overlapping semantic ranges with Akkadian damqu and lemuttu. Good fortune and ill fortune are within those overlapping ranges. Scholars have long noted parallels between Gen 2–3 and other Mesopotamian traditions, most notably Gilgamesh and Adapa.
Four chapters in Alan Lenzi, ed. Reading Akkadian Prayers and Hymns: An Introduction (Ancient Nea... more Four chapters in Alan Lenzi, ed. Reading Akkadian Prayers and Hymns: An Introduction (Ancient Near East Monographs – Society of Biblical Literature, series 3, Ehud Ben Zvi and Roxana Flammini eds.; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2011)
"An Incantation-prayer: Nusku 12," 179-188
"A Ritual and Incantation-prayer against Ghost-induced Illness: Shamash 73," 197-216
“A Shuilla: Shamash 1,” 367-384
“A Namburbi against the Evil of a Snake: Shamash 25,” 421-432
In this paper I first study the occurrences of the trope משׁתין בקיר in Samuel and Kings. I then ... more In this paper I first study the occurrences of the trope משׁתין בקיר in Samuel and Kings. I then outline and evaluate various scholarly interpretations of the trope. Finally, I propose a new interpretation that relies on the urine omina in the Assyrian Dream Book, series Ziqïqu. Based on these omina, I will suggest that a משׁתין בקיר is a person who hopes for progeny.
Recently Cohen, Maran and Vetters published a broken cylindrical ivory rod incised with a cuneifo... more Recently Cohen, Maran and Vetters published a broken cylindrical ivory rod incised with a cuneiform inscription. The artifact was found among the remains of the Lower Citadel of Tiryns in the Peloponnese. The authors provide a thorough discussion of the archeological context of the discovery and very helpful photographs and drawings of the object and its inscription. Cohen, Maran and Vetters date the object to c. 1200 BCE. Cohen argues for two possible closely related readings and interpretations of the inscription.
In this paper I will (1) argue for two closely related alternative readings and interpretations that themselves differ significantly from those proposed by Cohen. (2) I will then examine Cohen’s reading of the inscription. And (3) I will discuss the publication team’s interpretation of the rod in the light of my suggested interpretations. Figure 1 is drawing, of the artifact and its inscription.
This article argues that the snake in Gen 3 is best understood within a cultural context that inc... more This article argues that the snake in Gen 3 is best understood within a cultural context that included Mesopotamian ophiomancy. Reading the snake in Gen 3 in this context leads to understanding Hebrew טוב ורע as meaning “good fortune and ill fortune.” The article reviews ophiomancy as reflected in omen series Šumma Ālu ina mēlê šakin and other Mesopotamian omen and ritual texts. Of the hundreds of snake omens, forty some deal with the ominous behavior of snakes acting in the presence of a man and a woman. These omens provide instructive parallels for the interaction of the snake in Gen 3 and the first couple. They also provide evidence for the cultural context of the snake’s role as a communicator of YHWH’s mind if not YHWH’s will. With several well-attested examples of polysemy and alliteration in Gen 2–3, ancient authors and readers no doubt perceived an unstated relationship between (“snake”) and (“divination”). Hebrew טוב and רע have overlapping semantic ranges with Akkadian damqu and lemuttu. Good fortune and ill fortune are within those overlapping ranges. Scholars have long noted parallels between Gen 2–3 and other Mesopotamian traditions, most notably Gilgamesh and Adapa.
Drawing on the Akkadian omen series Šumma Ālu and its predecessors, this essay argues for a Mesop... more Drawing on the Akkadian omen series Šumma Ālu and its predecessors, this essay argues for a Mesopotamian origin of Homeric bird-divination. Against the suggestion of Högemann and Oettinger that Greek bird-divination has its closest parallels with Hittite bird-divination, I argue that both in its function as a tool for divination and in its specific content, Homeric bird-divination, if not all such ancient Greek divination, finds much closer parallels in Mesopotamian divination traditions than it does in Anatolian traditions. I suggest that the late 8th century B.C.E. and the decades before and after 1200 B.C.E. represent two periods when conditions were particularly ripe for the introduction of Mesopotamian bird-divination into the Aegean and that itinerant diviners, perhaps in the employment of armies, were the most likely conveyors of this particular form of divination.
In this paper I first study the occurrences of the trope משׁתין בקיר in Samuel and Kings. I then ... more In this paper I first study the occurrences of the trope משׁתין בקיר in Samuel and Kings. I then outline and evaluate various scholarly interpretations of the trope. Finally, I propose a new interpretation that relies on the urine omina in the Assyrian Dream Book, series Ziqïqu. Based on these omina, I will suggest that a משׁתין בקיר is a person who hopes for progeny.
