José Martí: Difference between revisions
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'''Martí's fundamental works published during his life''' |
'''Martí's fundamental works published during his life''' |
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*1869 – ''Abdala'' |
*1869 January – ''Abdala'' |
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*1869 January – ''"10 de octubre"'' |
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*1871 – ''El presidio político en Cuba'' |
*1871 – ''El presidio político en Cuba'' |
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*1873 – ''La República Española ante la revolución cubana'' |
*1873 – ''La República Española ante la revolución cubana'' |
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*1883 March – ''" Que son graneros humanos"'' |
*1883 March – ''" Que son graneros humanos"'' |
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*1883 March – ''Karl Marx ha muerto'' |
*1883 March – ''Karl Marx ha muerto'' |
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1883 March –''El Puente de Brooklyn'' |
*1883 March –''El Puente de Brooklyn'' |
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*1883 September– ''"En Coney Island se vacia New York"'' |
*1883 September– ''"En Coney Island se vacia New York"'' |
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*1883 December &ndash'';" Los Politicos de oficio"''*1883 December –"Bufalo Bil" |
*1883 December &ndash'';" Los Politicos de oficio"''*1883 December –"Bufalo Bil" |
Revision as of 21:53, 13 November 2008
José Martí | |
---|---|
Occupation | poet, writer, nationalist leader |
Nationality | Cuban |
Literary movement | Modernismo |
José Julián Martí Pérez (January 28, 1853–May 19, 1895) was a Cuban writer. Born in Havana from Spanish parents, his short life was dedicated to gaining liberty: political independence for Cuba, and an intellectual independence for all Spanish Americans. Putting his ideology into practice, he died in February 1895, participating in the invasion of Cuba. His works, a large series of poems, essays, letters and lectures, have always been marked to promote liberty. He is considered the national hero of Cuba and often referred to as the "Apostle of Cuban Independence". In many literary circles he is considered the Father of Modernismo predating and influencing Rubén Darío and other poets such as Gabriela Mistral.[1]
Early life: Cuba 1853-1870
José Julián Martí Pérez was born on January 28, 1853, in Havana, at 41, Paula Street, to a Spanish Catalan father, Mariano Martí Navarro, and Leonor Pérez Cabrera, a native of the Canary Islands. Martí was the elder brother to seven sisters: Leonor, Mariana, Maria de Carmen, Maria de Pilar, Rita Amelia, Antonia and Dolores. He was baptized on February 12 in Santo Ángel Custodio church. When he was four, his family moved from Cuba to Valencia, Spain, but two years later they returned to the island where they enrolled José at a local public school, in the Santa Clara neighborhood where his father worked as a prison guard.[2] In 1865, he enrolled in the Escuela de Instrucción Primaria Superior Municipal de Varones that was headed by Rafael María de Mendive. Menidive was influential in the development of Martí's political philosophies. In April the same year, hearing the news of Abraham Lincoln's assassination, Martí and other young students expressed their pain—through group mourning—for the disappearance of a man who had decreed the abolition of slavery in a neighboring country. In 1866, Martí entered the Instituto de Segunda Ensañanza where Mendive financed his studies.[2]
In September 1867, Martí signed up at the Escuela Professional de Pintura y Escultura de La Habana (Professional School for Painting and Sculpture of Havana), known as San Alejandro, to take drawing classes. He hoped to flourish in this area, but did not find commercial success. In 1867, he also entered the school of San Pablo, established and managed by Mendive, where he enrolled for the second and third years of his bachelor's degree, and assisted Mendive with the school's administrative tasks. In April 1968, his poem dedicated to Mendive's wife , A Micaela. En la muerte de Miguel Ángel appeared in Guanabacoa's newspaper El Álbum.[3]
Martí had a precocious desire for the independence and freedom of Cuba. He started writing poems about this vision, while, at the same time, trying to do something to achieve this dream. When one of his friends joined the Spanish army, Martí and a friend wrote him a "reproving letter" which was later discovered by the authorities. This was proof for them that Martí was a rebel.[4]
In 1869, he published his first political writings in the only edition of the newspaper El Diablo Cojuelo. That same year he published "Abdala", a patriotic drama in verse form in the one-volume La Patria Libre. His famous sonnet "10 de octubre" was also written during that year, and was published later in his school newspaper.[3]
Despite this success, in March of that year, colonial authorities shut down the school, interrupting Martí's studies. He came to resent Spanish rule of his homeland at a young age; likewise, he developed a hatred of slavery, which was still practiced in Cuba.[5]
On 21 October 1869, aged 16, he was arrested and incarcerated in the national jail, following an accusation of treason from the Spanish government. More than four months later, Martí confessed to the charges and was condemned to six years in prison. His mother tried arduously to free her son (who at 16 was still a minor) by writing letters to the government; his father went to a lawyer friend for legal support, but all efforts failed. Eventually Martí fell ill; his legs were severely lacerated by the chains that bound him. As a result, he was transferred to another part of Cuba known as Isla de Pinos instead of further imprisonment. Following that, they decided to repatriate him to Spain.[3] In Spain, Martí, who was 18 at the time, was allowed to continue his studies with the hopes that studying in Spain would renew his loyalty to Spain.[6]
Spain 1871-1874
In January, Marti embarksed on a steam ship Guipuzcoa in Havana going towards Cadiz, where from there he moved to Madrid. There he settled in a guesthouse in Desengano St. # 10. Arriving at the capital he contacted Carlos Sauvalle, who had been deported to Spain a year before Martí and whose house served as the center of reunions for Cubans in exile. On March 24, Cadiz’s newspaper La Soberania Nacional, published Martí's article “Castillo” in which he recalled the sufferings of a friend he met in prison. This article would be repeated in Sevilla’s La Cuestion Cubana and New York’s La Republica. At this time, Martí registered himself as a member of independent studies in the law faculty of Madrid’s Universidad Central.[7]
In July and August 1871, he edited a pamphlet called El Presidio Politico en Cuba. In September, From the pages of El Jurado Federal, Marti and Sauvalle accused the newspaper La Prensa, for having calumniated the Cuban residents in Madrid. During his stay in Madrid, Marti frequented the Ateneo and the National Library, the Café de los Artistas, and the British, Swiss and Iberian brewery. In November he became sick and had an operation, paid for by Sauville. On the 27 of November 1871, eight medical students were executed in Havana. Without evidence they were accused of the desecration of a Spanish grave.[7]
In June 1872, Fermín Valdés was arrested because of the November 27 incident. His six years of jail were pardoned and he was exiled to Spain where he reunited with Martí. On November 27, 1872, the printed matter Dia 27 de Noviembre de 1871 ( 27 of November 1871) written by Martí and signed by Fermín Valdés Domínguez, and Pedro J. de la Torre circulated Madrid. A group of Cubans held a funeral in the Caballero de Gracia church, the first anniversary of the medical students’ execution.[8]
In 1973, Martí's “A mis Hermanos Muertos el 27 de Noviembre” was published by Fermín Valdés. In February, for the first time, the Cuban flag appeared in Madrid, hanging from Martí’s balcony in Concepción Jerónima, where he lived for a few years. In the same month he edited a pamphlet called La Republica Española ante la Revolución Cubana. He sent examples of his work to Nestor Ponce de Leon, a member of the Junta Central Revolucionaria de Nueva York (Central revolutionary committee of New York), to whom he would express his will to collaborate on the fight for the independence of Cuba.[8]
