Social scientist, policy expert and social entrepreneur with specialisation in comparative European politics, immigration, devolution, social policy and European integration.
While immigration policy has recently emerged onto the Scottish political agenda, despite being a... more While immigration policy has recently emerged onto the Scottish political agenda, despite being an issue reserved to Westminster, its sister policy – the integration of immigrants after they arrive – has received little attention north of the border, despite being an issue devolved to Scotland. This article explores why the ‘hidden’ nature of integration policy in Scotland differs so much from the fireworks accompanying integration debates, pursued through the lens of ‘community cohesion’, in England/the UK. Is the Scottish approach to immigrant integration another example of policy divergence from Westminster? Or are there still forces of convergence at play? This article provides an overview of the understudied area of immigrant integration in Scotland, assessing it through the theoretical lens of policy divergence and convergence. Based on a qualitative analysis of legislative and policy documents, party programmes and elite interviews, it explores political-strategic, institutional and contextual factors that have influenced integration policymaking in Scotland, and situates the analysis within broader theoretical debates about the changing nature of integration policy across Europe. A key finding is that while the ‘retreat of multiculturalism’ and moves towards coercive forms of civic integration may be evident across EU states – including the UK, devolved Scottish institutions are resisting this trend by quietly articulating the vision of a plural, inclusive society that encourages and supports newcomers to work and live in Scotland.
In multilevel states, control over migrant integration generally rests with the sub-state regiona... more In multilevel states, control over migrant integration generally rests with the sub-state regional level. This begs the question of whether regions – especially those with claims to autonomy – ‘do’ integration differently from so-called ‘national models’. This paper focuses on the under-studied role of politics in immigrant integration, asking: what is the impact of political parties on integration policy in sub-state regions? In particular, the paper tests two competing hypotheses about integration policymaking: the first is that electorally salient anti-immigrant parties have a significant effect on policymaking; the second is that integration policymaking evolves through incremental adaptation which mitigates against radical policy changes. This paper adds a further hypothesis about the possible effects of regionalism on party positioning and policymaking on integration. These hypotheses are tested in two diverse regions within Italy: Veneto and Sardinia. Whereas Veneto has a strong radical-right regionalist party and high levels of immigration, Sardinia has no anti-immigrant party, a splintered regionalist movement and low levels of immigration. The paper finds that the second and third hypotheses have the greatest explanatory value, whereby integration rhetoric is shaped by regionalist concerns but party polarisation does not translate into policy.
Citizenship is usually regarded as the exclusive domain of the state. However, changes to the str... more Citizenship is usually regarded as the exclusive domain of the state. However, changes to the structure of states resulting from decentralisation and globalisation have required a re-conceptualisation of citizenship, as authority is dispersed, identities multiply and political entitlements vary across territorial levels. Decentralisation has endowed regions with control over a wide range of areas relating to welfare entitlements, education and cultural integration that were once controlled by the state. This has created a new form of ‘regional citizenship’ based on rights, participation and membership at the regional level. The question of who does or does not belong to a region has become a highly politicised question. In particular, this article examines stateless nationalist and regionalist parties' (SNRPs) conceptions of citizenship and immigration. Given that citizenship marks a distinction between members and outsiders of a political community, immigration is a key tool for deciding who is allowed to become a citizen. Case study findings on Scotland, Quebec and Catalonia reveal that although SNRPs have advocated civic definitions of the region and welcome immigration as a tool to increase the regional population, some parties have also levied certain conditions on immigrants' full participation in the regional society and political life as a means to protect the minority culture of the region.
This article explores the diverse ways in which parties operating in regional contexts have respo... more This article explores the diverse ways in which parties operating in regional contexts have responded to, interpreted, and used the imagery of a ‘Europe of the Regions’ to advance their territorial demands. It is demonstrated that parties have not had consistent positions on Europe, rather, they have exhibited a cyclical quality, moving back and forth in response to perceived opportunities for regional action in Europe. Whilst many parties were cautious of Europe in the late 1970s, by the early 1990s there was a convergence of regional party support for a ‘Europe of the Regions’. This goal was advocated by minority nationalist and state-wide parties alike, causing the former to moderate their claims and the latter to strengthen their territorial demands. However, growing frustration with the apparent neglect of regional interests in the European project caused parties to revert back to earlier or more Euro-sceptical positions in the late 1990s, heralding the decline and fall of a Europe of the Regions.
This paper explores the policy transfer and learning process within the UK since 1999, examining ... more This paper explores the policy transfer and learning process within the UK since 1999, examining the conditions in which transfer takes place among central and devolved governments. We distinguish among concurrent policies, policy competition, coercive transfer and policy learning. Policy transfer can be more or less coercive and constrained, while policy learning is voluntary. Mechanisms for transfer include financial instruments, political parties, the civil service and policy communities. Transfer can take place from centre to periphery, from periphery to centre and across the periphery. There is also transfer at the European and international levels. As it is England that has tended to break with older policies, notably on public service provision, the pressure has been to follow its lead, with the devolved administrations resisting or conforming. The UK government has paid much less attention to possible learning from the devolved territories and sometimes has sought to insulate England from debates there, especially where politically sensitive matters or large resources are at stake. Learning among the devolved territories is only now really beginning.