This article argues that the snake in Gen 3 is best understood within a cultural context that inc... more This article argues that the snake in Gen 3 is best understood within a cultural context that included Mesopotamian ophiomancy. Reading the snake in Gen 3 in this context leads to understanding Hebrew טוב ורע as meaning “good fortune and ill fortune.” The article reviews ophiomancy as reflected in omen series Šumma Ālu ina mēlê šakin and other Mesopotamian omen and ritual texts. Of the hundreds of snake omens, forty some deal with the ominous behavior of snakes acting in the presence of a man and a woman. These omens provide instructive parallels for the interaction of the snake in Gen 3 and the first couple. They also provide evidence for the cultural context of the snake’s role as a communicator of YHWH’s mind if not YHWH’s will. With several well-attested examples of polysemy and alliteration in Gen 2–3, ancient authors and readers no doubt perceived an unstated relationship between נחשׁ (“snake”) and נחשׁ (“divination”). Hebrew טוב and רע have overlapping semantic ranges with Akkadian damqu and lemuttu. Good fortune and ill fortune are within those overlapping ranges. Scholars have long noted parallels between Gen 2–3 and other Mesopotamian traditions, most notably Gilgamesh and Adapa.
Four chapters in Alan Lenzi, ed. Reading Akkadian Prayers and Hymns: An Introduction (Ancient Nea... more Four chapters in Alan Lenzi, ed. Reading Akkadian Prayers and Hymns: An Introduction (Ancient Near East Monographs – Society of Biblical Literature, series 3, Ehud Ben Zvi and Roxana Flammini eds.; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2011)
"An Incantation-prayer: Nusku 12," 179-188
"A Ritual and Incantation-prayer against Ghost-induced Illness: Shamash 73," 197-216
“A Shuilla: Shamash 1,” 367-384
“A Namburbi against the Evil of a Snake: Shamash 25,” 421-432
In this paper I first study the occurrences of the trope משׁתין בקיר in Samuel and Kings. I then ... more In this paper I first study the occurrences of the trope משׁתין בקיר in Samuel and Kings. I then outline and evaluate various scholarly interpretations of the trope. Finally, I propose a new interpretation that relies on the urine omina in the Assyrian Dream Book, series Ziqïqu. Based on these omina, I will suggest that a משׁתין בקיר is a person who hopes for progeny.
Recently Cohen, Maran and Vetters published a broken cylindrical ivory rod incised with a cuneifo... more Recently Cohen, Maran and Vetters published a broken cylindrical ivory rod incised with a cuneiform inscription. The artifact was found among the remains of the Lower Citadel of Tiryns in the Peloponnese. The authors provide a thorough discussion of the archeological context of the discovery and very helpful photographs and drawings of the object and its inscription. Cohen, Maran and Vetters date the object to c. 1200 BCE. Cohen argues for two possible closely related readings and interpretations of the inscription.
In this paper I will (1) argue for two closely related alternative readings and interpretations that themselves differ significantly from those proposed by Cohen. (2) I will then examine Cohen’s reading of the inscription. And (3) I will discuss the publication team’s interpretation of the rod in the light of my suggested interpretations. Figure 1 is drawing, of the artifact and its inscription.
Uploads
Papers by Duane Smith
"An Incantation-prayer: Nusku 12," 179-188
"A Ritual and Incantation-prayer against Ghost-induced Illness: Shamash 73," 197-216
“A Shuilla: Shamash 1,” 367-384
“A Namburbi against the Evil of a Snake: Shamash 25,” 421-432
In this paper I will (1) argue for two closely related alternative readings and interpretations that themselves differ significantly from those proposed by Cohen. (2) I will then examine Cohen’s reading of the inscription. And (3) I will discuss the publication team’s interpretation of the rod in the light of my suggested interpretations. Figure 1 is drawing, of the artifact and its inscription.
"An Incantation-prayer: Nusku 12," 179-188
"A Ritual and Incantation-prayer against Ghost-induced Illness: Shamash 73," 197-216
“A Shuilla: Shamash 1,” 367-384
“A Namburbi against the Evil of a Snake: Shamash 25,” 421-432
In this paper I will (1) argue for two closely related alternative readings and interpretations that themselves differ significantly from those proposed by Cohen. (2) I will then examine Cohen’s reading of the inscription. And (3) I will discuss the publication team’s interpretation of the rod in the light of my suggested interpretations. Figure 1 is drawing, of the artifact and its inscription.