In May, he moved to Zaragoza, accompanied by Fermín Valdés to continue his studies in law at the Universidad Literaria. The newspaper La Cuestión Cubana of Sevilla, published numerous articles from Martí.[8]
In June 1974, Marti graduated with a degree in Civil Rights and Canon Law. In August he signed up as an external student at the Facultad de Filosofia y Letras de Zaragoza, where he finished his degree by October. In November he returned to Madrid and then left to Paris. There he met Auguste Vacquerie, a poet, and Victor Hugo. In December 1974 he embarked from Le Havre for Mexico.[9]
Mexico, Guatemala, Cuba, Spain 1875-1879
Since he was prohibited from coming to Cuba, Martí went to Mexico and Guatemala, where he taught and wrote, talking continually about Cuba's independence.[10] In 1875, Martí and his family lived on Moneda St. in Mexico City. A floor above him lived Manuel Mercado, the Secretary of the Distrito Federal government, who would become one of Martí’s best friends. On March 2, he published his first article for the Revista Universal, a newspaper concerning politics, literature and business, led by Vicente Villada. On March 12, his translation of Mis Hijos by Victor Hugo started to appear serially in the aforementioned newspaper. Martí then became a part of the editorial staff, responsible for the section called “Boletín”. In these writings he expressed his opinion about the everyday events of Mexico. In May 27, on the pages of the newspaper Revista Universal he responded to the anti-Cuban manifestations of the La Colonia Española newspaper. In December, La Sociedad Gorostiza, a group of writers and artists accepted Martí among its new members. He met his future wife, a Cuban woman named Carmen Zayas Bazán, during his frequent visits to her father’s house to meet with La Sociedad Gorostiza.[11]
On January 1st 1876, in Oaxaca, contrary elements to Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada's Mexican government, led by General Porfirio Díaz, proclaimed the Plan of Tuxtepec, instigating a bloody civil war. Martí and other Mexican intellectuals established the Sociedad Alarcón, integrated by dramatic authors, actors and critiques. At this time, Martí began his collaboration with the El Socialista newspaper as executive of the Gran Círculo Obrero (Great Labour Circle) organization of the liberals and reformists that supported president Lerdo de Tejada. In March this newspaper proposed a series of candidates for delegates of the first congress of the country's workers, among which one would find Martí. On June 4, La Sociedad Esperanza de Empleados (Hope for Employees Society) designated Martí as a delegate of the Congreso Obrero (Labour Congress). On December 7, in his article "Alea Jacta est" published in the El Federalista newspaper, Martí severely criticized the armed assault of the Porfiristas on the constitutional power. On December 16, in El Federalista his article "Extranjero", in which he repeated his denunciation and farewell to the the Mexican city, appeared. On December 29 he left Mexico City for Veracruz by train.[11]
In 1877, using his second and last name for a pseudonym, Julián Pérez, Martí embarked on the Ebroand goes to Havana, hoping to arrange the moving of his family from Mexico City. He returned to Mexico, arriving at the Progreso Port, from which through Isla de Mujeres y Belice he travelled to Guatemala. In April he settled in Cuarta Avenida, south of the city of Guatemala. Ordered by the Guatemalan government, he wrote the drama Patria y Libertad (Drama Indio). He personally met the president of Guatemala, Justo Rufino Barrios. On April 22, the El Progreso newspaper published his article "Los Códigos Nuevos" (The New Codes). On May 29 he was appointed head of the Department of French, English, Italian and German Literature, History and Philosophy, in the Faculty of Philosophy and Arts in the Universidad Nacional. On July 25 he participated as a lecturer in the opening evening of the Sociedad Literaria El Porvenir, in Teatro Colon, where he was appointed the vice-president of the society. He became known as "Doctor Torrente" (Doctor Torrent). Throughout July Martí would give free classes on composition at the girls' academy Academia de Niñas de Centroamérica, run by Margarita Izaguirre. Among the students he met Maria García Granados, daughter of the Guatemalan ex-president Miguel García Granados, who falls in love with Martí. In November , he travelled to Mexico and on December 20 and decided to marry Carmen Zayas Bazán.[12]
In the beginning of January 1878 Martí returned to Guatemala and his classes resumed. In January his book Guatemala, edited in Mexico, was published. On May 10, María García Granados from the Academia de Niñas de Centroamérica died from lung disease. Her frustrated love for Martí gave her the name "La niña de Guatemala, la que se murió de amor" (the Guatemalan girl who died of love). Following her death, Martí returned to Cuba, where he finished signing the Pact of Zanjón which ended the Cuban Ten Years' War. During this same trip he married Carmen Zayas Bazán on Havana's Tulipán Street. In October his request to practice as a lawyer in Cuba was turned down so he proceeded to immerse himself in conspiratorial works such as working for the Comité Revolucinario Cubano de Nueva York (Cuban Revolutionary Committee of New York). On November 2 his son José "Pepito" Francisco was born.[13]
In 1879 José Martí living at 115, Industrial St. In Cuba. He was Secretary of the Literature section in the Liceo de Guanabacoa school as well as working in the Nicolás Azcárate law office. He befriended Juan Gualberto, a mulatto, and collaborated with him on activities supporting independence. On March 18 Martí created the Club Central Revolucionario Cubano ( Cuban Revolutionary Club) in Havana, and was designated its vice-president. He later dissolved this organization. On April 21 he carried out a discourse against the autonomist politics, in the banquette that is offered by Adolfo Márquez Sterling, director of discussion in El Louvre cafe. On April 27, in a gathering in honor of the Cuban violinist Díaz Albertini in the Liceo de Guanabacoa, he demonstrated his inspiration for Cuban independence in the presence of the Spanish general-captain of the island, Ramón Blanco y Erenas. The Comité Revolucionario Cubano de Nueva York appointed José María Aguilera the island's delegate and José Martí the sub-delegate. On August 25 Martí started the call of the Guerra Chiquita (Little War) in Havana, conspiring an uprising with Martí Aguilera and Juan Gualberto Gómez, among others. In September, Martí, possibly given away by a spy, was captured and deported to Spain, with out allowing him to defend himself in the court. His wife and son were left behind in Cuba. He arrived to Madrid in October and he visited the Prado Museum and the Ateneo library, where he gave hours of lecture. In December he secretly left Spain and arrived in Paris and before the end of the year, he embarks from Le Havre going to New York.[13]
The United States, Venezuela 1880-1890
For a short period of time, Martí was allowed to go back to Cuba. In Havana, Martí once more made a plan to gain independence from Spain. Once again, he was sent as a prisoner to Madrid, leaving behind his family. [10] His stay in Madrid would be short and he would move to New York, securing passage for his family to New York from Cuba in 1880. Once in New York, Martí's wife, not understanding his commitment to the struggle in Cuba, criticized his lack of support for his family and returned to Cuba with their son. The fact that his wife never shared the convictions central to his life was an enormous personal tragedy for Martí.[14] He turned for solace to Carmen Miyares de Mantilla, a Venzuelan who ran a boardinghouse in New York, and is presumed to be the father of her daughter María Mantilla, who was in turn the mother of the actor Cesar Romero, who proudly claimed to be Martí's grandson.