While immigration policy has recently emerged onto the Scottish political agenda, despite being a... more While immigration policy has recently emerged onto the Scottish political agenda, despite being an issue reserved to Westminster, its sister policy – the integration of immigrants after they arrive – has received little attention north of the border, despite being an issue devolved to Scotland. This article explores why the ‘hidden’ nature of integration policy in Scotland differs so much from the fireworks accompanying integration debates, pursued through the lens of ‘community cohesion’, in England/the UK. Is the Scottish approach to immigrant integration another example of policy divergence from Westminster? Or are there still forces of convergence at play? This article provides an overview of the understudied area of immigrant integration in Scotland, assessing it through the theoretical lens of policy divergence and convergence. Based on a qualitative analysis of legislative and policy documents, party programmes and elite interviews, it explores political-strategic, institutional and contextual factors that have influenced integration policymaking in Scotland, and situates the analysis within broader theoretical debates about the changing nature of integration policy across Europe. A key finding is that while the ‘retreat of multiculturalism’ and moves towards coercive forms of civic integration may be evident across EU states – including the UK, devolved Scottish institutions are resisting this trend by quietly articulating the vision of a plural, inclusive society that encourages and supports newcomers to work and live in Scotland.
In multilevel states, control over migrant integration generally rests with the sub-state regiona... more In multilevel states, control over migrant integration generally rests with the sub-state regional level. This begs the question of whether regions – especially those with claims to autonomy – ‘do’ integration differently from so-called ‘national models’. This paper focuses on the under-studied role of politics in immigrant integration, asking: what is the impact of political parties on integration policy in sub-state regions? In particular, the paper tests two competing hypotheses about integration policymaking: the first is that electorally salient anti-immigrant parties have a significant effect on policymaking; the second is that integration policymaking evolves through incremental adaptation which mitigates against radical policy changes. This paper adds a further hypothesis about the possible effects of regionalism on party positioning and policymaking on integration. These hypotheses are tested in two diverse regions within Italy: Veneto and Sardinia. Whereas Veneto has a strong radical-right regionalist party and high levels of immigration, Sardinia has no anti-immigrant party, a splintered regionalist movement and low levels of immigration. The paper finds that the second and third hypotheses have the greatest explanatory value, whereby integration rhetoric is shaped by regionalist concerns but party polarisation does not translate into policy.
Citizenship is usually regarded as the exclusive domain of the state. However, changes to the str... more Citizenship is usually regarded as the exclusive domain of the state. However, changes to the structure of states resulting from decentralisation and globalisation have required a re-conceptualisation of citizenship, as authority is dispersed, identities multiply and political entitlements vary across territorial levels. Decentralisation has endowed regions with control over a wide range of areas relating to welfare entitlements, education and cultural integration that were once controlled by the state. This has created a new form of ‘regional citizenship’ based on rights, participation and membership at the regional level. The question of who does or does not belong to a region has become a highly politicised question. In particular, this article examines stateless nationalist and regionalist parties' (SNRPs) conceptions of citizenship and immigration. Given that citizenship marks a distinction between members and outsiders of a political community, immigration is a key tool for deciding who is allowed to become a citizen. Case study findings on Scotland, Quebec and Catalonia reveal that although SNRPs have advocated civic definitions of the region and welcome immigration as a tool to increase the regional population, some parties have also levied certain conditions on immigrants' full participation in the regional society and political life as a means to protect the minority culture of the region.
This article explores the diverse ways in which parties operating in regional contexts have respo... more This article explores the diverse ways in which parties operating in regional contexts have responded to, interpreted, and used the imagery of a ‘Europe of the Regions’ to advance their territorial demands. It is demonstrated that parties have not had consistent positions on Europe, rather, they have exhibited a cyclical quality, moving back and forth in response to perceived opportunities for regional action in Europe. Whilst many parties were cautious of Europe in the late 1970s, by the early 1990s there was a convergence of regional party support for a ‘Europe of the Regions’. This goal was advocated by minority nationalist and state-wide parties alike, causing the former to moderate their claims and the latter to strengthen their territorial demands. However, growing frustration with the apparent neglect of regional interests in the European project caused parties to revert back to earlier or more Euro-sceptical positions in the late 1990s, heralding the decline and fall of a Europe of the Regions.
This paper explores the policy transfer and learning process within the UK since 1999, examining ... more This paper explores the policy transfer and learning process within the UK since 1999, examining the conditions in which transfer takes place among central and devolved governments. We distinguish among concurrent policies, policy competition, coercive transfer and policy learning. Policy transfer can be more or less coercive and constrained, while policy learning is voluntary. Mechanisms for transfer include financial instruments, political parties, the civil service and policy communities. Transfer can take place from centre to periphery, from periphery to centre and across the periphery. There is also transfer at the European and international levels. As it is England that has tended to break with older policies, notably on public service provision, the pressure has been to follow its lead, with the devolved administrations resisting or conforming. The UK government has paid much less attention to possible learning from the devolved territories and sometimes has sought to insulate England from debates there, especially where politically sensitive matters or large resources are at stake. Learning among the devolved territories is only now really beginning.
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Papers by Eve Hepburn