Montpellier saw four successive newspapers, whose sponsors, journalists and readers identified wi... more Montpellier saw four successive newspapers, whose sponsors, journalists and readers identified with the cause of the eldest branch. Poor management, financial shortcomings and legal proceedings explain why the first three papers led a languishing existence. Most readers belonged to the wealthier layers of society. Yet, ordinary people did read or were read to by others. The owners’ resilience shows that commercial considerations played a minor role. The publications should propagate certain points of view and denigrate alternative accounts. Their polemics provided readers with a rudimentary understanding of their movement’s message and contributed to their politicisation. In the absence of a political party, they did more than create and disseminate news. Legitimists used them to organise all kinds of activities on behalf of their movement.
ABSTRACT In France, the Revolution of 1848 reshaped politics as it drew heretofore excluded group... more ABSTRACT In France, the Revolution of 1848 reshaped politics as it drew heretofore excluded groups into politics. In Montpellier, these changes provoked contests over the place of new citizens in the body politic and urban space. In August 1848 tensions reached their zenith as royalist residents of a lower-class neighbourhood clashed with the forces of order. Moreover, they defended their neighbourhood from intrusions on the part of their political opponents. Not only did these struggles concern the issue of command over space, but they also showed that the purportedly uncouth men intended to take part in the formulation of politics too.
During the 1930s the Dutch social democratic party changed into a party which sought to reform ra... more During the 1930s the Dutch social democratic party changed into a party which sought to reform rather than to abolish capitalism. This transformation was accompanied by a change in tactics and strategy intended to meet the challenges of economic and political crises. Henceforth, the Sociaal-Democratische Arbeiderspartij tried to establish co-operation with social groupings well beyond its traditional rank and file of industrial labourers. A new generation of voluntarist politicians proposed to adopt the methods of propaganda, and turned for inspiration to activities undertaken by Belgian and German socialists, as well as the world of commercial advertising.
European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire, Feb 1, 2013
Throughout much of the nineteenth century, many French were concerned with the fundamental societ... more Throughout much of the nineteenth century, many French were concerned with the fundamental societal divisions that would preclude orderly public life and herald the dissolution of society. Travellers and senior officials sent to administer Mediterranean departments were well aware of the regional particularities that characterised the country. Accordingly, descriptions of the public spirit in the Hérault were pervaded with a sense of distinctiveness. This article shows that state officials, inspired by neo-Hippocratic notions and elitist views, construed a stereotype of vivid, impressionable southerners given to political extremism. Their reports shape our understanding of nineteenth-century society and politics as historians commonly consult these rich and irreplaceable documents in archives across France. Officials, for example, were inclined to describe a particular form of royalism known as legitimism that found widespread support from different layers of society as an illustration of the population's innate behavioural dispositions. Their discursive construction of the southerners, in fact, was as much about exogenous identity politics as it contributed to contemporary debates about the moral and social capacitès required of enfranchised citizens. As they made use of arguments borrowed from a well-established tradition of stereotyping, they stigmatised especially lower-class monarchists as being unworthy for civic participation.
In Montpellier, the Bourbon family had admirers among all layers of society. Aristocrats and weal... more In Montpellier, the Bourbon family had admirers among all layers of society. Aristocrats and wealthy bourgeois formed the movement’s leadership. This chapter offers a portrait of two aristocratic families as well as a lawyer who played an important role in local legitimism for decades. Yet, ordinary people sympathised with the eldest branch of the Bourbon royal family, too. Archival sources reveal that this group constituted a gathering of artisans, small shopkeepers, labourers and the poor. This chapter offers a portrait of two individuals who illustrated this milieu well. In due time, however, Montpellier saw a gradual erosion in popular legitimism.
Montpellier saw four successive newspapers, whose sponsors, journalists and readers identified wi... more Montpellier saw four successive newspapers, whose sponsors, journalists and readers identified with the cause of the eldest branch. Poor management, financial shortcomings and legal proceedings explain why the first three papers led a languishing existence. Most readers belonged to the wealthier layers of society. Yet, ordinary people did read or were read to by others. The owners’ resilience shows that commercial considerations played a minor role. The publications should propagate certain points of view and denigrate alternative accounts. Their polemics provided readers with a rudimentary understanding of their movement’s message and contributed to their politicisation. In the absence of a political party, they did more than create and disseminate news. Legitimists used them to organise all kinds of activities on behalf of their movement.
ABSTRACT In France, the Revolution of 1848 reshaped politics as it drew heretofore excluded group... more ABSTRACT In France, the Revolution of 1848 reshaped politics as it drew heretofore excluded groups into politics. In Montpellier, these changes provoked contests over the place of new citizens in the body politic and urban space. In August 1848 tensions reached their zenith as royalist residents of a lower-class neighbourhood clashed with the forces of order. Moreover, they defended their neighbourhood from intrusions on the part of their political opponents. Not only did these struggles concern the issue of command over space, but they also showed that the purportedly uncouth men intended to take part in the formulation of politics too.
During the 1930s the Dutch social democratic party changed into a party which sought to reform ra... more During the 1930s the Dutch social democratic party changed into a party which sought to reform rather than to abolish capitalism. This transformation was accompanied by a change in tactics and strategy intended to meet the challenges of economic and political crises. Henceforth, the Sociaal-Democratische Arbeiderspartij tried to establish co-operation with social groupings well beyond its traditional rank and file of industrial labourers. A new generation of voluntarist politicians proposed to adopt the methods of propaganda, and turned for inspiration to activities undertaken by Belgian and German socialists, as well as the world of commercial advertising.
European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire, Feb 1, 2013
Throughout much of the nineteenth century, many French were concerned with the fundamental societ... more Throughout much of the nineteenth century, many French were concerned with the fundamental societal divisions that would preclude orderly public life and herald the dissolution of society. Travellers and senior officials sent to administer Mediterranean departments were well aware of the regional particularities that characterised the country. Accordingly, descriptions of the public spirit in the Hérault were pervaded with a sense of distinctiveness. This article shows that state officials, inspired by neo-Hippocratic notions and elitist views, construed a stereotype of vivid, impressionable southerners given to political extremism. Their reports shape our understanding of nineteenth-century society and politics as historians commonly consult these rich and irreplaceable documents in archives across France. Officials, for example, were inclined to describe a particular form of royalism known as legitimism that found widespread support from different layers of society as an illustration of the population's innate behavioural dispositions. Their discursive construction of the southerners, in fact, was as much about exogenous identity politics as it contributed to contemporary debates about the moral and social capacitès required of enfranchised citizens. As they made use of arguments borrowed from a well-established tradition of stereotyping, they stigmatised especially lower-class monarchists as being unworthy for civic participation.
In Montpellier, the Bourbon family had admirers among all layers of society. Aristocrats and weal... more In Montpellier, the Bourbon family had admirers among all layers of society. Aristocrats and wealthy bourgeois formed the movement’s leadership. This chapter offers a portrait of two aristocratic families as well as a lawyer who played an important role in local legitimism for decades. Yet, ordinary people sympathised with the eldest branch of the Bourbon royal family, too. Archival sources reveal that this group constituted a gathering of artisans, small shopkeepers, labourers and the poor. This chapter offers a portrait of two individuals who illustrated this milieu well. In due time, however, Montpellier saw a gradual erosion in popular legitimism.
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Papers by Bernard Rulof