In 1881 Martí travelled to Venezuela and founded the Revista Venezolana, or Venezuelan Review. The journal provoked the wrath of Venezuela's dictator, Antonio Guzmán Blanco, and Martí was forced to leave for New York.[citation needed]
In New York he worked as a newspaper reporter and was also a correspondent for La Nación of Buenos Aires and for different Central American journals,[10] especially La Opinion Liberal in Mexico City.[15] At the same time, Martí wrote poems and translated novels to Spanish. He worked for Appleton and Company and, "on his own, translated and published Helen Hunt Jackson's Ramona. His repertory of original work included plays, a novel, poetry, a children's magazine, La Edad de Oro, and a newspaper, Patria, which became the official organ of the Cuban Revolutionary party".[16] Also, he worked very hard by serving as a consul for Uruguay, Argentina, and Paraguay. Throughout this work, he preached the "freedom of Cuba with an enthusiasm that swelled the ranks of those eager to strive with him for it".[10]
Martí knew that the independence of Cuba needed careful planning and would take time. This is why Martí refused to cooperate with Máximo Gómez and Antonio Maceo, two Cuban military leaders, when they wanted to invade immediately in 1884. Martí knew this was too early and later events proved him right.[10]
the United states, Central America and the West Indies 1891-1894
January 1st 1891, his essay "Nuesta America" is published in Revista Ilustrada of New York, and on the 30th of that month, El Partido Liberal of Mexico. He actively participated in the Conferencia Monetaria Internacional (The International Monetary Conference). June 30th his wife and son arrive to New York. After a short time, since Marti and his wife were not getting along, Carmen Zayas returns to Havana with her son on 27th of August and Marti will never see them again. In September Marti becomes sick again. He intervenes in the commemorative acts of The Independents. The Spanish consul in New York complains to the Argentine and Uruguay government. Marti resigns from the Argentinean, Paraguayan, and Uruguayan consulate. In October he publishes his book "Versos Sencillos". 26 of November his invited by the Club Ignacio Agramonte, of Tampa, on the coast of Florida, a celebration to collect fundng for the cause of Cuban independence. There he gives out a lecture known as "Con Todos, y para el Bien de Todos". The night after he gave out another lecture, " Los Pinos Nuevos" in a gathering in the honor of the medical students killed in 1871. In November a portrait of him is done by Herman Norrman.[17]
On January 5th 1892, Marti participates in a reunion of the emigration representatives, in Cayo Hueso, where the Bases del Partido Revolucionario ( Basis of the Cuban Revolutionary Party) is passed. he starts to organize the party. he visits some tobacco factories, where he talks to the workers and collects funding for the independence movement. In March 1892 come out the first edition of the Patria newspaper, related to the Cuban Revolutionary Party, funded and directed by Marti. On April 8th, he is chosen de delegate of the Cuban Revolutionary Party by the Cayo Hueso Club in Tampa and New York. From July to September 1892 he travels through Florida, Washington, Philadelphia, Haiti, Dominican Republic and Jamaica on an organization mission among the exiled Cubans. Y gives out a lot lectures and visits numbers of tobacco factories. On December 16th he suffers a poisoning in Tampa.[18]
1893, Marti travels through the United States, Central America and the West Indies, visiting different Cuban clubs. His visits are received with a growing enthusiasm. May 24th he meets Rubén Darío, the Nicaraguan poet in a theatre act in Hardman Hall. On June 3rd he has an interview with Maximo Gomez in Montecristi, where they plan out the uprising. In July he meets up with General Antonio Maceo in San Jose, Costa Rica.[19]
In 1894 he continues traveling for propagation and organizing the revolutionary movement. On January 27th he publishes " A Cuba!" in the newspaper Patria where he denounces collusion between the Spanish and American interests. In July he visits Mexican president of the Republica, Porfirio Diaz, and travels to Varacruz.In August he prepares and arranges the armed expedition.[20]
Return to Cuba 1895
Martí went from New York to Montecristi in the Dominican Republic on January 31. There he met General Máximo Gómez. Martí had persuaded Gómez to lead an expedition to Cuba. The expedition finally took place in February 24. A month later, Martí and Gómez declared the Manifesto de Montecristi, an "exposition of the purposes and principles of the Cuban revolution".[21]
Before leaving for Cuba, Martí wrote his "literary will" on April 1, 1895, leaving his personal papers and manuscripts to Gonzalo de Quesada, with instructions for editing. Knowing that that majority of his writing in newspapers in Honduras, Uruguay, and Chile would dissapate, Martí instructed Quesada to arrange his papers in volumes. The volumes were to be arranged in the following way: volumes one and two, North Americas; volume three, Hispanic Americas; volume four, North American Scenes; volume five, Books about the Americas (this included both North and South America; volume six, Literature, education and painting. Another volume included his poetry.[21]
The invasion groups, headed by Máximo Gómez, left the Dominican Republic on April 1, 1895. Although there were delays and desertion by some members, they evetually got to Cuba. They landed at Playitas, near Maisi Cape, Cuba, on April 11. Once there, they made contact with the Duban rebels, who were headed by the Maceo brothers, and started fighting against Spanish troops.[22]
Death
José Martí was killed in battle against Spanish troops at the Battle of Dos Ríos, near the confluence of the rivers Contramaestre and Cauto, on May 19, 1895. Gómez had recognized that the Spaniards had a strong position between palm trees, so he ordered his men to disengage. Martí was alone and seeing a young courier ride by he said: "Joven, a la carga" meaning: "Young man, let's charge!" This was around midday, and he was, as always, dressed in a black jacket, riding a white horse, which made him an easy target for the Spanish. The young trooper, Angel de la Guardia, lost his horse and returned to report the loss. The Spanish took possession of the body, buried it close by, then exhumed the body upon realization of its identity. They are said not to have burned him because they were scared that the ashes would get into their throats and asphyxiate them. He is buried in Cementerio Santa Efigenia in Santiago de Cuba. Many have argued that Maceo and others had always spurned Martí for never participating in combat, which may have compelled Martí to that ill-fated suicidal two-man charge. Some of his Versos sencillos bore premonition: "No me entierren en lo oscuro/ A morir como un traidor/ Yo soy bueno y como bueno/ Moriré de cara al sol." ("Do not bury me in darkness / to die like a traitor / I am good, and as a good man / I will die facing the sun.")
The death of Marti was a blow to the "aspirations of the Cuban rebels,inside and outside of the island, but the fighting continued with alternating successes and failures until the entry of the United States into the war in 1898".[22]
Martí and Cuban Independence
Since he was 15 years old, Jose Martí dedicated his life to the cause of Cuban independence. He was inspired early on by his patriot schoolmaster and poet Rafael María de Mendive at San Pablo College in Havana, who took young Martí under his wing and taught him at his own school, even helping him financially.[23] Also instrumental in his development of a social and political conscience was his best friend Fermín Valdés Domínguez, the son of a wealthy slave-owning family.[24]. When the Ten Years' War broke out in Cuba in 1868, clubs of supporters for the Cuban nationalist cause formed all over Cuba, and José and Fermín joined them. In 1869, José published a one-issue newspaper, La Patria Libre, to which he contributed a long dramatic poem, Abdala, about a fictional country called Nubia which struggles for liberation.[25]
José and Fermín were arrested in October 1869 when the Spanish Volunteers found a letter in Fermín's house, signed by both of them, accusing a former schoolmate of "apostasy" for joining said Spanish Volunteers. José's maltreatment at the hands of the Spaniards and consequent deportation to Spain in 1871 inspired a tract, Political Imprisonment in Cuba, which he published upon his arrival there. This pamphlet's purpose was to move the Spanish public to do something about its government's brutalities in Cuba and promoted the issue of Cuban independence.[26]
While studying at the Central University of Madrid, Martí openly participated in discourse on the Cuban issue, debating through the Spanish press and circulating documents protesting Spanish activities in Cuba. When the Proclamation of the First Spanish Republic by the Cortes on February 11, 1873 reaffirmed Cuba as inseparable to Spain, Martí responded with an essay, The Spanish Republic and the Cuban Revolution, and sent it to the Prime Minister, pointing out that this new freely elected body of deputies that had proclaimed a republic based on democracy had been hypocritical not to grant Cuba its freedom[27]. He argued that "Cubans do not live as Spaniards live(...). They are nourished by a different system of trade, have links with different countries, and express their happiness through quite contrary customs. There are no common aspirations or identical goals linking the two peoples, or beloved memories to unite them [. . .]. Peoples are only united by ties of fraternity and love."[28] He printed copies of this pamphlet, distributed them, and participated avidly in debates for the cause of Cuban independence.
Martí left Spain for Mexico and raised support for the Cuban cause while there from 1875-6. He emphasized his total opposition to slavery and criticized Spain for failing to abolish the institution. When he returned shortly to Cuba in 1878, peace had been made in the Pact of Zanjón but Spain had made no changes to Cuba's status as a colony. Martí publicly voiced his pro-independence views and was involved in conspirational activities, until he was again deported to Spain[29]. He made his way from Spain to New York, and joined General Calixto García's Cuban revolutionary committee. Here he supported Cuban independence freely, outlining his ideas in a speech to Cuban immigrants in Steck Hall, New York, on January 24, 1879. In it he stated that the war against Spain needed to continue, recalled the heroism and suffering of the Ten Years' War, and said that the war had qualified Cuba as a real nation with a right to independence. Spain hadn't ratified the conditions of the peace treaty, had falsified elections, continued excessive taxation, and had failed to abolish slavery. Cuba needed to be free.[30] A further effort to free Cuba was Calixto García's Guerra Chiquita (Little War) in May 1880, which was lost within a year and for which Martí had written the proclamation of war. Martí was cautious in his support of military leaders who wanted to free Cuba; he greatly feared that a military dictatorship would be established in Cuba upon independence, and emphasized the importance of a democratic republic[31]. There was tension between him and his Cuban military compatriots in the revolutionary committee for this reason. These compatriots included Máximo Gómez and Antonio Maceo Grajales, military leaders from the Ten Years' War. He resigned from his commitment with Gómez and Maceo in 1884 because he thought Gómez was acting as if he eventually wanted to set up a military dictatorship in Cuba.[32]
Martí's ideas for Cuba were different. Martĺ had proposed in a letter to Gómez in 1882 the formation of a revolutionary party, which he considered essential in the prevention of Cuba falling back on the Home Rule Party (Partido Autonomista)if all attempts at a solution involving Spain failed[33]. The Home Rule Party was a peace-seeking party that would stop short of the outright independence that Martí thought Cuba needed. But he was aware that there were social divisions in Cuba, especially racial divisions, that needed to be addressed as well, as he stated in a letter to Maceo on July 20, 1882: "the Cuban problem needs, rather than a political solution, a social solution [which] cannot be achieved except through mutual love and forgiveness between the two races [. . .]. To create [. . .] a country where, despite its having had great experience of hatred, all its diverse elements will begin [. . .] to enjoy real rights."[34] He thought war was necessary to achieve Cuba's freedom, despite his basic ideology of conciliation, respect, dignity, and balance. He thought the establishment of thepatria (fatherland) with good government would unite Cubans of all social classes and colours in harmony.[35] Together with other Cubans resident in New York, Martí started laying the grounds for the Revolutionary Party, stressing the need for a democratic organization as the basic structure before any military leaders were to join. The military would have to subordinate themselves to the interests of the fatherland. Gómez rejoined Martí's plans, promising to comply .
At this point, Martí became increasingly alarmed about the United States' intentions for Cuba. The United States desperately needed new markets for its industrial products because of the economic crisis they were experiencing, and the media was talking about the purchase of Cuba from Spain[36]. Cuba was a profitable, fertile country with an important strategic position in the Gulf of Mexico. In an Interamerican Congress summoned in Washington in October 1889 to discuss U.S. position on Cuba, purchase, annexation, and seizure were discussed[37]. Martí was strongly opposed to this expansionism, reiterating his constant position: full independence for Cuba and nothing else. The interests of Cuba's future lay with its sister nations in Latin America, and were opposite to those of the United States.[38] In 1891 he relinquished his consular posts in New York (he was consul for Uruguay, Argentina, and Paraguay) and gave up his columns in Spanish American newspapers to devote himself entirely to his campaign against Spain. He travelled to Florida, where he made speeches to Cuban expatriates, mostly tobacco workers, in Tampa and Key West, which would become important bases for the new Cuban campaign[39]. Here, he refined his ideological platform, basing it on a Cuba held together by pride in being Cuban, a society that ensured "the welfare,and prosperity of all Cubans".[40] independently of class, occupation or race. Faith in the cause could not die, and the military would not try for domination. All pro-independence Cubans would participate, with no sector predominating. From this he established the Cuban Revolutionary Party in early 1892.
The Cuban Revolutionary Party's 'Bases and Statutes' aimed at: 1) Winning absolute independence for Cuba and aiding that of Puerto Rico; 2) ordering a 'generous and brief war' that would ensure peace and happiness for all Cuba's inhabitants; 3) organizing this war so that it should be 'republican in spirit and methods', and lead to a society fulfilling 'in the historical life of the continent'; 4) ensuring that no 'authoritarian spirit and bureaucratic make-up of the colony' would exist in the new Cuba; 5) preventing any one particular group from having more power than other groups; 6) creating a harmonious fatherland with economic prosperity ensured by allowing outlets for the economic activities of all its inhabitants; 7) maintaining friendly relations with the U.S.; and, 8) bringing the above intentions through a set of concrete aims: to unite all Cubans living abroad, to bring together all factions inside and outside of Cuba, to prepare inside Cuba the knowledge and spirit of the revolution, to collect funds, to establish relations with friendly peoples to accelerate the success of the war, and finally, to organize the Cuban Revolutionary Party according to the secret rules agreed upon by the founding organizations.[41] Elections within the party would designate positions within, the first being held April 8-10, 1892. Marti was elected delegado (delegate) for the Cuban Revolutionary Party in 1892, as he refused to be called president.[42]
From this moment, Martí and the CRP were devoted to secretly organizing the anti-Spanish war. Martí's newspaper, Patria, was a key instrument of this campaign, where Martí delineated his final plans for Cuba. Through this medium he argued against the exploitative colonialism of Spain in Cuba, criticized the Home Rule (Autonomista) Party for having aims that fell considerably short of full independence, and warned against U.S. annexationism which he felt could only be prevented by Cuba's successful independence.[43] He specified his plans for the future Cuban Republic, a multi-class and multi-racial democratic republic based on universal suffrage, with an egalitarian economic base to develop fully Cuba's productive resources and an equitable distribution of land among citizens, with enlightened and virtuous politicians[44].
In 1895, when the revolutionary leaders inside Cuba signalled for the uprising to begin, Martí left New York and travelled to the Dominican Republic, where he and Máximo Gómez wrote and signed the Montecristi Manifesto, which publicized the goals of the revolution. They landed in Cuba and travelled as a political and military expedition, throughout which Martí, Gómez and Maceo debated about which exact role Martí would play in the new Republic in Arms[45]. These experiences are recorded in his Campaign Diaries. In Cuba, he was greeted by the other revolutionaries as the President of the Assembly, which was premature, since the Assembly had not yet met; Martí was still a mere Delegate of the Cuban Revolutionary Party. This irritated Gómez, who Martí suspected of hijacking the revolutionary movement for his own purposes. From Martí's diaries, however, it seems evident that Martí would have reached the highest position in the future Republic of Arms.[46] This was not to be, and Martí died before the Assembly was even set up, on the front lines of the war with the Spanish. Until his very last minute, Martí dedicated his life to achieve full independence for Cuba.
Martí and the United States
Martí demonstrated an anti-imperialist attitude from a young age, and besides that he was conscious of the danger the United States created for Latin America. At the same time he recognized the advantages of the European or North American civilizations, open to the reformist forms that the Latin American countries lacked to detach themselves from the colonial heritage, Spain. Martí's distrust of North American politics had developed during the 1880s, due to the intervention threats that loomed on Mexico and Guatemala, and indirectly on Cuba's future. In that time Cuba was dangerously situated, which determined its definitive analysis on the two realities in conflict. In his essays on Discurso de la Sociedad Literaria Hispanoamercana and Madre America (1891), he had referred to the " magnanimous warrior of the North" and to the "volcanic hero of the South" , and he had pointed out major differences that distance them starting from their origins.[47]
Marti's attitude towards North American society is marked by controversy. It "ha[s] been used as an example of a profound Cuban-U.S. friendship, while others have underlined his bitter denunciations of North America".[48]
Marti's first observations of America were written while he worked for the newspaper The Hour. He was happy to finally be in a free democratic nation: "'I am, at last, in a country where everyone looks like his own master. One can breathe freely, freedom being here the foundation, the shield, the essence of life'".[49]
Another trait that Marti admired was the work ethic that characterized American society. On various occasions Marti conveyed his deep admiration for the immigrant-based society, "whose principal aspiration he interpreted as being to construct a truly modern country, based upon hard work and progressive ideas." Marti stated that he was "never surprised in any country of the world [he had] visited. Here [he] was surprised... [he] remarked that no one stood quietly on the corners, no door was shut an instant, no man was quiet. [He] stopped [him]self, [he] looked respectfully on this people, and [he] said goodbye forever to that lazy life and poetical inutility of our European countries".[49]
Marti found American society to be so great, he thought Latin America should consider imitating America. Marti argued that if the US "could reach such a high standard of living in so short a time, and despite, too, its lack of unifying traditions, could not the same be expected of Latin America?"[49]
Education had benefited from the attitude of America's society. Marti was amazed at how education was directed towards helping the development of the nation and once again encouraged Latin American countries to follow the example set by North American society.[50]
Another major characteristic that struck Marti was the agricultural advancement of the United States. He found amazing the "common-sense attitude of the Dean of the School of Agriculture in Michigan who defended the advantages of manual work for the students of his college". At the same time, he criticized the elitist educational systems of Cuba and the rest of Latin America. Often, Marti recommended countries in Latin America to "send representatives to learn more relevant techniques in the United States". Once this was done, Marti hoped that this representatives would bring a "much-needed modernization to the Latin American agricultural policies".[51]
However not everything was to be admired by Marti. When it came to politics Marti wrote that politics in the US had "adopted a carnival atmosphere...especially during election time"[52]. He saw acts of corruption among candidates like for example bribing "the constituents with vast quantities of beer, while impressive parades wound their way through New York's crowded streets, past masses of billboards, all exhorting the public to vote for the different political candidates".[52]
Marti criticized and condemned the elites of the United States as they "pulled the main political strings behind the scenes". According to Marti, the elites "deserved severe censure" as they were the biggest threat to the "ideals with which the United States was first conceived".[52]
Marti started to become aware that the US had abused its potential. Racism was abundant. Different races were being discriminated against; political life "was both cynically regarded by the public at large and widely abused by the 'politicos de oficio'; industrial magnates and powerful labor groups faced each other menacingly". All of this made Marti predict that in the United States a big social battle would occur.[53]
On the positive side, Marti was astonished by the "inviolable right of freedom of speech which all U.S. citizens possessed". Marti applauded the United States' Constitution which allowed freedom of speech to all its citizens, no matter what political beliefs they had. In May 1883, while attending political meetings he heard "the call for revolution - and more specifically the destruction of the capitalist system". Marti could not believe that revolution was advocated and was amazed that this could happen because this "could have led to its own destruction". Marti also gave his support to the women's suffrage movements, and was "pleased that women ere [took] advantage of this privilege in order to make their voices heard". According to Marti, free speech was essential if any nation was to be civilized and he expressed his "profund admiration for these many basic liberties and opportunities open to the vast majority of American citizens".[54]
The works of Marti contain many comparisons between the ways of life of North and Latin America. The former was seen as " hardy, 'soulless', and, at times, cruel society, but one which, nevertheless, had been based upon a firm foundation of liberty and on a tradition of liberty".[54] Although North American society had its flaws, they tended to be "of minor importance when compared to the broad sweep of social inequality, and to the widespread abuse of power prevalent in Latin America".[54]
Although Marti admired the United Stated and its society, he thought that America's "dealings with 'Nuestra America' left a great deal to be desired".[55] Also he was preoccupied that America was becoming "increasingly intent upon extending its dominion over Latin America".[55]
Marti alerted and informed Latin Americans that the United states was "totally ignorant of the culture and history of her southern neighbours, and this, combined with the ever increasing phenomenon regarded euphemistically as 'pioneer spirit', augured badly for future relations between the Americas".[55]
By the end of 1889 Marti had changed his "sympathetic attitude" towards America. This was due to America wanting to expand their territories into Latin America. By this time, Marti was getting ready to prepare a campaign that would liberate Cuba. However, this campaign was in danger as talks "re-surfaced in the United States as to whether that country should purchase Cuba from the Spanish government in order to turn the Island into an American protectorate".[56]
Marti argued that "any attempt to sell his patria as if it were some negotiable merchandise, and of course, without taking into account the wishes of people, was completely unacceptable - particularly when the prospective purchaser was the United States".[56]
Once it was apparent that the United States were actually going to purchase Cuba and intended to Americanise it, Marti "spoke out loudly and bravely against such action, stating the opinion of many Cubans on the United States of America.[56]
Marti became distressed as he knew that in order for him to gain independence for Cuba not only did he had to defeat the Spanish but also had to keep the Americans out.[57]
José Marti and the invention of a Latin American identity
Martí as a liberator believed that the Latin American countries needed to know the reality of their own history. Martí also saw the necessity of a country having its own literature. These reflections started in Mexico from 1875 and are connected to the Mexican Reform, where prominent people like Ignacio Manuel Altamirano and Guillermo Prieto had situated themselves in front of a cultural renovation in Mexico, taking on the same approach as Esteban Echeverría thirty years before in Argentina. In the second “Boletin” that Martí published in the Revista Universal(May 11th 1875) one can already see Martí’s approach, which was fundamentally Latin American. His wish to build a national or Latin American identity was nothing new or unusual in those days; however, no Latin-American intellectual of that time had approached as clearly as Martí the task of building a national identity. He insisted on the necessity of building institutions and laws that matched the natural elements of each country, and recalled the failure of the applications of French and American civil codes in the new Latin American republics. Martí believed that “el hombre del sur” , the man of south, should choose an appropriate development strategy matching his character, the peculiarity of his culture and history, and the nature that determined his being.[58]
José Martí as a Translator
José Martí is usually honored as a great poet, patriot and martyr of Cuban Independence, but he was also a translator of some note. Although he translated literary material for the sheer joy of it, much of the translating he did was imposed on him by economic necessity during his many years of exile in the United States. Martí learned English at an early age, and had begun to translate at thirteen. He continued translating for the rest of his life, including his time as a student in Spain, although the period of his greatest productivity was during his stay in New York from 1880 until he returned to Cuba in 1895[59].
In New York he was what we would call today a "freelancer" as well as an "in house" translator. He translated several books for the publishing house of D. Appleton, and did a series of translations for newspapers. As a revolutionary activist in Cuba's long struggle for independence he translated into English a number of articles and pamphlets supporting that movement.[60] In addition to fluent English, Martí also spoke French, Italian, Latin and Classical Greek fluently, the latter learned so he could read the Greek classical works in the original.[61]
There was clearly a dichotomy in Martí's feeling about the kind of work he was translating. Like many professionals, he undertook for money translation tasks which had little intellectual or emotional appeal for him. Although Martí never presented a systematic theory of translation nor did he write extensively about his approach to translation, he did jot down occasional thoughts on the subject, showcasing his awareness of the translator's dilemma of the faithful versus the beautiful and stating that "translation should be natural, so that it appears that the book were written in the language to which it has been translated".[62].
José Martí and Modernismo
The modernists, in general, use a subjective language. Martí's stylistic creed is part of the necessity to de-codify the logic rigor and the linguistic construction and to eliminate the intellectual, abstract and systematic expression. There is the deliberate intention and awareness to expand the expressive system of the language. The style changes the form of thinking. Without falling in to unilateralism, Martí values the expression because language is an impression and a feeling through the form. Modernism mostly searches for the visions and realities, the expression takes in the impressions, the the state of mind, with out reflection and without concept. this the law of subjectivity. We can see this in works of Martí, one of the first modernists, who conceives the literary task like an invisible unity, an expressive totality, considering the style like "a form of the content" (forma del contenido).[63]
Martí searches for the platonic idea in the word, which is a representation of the world, the universe as it is, and badly used. Martí guides himself through the law of universal harmony, which is the great aesthetic and essential law. Through the principal analogue of the universal harmony's theory he carried out a perfect symbiosis between prose and poem. Both prose and poems serve as an artistic function. His discourses, speeches, essays, letters, articles, poems, novels, dramas, and stories are poetic creation.[64]
The difference that Martí established between prose and poetry are conceptual. Poetry, as he believes, is a language of the permanent subjective: the intuition and the vision. The prose is an instrument and a method of spreading the ideas, and has the goal of elevating, encouraging and animating these ideas rather than having the expression of tearing up the heart, complaining and moaning. The prose is a service to his people.[64]
Martí produces a system of specific signs "an ideological code" (código ideológico). These symbols claim their moral value and construct signs of ethic conduct. Martí's modernism was a spiritual attitude that was reflected on the language. All his writing defines his moral world. One could also say that his ideological and spiritual sphere is fortified in his writing.[64]
The difference between Martí and other modernist initiators, Manuel Gutiérrez Nájera, Julian del Casal or José Asunción Silva lies in other aspects and in the profound and transcendent value that Martí converted the prose to a daily article, the work of a journalist. This hard work was decisive for giving literature, which inspired itself as an authentic and independent value, distancing it from a mere formal amusement. Manuel Gutiérez Nájera, Rubén Darío, Miguel de Unamuno and José Enrique Rodó saved the Martinian articles, which will have an endless value in the writings of the American continent.[65]
Apart from Martinian articles. essay writing and literature starts to authorize itself as an alternative and privileged way to talk about politics. Literature starts to apply itself the only hermeneutics able to resolve the enigmas of a Latin American identity.[65]
Style
Martí's style of writing is difficult to categorize. He used many aphorisms - short, memorable lines that convey truth and/or wisdom - and long complex sentences. He is considered a major contributor the the Spanish American literary movement known as Modernismo and has been linked to Latin American consciousness of the modern age and modernity.[66] His chronicles combined elements of literary portraiture, dramatic narration, and a dioramic scope. His poetry contained "fresh and astonishing images along with deceptively simple sentiments".[67] As an orator (for he made many speeches) he was known for his cascading structure, powerful aphorisms, and detailed descriptions. More important than his style is how he uses that style to put into service his ideas, making "advanced" convincing notions. Throughout his writing he made reference to historical figures and events, and used constant allusions to literature, current news and cultural matters. For this reason, he may be difficult to read and translate.[68]
His didactic spirit encouraged him to establish a magazine for children, La Edad de Oro (1889) which contained a short essay titled "Tres Heroes" (three heroes), representative of his talent to adapt his expression to his audience; in this case, to make the young reader conscious of and amazed by the extraordinary bravery of the three men, Bolivar, Hidalgo, and San Martín. This is his style to teach delightfully.[69]
In his other essays, Martí appeals to the patriotic spirit of his readers. One can see this in El Congreso de Washington (1889), an essay disguised as a letter to the editor of La Nación of Buenos Aires to warn readers about the maneuvers in the U.S to control the creation of the Pan-American Union with headquarters in Washington. In his poetry, just as engaged, he shows his tender and simple spirit with his poems like "Yo soy un hombre sincero" (I am a sincere man) in Versos sencillos. [70]
Works of Martí
Martí as a writer covered a range of genres. In addition to producing newspaper articles and keeping up and extensive correspondence (his letters are included in the collection of his complete works), he wrote a serialized novel, composed poetry, wrote essays and published four issues of a children's magazine, La Edad de Oro (The Golden Age, 1889). His essays and articles occupy more than fifty volumes of his complete works. His prose was extensively read and influenced the modernist generation, especially Ruben Darió, whom Martí used to call "my son" when they met in New York in 1893.[71] Martí did not publish any books: only two notebooks (cuadernos) of verses, in editions outside of the market, and a number of political tracts. The rest (an enormous amount) was left dispersed in numerous newspapers and magazines, in letters, in diaries and personal notes, in other unedited texts, in frequently improvised speeches, and some lost forever. Five years after his death, the first volume of his Obras was published. A novel appeared in this collection in 1911: Amistad funesta, which Martí had made known was published under a pseudonym in 1885. In 1913, also in this edition, his third poetic collection that he had kept unedited: Versos Libres. His Diario de Campaña (Campaign Diary) was published in 1941. Later still, in 1980, Ernesto Mejia Sánchez produced a set of about thirty of Martí's articles written for the Mexican newspaper El Partido Liberal that weren't included in any of his so called Obras Completas editions. From 1882-1891, Martí collaborated in La Nación , a Buenos Aires newspaper. His texts from La Nación have been collected in Anuario del centro de Estudios Martianos.
Over the course of journalistic career, he wrote for numerous newspapers, starting with El Diablo Cojuelo (The Limping Devil) and La Patria Libre (The Free Fatherland), both of which he helped to found in 1869 in Cuba and which established the extent of his political commitment and vision for Cuba. In Spain he wrote for La Colonia Española ,in Mexico for La Revista Universal, and in Venzuela for Revista Venezolana, which he founded. In New York he contributed to Venezualan periodical La Opinión Nacional, Buenos Aires newspaper La Nación, Mexico's La Opinion Liberal, and America's The Hour.[72]
The first critical edition of Martí’s complete works began to appear in 1983 in José Martí: Obras completas. Edición crítica. The critical edition of his complete poems was published in 1985 in José Martí: Poesía completa. Edición critica.
Volume two of his Obras Completas includes his famous essay 'Nuestra America' which "comprises a variety of subjects realting to Spanish America about which Marti studied and wrote. Here it is noted that after Cuba his interest was directed mostly to Guatemala, Mexico and Venezuela. The various sections of this part are about general matters and international conferences; economic, social and political questions; literature and art; agrarian and industrial problems; immigration; education; relations with the United States and Spanish America; travel notes". [73]
According to Marti, the intention behind the publication of "La edad de oro" was "so that American children may know how people used to live, and how they live nowadays, in America and in other countries; how many things are made, such as glass and iron, steam engines and suspension bridges and electric light; so that when a child sees a coloured stone he will know why the stone is coloured....We shall tell them about everything which is done in factories, where things happen which are stranger and more interesting than the magic in fairy stories. These things are real magic, more marvelous than any....We write for children because it is they who know how to love, because it is children who are the hope for the world".[74]
Marti's "Versos Sencillos" was written "in the town of Haines Falls, New York, where his doctor has sent [him] to regain his strength 'where streams flowed and clouds gathered in upon themeselves'".[75] The poetry encountered in this work is "in many [ways] autobiographical and allows readers to see Marti the man and the patriot and to judge what was important to him at a crucial time in Cuban history".[76]
List of selected works
Martí's fundamental works published during his life
- 1869 January – Abdala
- 1869 January – "10 de octubre"
- 1871 – El presidio político en Cuba
- 1873 – La República Española ante la revolución cubana
- 1875 – Amor con amor se paga
- 1882 – Ismaelillo
- 1882 February – Ryan vs. Sullivan
- 1882 FEbruary – Un incendio
- 1882 July – El ajusticimiento de Guiteau
- 1883 January – "Batallas de la Paz"
- 1883 March – " Que son graneros humanos"
- 1883 March – Karl Marx ha muerto
- 1883 March –El Puente de Brooklyn
- 1883 September– "En Coney Island se vacia New York"
- 1883 December –" Los Politicos de oficio"*1883 December –"Bufalo Bil"
- 1884 April –"Los Caminadores"
- 1884 November – Norteamericanos
- 1884 November –El juego de pelota de pies
- 1885 – Amistad Funesta
- 1885 January –Teatro en Nueva York
- 1885 March – "Una gran rosa de bronce encendida"
- 1885 March –Los fundadores de la constitucion
- 1885 June – "Somos pueblo original"
- 1885 August – "Los politicos tiene sus pugiles"
- 1886 May – Las revueltas anarquistas de Chicago
- 1886 September – " La ensenanza"
- 1886 October – "La Estatua de la Libertad"
- 1887 April – El poeta Walt Whitman
- 1887 April – El Madison Squar
- 1887 November – Ejecucion de los dirigentes anarquistas de Chicago
- 1887 November – La gran nevada
- 1888 May – El ferrocarril elevado
- 1888 August – Verano en Nueva York
- 1888 November – " Ojos abiertos, y gargantas secas"
- 1888 November – "Amanece y ya es fragor"
- 1889 – 'La edad de oro'
- 1889 May – El centenario de George Washington
- 1889 July – Banistas
- 1889 August – "Nube Roja"
- 1889 September – "La caza de negros"
- 1890 November– " El jardin de las orquideas"
- 1891 October –Versos Sencillos
- 1891 January – "Nuestra America"
- 1894 January – " A Cuba!"
- 1895 –Manifiesto de Montecristi- coautor con Máximo Gómez
Martí's major posthumous works
- Adúltera
- Versos libres
See also
Notes
- ^ Garganigo et al., p. 272[clarification needed]
- ^ a b Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 15
- ^ a b c Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 16
- ^ Jones 1953, p. 398
- ^ J. A. Sierra "End of Slavery in Cuba", history of cuba.com
- ^ Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 18
- ^ a b Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 23
- ^ a b c Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 24
- ^ Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 30
- ^ a b c d e Jones 1953, p. 399
- ^ a b Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 46
- ^ Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 52
- ^ a b Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 56
- ^ Fountain 2003, p. 4
- ^ Gray 1966, p. 389
- ^ Gray 1966, p. 390
- ^ Alborch Bataller 1995 P159
- ^ Alborch Bataller 1995 P167
- ^ Alborch Bataller 1995 P 167
- ^ Alborch Bataller 1995 P 184
- ^ a b Gray 1966, p. 391
- ^ a b Gray 1966, p. 392
- ^ Turton 1986, p. 5
- ^ Fidalgo 1998, p.26
- ^ López 2006, p. 232
- ^ Martí 1963a, p. 48
- ^ Pérez-Galdós Ortiz 1999, p.45
- ^ Martí 1963b, pp. 93–94
- ^ Kirk 1983, p. 145
- ^ Scott 1984, p. 87
- ^ Abel 1986, p. 74
- ^ García Cisneros 1986, p. 56
- ^ Ramos 2001, pp.34-35
- ^ Martí 1963c, p. 172
- ^ Martí 1963d, p. 192
- ^ Holden & Zolov 2000, p.249
- ^ Turton 1986, p.47
- ^ Holden & Solov 2000, p. 179
- ^ Ronning 1990, p.103
- ^ Martí 1963e, p. 270
- ^ Turton 1986, pp. 33–34
- ^ Turton 1986, p.57
- ^ Bueno 1997, p. 158
- ^ Abel 1986, p. 26
- ^ Vincent 1978, p. 179
- ^ Turton 1986, p. 57
- ^ Fernández 1995, p. ???[page needed]
- ^ Kirk 1977, p. 275
- ^ a b c Kirk 1977, p. 278
- ^ Kirk 1977, p. 278-279
- ^ Kirk 1977, p. 279
- ^ a b c Kirk 1977, p. 280
- ^ Kirk 1977, p. 281
- ^ a b c Kirk 1977, p. 282
- ^ a b c Kirk 1977, p. 283
- ^ a b c Kirk 1977, p. 284
- ^ Kirk 1977, p. 285
- ^ Fernández 1995, p. 46[clarification needed]
- ^ Fountain 2003, p. 13
- ^ Fountain 2003, p. 15
- ^ Fernández Retamar 1970, p. 16
- ^ "la traducción debe ser natural, para que parezca como si el libro hubiese sido escrito en la lengua al que lo traduces." De la Cuesta 1996, p. 7
- ^ Serna 2002, p. 13
- ^ a b c Serna 2002, p. 14
- ^ a b Serna 2002, p. 16
- ^ Fernández Retamar 1970, p. 38
- ^ Fountain 2003, p. 6
- ^ Hernández Pardo 2000, p. 146
- ^ Garganigo, p. 273[clarification needed]
- ^ Garganigo, p. 273[clarification needed]
- ^ Garganigo et. al., p. 272[clarification needed]
- ^ Martí 1992, p. 8[clarification needed]
- ^ Roscoe 1947, p. 280
- ^ Nassif 1994, p. 2
- ^ Oberhelman 2001, p. 475
- ^ Oberhelman 2001, p. 475
References
- Abel, Christopher. José Martí: Revolutionary Democrat. London: Athlone. 1986.
- Alborch Bataller, Carmen, ed. (1995), José Martí: obra y vida, Madrid: Ministerio de Cultura, Ediciones Siruela, ISBN 978-8478443000.
- Bueno, Salvador (1997), José Martí y su periódico Patria, Barcelona: Puvill, ISBN 978-8485202751.
- De La Cuesta, Leonel Antonio. Martí, Traductor. Salamanca: Universidad Pontificia de Salamanca. 1996.
- Fernández, Teodosio (1995), "José Martí y la invención de la identidad hispanoamericana", in Alemany Bay, Carmen; Muñoz, Ramiro; Rovira, José Carlos (eds.), José Martí: historia y literatura ante el fin del siglo XIX, Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, pp. ??-??, ISBN 978-8479083083.[page needed]
- Fidalgo, Jose Antonio. "El Doctor Fermín Valdés-Domínguez, Hombre de Ciencias y Su Posible Influencia Recíproca Con José Martí" |journal= Cuadernos de Historia de la Salud Pública |year= 1998 |issue= 84 |pp. 26-34
- Fountain, Anne (2003), José Martí and U.S. Writers, Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, ISBN 978-0813026176.
- García Cisneros, Florencio (1986), Máximo Gómez: caudillo o dictador?, Miami, FL: Librería & Distribuidora Universal, ISBN 978-0961745608.
- Garganigo, John F.; Costa, Rene; Heller, Ben, eds. (1997), Huellas de las literaturas hispanoamericanas, Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, ISBN 978-0138251000.[clarification needed]
- Gray, Richard B. (April 1966), "The Quesadas of Cuba: Biographers and Editors of José Martí y Pérez", The Americas, 22 (4): 389–403, retrieved 2008-10-30
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- Hernández Pardo, Héctor (2000), Luz para el siglo XXI: actualidad del pensamiento de José Martí, Madrid: Ediciones Libertarias, ISBN 978-8479545611.
- Holden, Robert H.; Zolov, Eric (2000), Latin America and the United States: A Documentary History, New York: Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0195129939.
- Jones, Willis Knapp (December 1953), "The Martí Centenary", The Modern Language Journal, 37 (8): 398–402, retrieved 2008-10-30
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- Kirk, John M. (November 1977), "Jose Marti and the United States: A Further Interpretation", Journal of Latin American Studies, 9 (2): 275–290, retrieved 2008-10-30
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- Kirk, John M. José Martí, Mentor of the Cuban Nation. Tampa : University Presses of Florida, c1983.
- López, Alfred J. (2006), José Martí and the Future of Cuban Nationalisms, Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, ISBN 978-0813029993.
- Martí, José (1963a), "El presidio político en Cuba. Madrid 1871", Obras Completas, vol. 1, Havana: Editorial Nacional de Cuba, pp. 46–50, OCLC 263517905.
- Martí, José (1963b), "La República española ante la revolución cubana", Obras Completas, vol. 1, Havana: Editorial Nacional de Cuba, pp. 93–97, OCLC 263517905.
- Martí, José (1963c), "Letter to Antonio Maceo, 20 July 1882", Obras Completas, vol. 1, Havana: Editorial Nacional de Cuba, pp. 172–3, OCLC 263517905.
- Martí, José (1963d), "Letter to Enrique Trujillo, 6 July 1885", Obras Completas, vol. 1, Havana: Editorial Nacional de Cuba, OCLC 263517905.
- Martí, José (1963e), "Speech known as "Con todos y para el bien de todos" given in Tampa, 26 November 1891", Obras Completas, vol. 4, Havana: Editorial Nacional de Cuba, pp. 266–270, OCLC 263517908.[page needed]
- Martí, José (1992), Fernández Retamar, Roberto (ed.), La edad de oro: edición crítica anotada y prologada, Mexico: Fondo de cultura económica, ISBN 978-9681635039.[clarification needed]
- Nassif, Ricardo. "Jose Martí (1853-95) ". Originally published in Prospects:the quarterly review of comparative education(Paris, UNESCO: International Bureau of Education), vol. XXIV, no. 1/2, 1994, p. 107–19
- Oberhelman, Harley D. (September 2001), "Reviewed work(s): Versos Sencillos by José Martí. A Translation by Anne Fountain", Hispania, 84 (3): 474–475, retrieved 2008-11-13
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- Pérez-Galdós Ortiz, Víctor. José Martí: Visión de un Hombre Universal. Barcelona: Puvill Libros Ltd. 1999.
- Ronning, C. Neale. Jose Marti and the emigre colony in Key West. New York: Praeger. 1990.
- Roscoe, Hill R. (October 1947), "Book Reviews", The Americas, 4 (2): 278–280, retrieved 2008-10-30
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/|date=
mismatch (help). (JSTOR subscription required for online access.)
- Scott, Rebecca J. "Explaining Abolition: Contradiction, Adaptation, and Challenge in Cuban Slave Society, 1860-1886". Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 26, No. 1 (Jan., 1984), pp. 83-111
- Serna, Mercedes (2002), Del modernismo y la vanguardia: José Martí, Julio Herrera y Reissig, Vicente Huidobro, Nicanor Parra, Lima: Ediciones El Santo Oficio, ISBN 978-9972688188.
- Turton, Peter (1986), José Martí: Architect of Cuba's Freedom, London: Zed, ISBN 978-0862325107.
- Vincent, Jon S. "Jose Marti: Surrealist or Seer?" Latin American Research Review, Vol. 13, No. 1 (1978), pp. 178-181
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