... 142 J. CERULLO ... Our vehicle here is Paul Claudel's 1911 historical verse drama, L... more ... 142 J. CERULLO ... Our vehicle here is Paul Claudel's 1911 historical verse drama, L'Otage (The Hostage), and Sorel's decidedly odd interpretation of it.35 He was deeply moved by Claudel's play, devolving on the playwright 'the honor of occupying the first place among ...
To speak of a "juridical turn" in contemporary France is, essentially, to describe a re... more To speak of a "juridical turn" in contemporary France is, essentially, to describe a reversal of juridical values that had shaped republican legal theory and the republican legal universe from 1789 until well after World War II. In short, what seems to be turning is the relationship that had long prevailed between la loi and le droit. As legal scholar Alec Stone has observed, since the Revolution la loi has mainly denoted specific enactments emerging from somewhere within the political order (legislative statute, executive order, etc.), while le droit has evoked "the complex interaction of legal institutions, jurisprudence, and legal scholarship" by which abstract juridical principles are generated, refined, and applied. In short, la loi is imprinted with the hurly-burly of democratic political processes, le droit with disciplined, abstract juridical reasoning. That distinction was a sharp one in republican legal theory throughout most of the nineteenth century, ...
After the Dreyfus Affair, prominent Dreyfusards frequently noted the exalted emotional states tha... more After the Dreyfus Affair, prominent Dreyfusards frequently noted the exalted emotional states that had accompanied their participation in it. Joseph Reinach, for one, remarked to Colonel Picquart that "we were all living in a Wagnerian world . . . and had lost some of our notions of reality/'1 In fact, some intellectuals viewed the psychological dimension of the Affair as its most "real" aspect. For Leon Blum the most enduring consequence of the Affair was what had happened to the Dreyfusards internally.2 During the struggle he wrote, "[o]ne felt different; everything around oneself seemed different . . . each felt himself other and believed he perceived around himself other men, another universe . . ."3 Charles Peguy, as well, evoked the
After the Dreyfus Affair, prominent Dreyfusards frequently noted the exalted emotional states tha... more After the Dreyfus Affair, prominent Dreyfusards frequently noted the exalted emotional states that had accompanied their participation in it. Joseph Reinach, for one, remarked to Colonel Picquart that "we were all living in a Wagnerian world . . . and had lost some of our notions of reality/'1 In fact, some intellectuals viewed the psychological dimension of the Affair as its most "real" aspect. For Leon Blum the most enduring consequence of the Affair was what had happened to the Dreyfusards internally.2 During the struggle he wrote, "[o]ne felt different; everything around oneself seemed different . . . each felt himself other and believed he perceived around himself other men, another universe . . ."3 Charles Peguy, as well, evoked the
French military justice constituted an "exceptional jurisdiction": a legal subsystem de... more French military justice constituted an "exceptional jurisdiction": a legal subsystem designed to serve not justice but discipline, and carefully insulated from external political intervention. Reformers had attempted to ameliorate its harshness. But when the Clemen ceau government elected to abort further reforms in 1907-09, it strengthened the case of radicals who insisted that military justice was unreformable by the bourgeois state. Radicals sought not to improve the quality of military justice, but to expose its linkage to the class struggle (i.e., to portray the Army and its courts as devourers of proletarian youth). When Emile Rousset alleged that Albert Aernoult, his fellow prisoner in an Algerian compagnie de discipline, had been beaten to death by guards, he created an opportunity for radicals to advance that agenda. The Aernoult-Rousset Affair (1909-12) did breach the political insularity of French military justice. Yet the Affair's political and juridical outcomes
The social constructionist movement in social psychology typifies contextualist scholarship acros... more The social constructionist movement in social psychology typifies contextualist scholarship across many disciplines. Thus far, its proponents have effectively represented their epistemological perspective. But the entrenched opposition they have encountered is based less on epistemological than political considerations: The threat constructionism poses to the "positivist compromise," wherein social scientists are given institutional support from political and economic elites in return
International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, 1994
For representatives of the "generation of '68" within the American sociological pr... more For representatives of the "generation of '68" within the American sociological profession, the continued elaboration of a "critical" or "radical" sociology has remained an intellectual project of the highest importance. With it, they have kept before us broadly-drawn portraits of America's systemic failure to realize the goal of personal emancipation within a humane social order. The power of this effort
... Schnader, Shannon, and Margiotti were all liberal Republicans. With all ... It might be noted... more ... Schnader, Shannon, and Margiotti were all liberal Republicans. With all ... It might be noted that when Joseph Guffey had switched his support from Al Smith to Roosevelt at the 1932 Chicago party convention he had been rewarded with complete control over federal patronage in ...
... 142 J. CERULLO ... Our vehicle here is Paul Claudel's 1911 historical verse drama, L... more ... 142 J. CERULLO ... Our vehicle here is Paul Claudel's 1911 historical verse drama, L'Otage (The Hostage), and Sorel's decidedly odd interpretation of it.35 He was deeply moved by Claudel's play, devolving on the playwright 'the honor of occupying the first place among ...
To speak of a "juridical turn" in contemporary France is, essentially, to describe a re... more To speak of a "juridical turn" in contemporary France is, essentially, to describe a reversal of juridical values that had shaped republican legal theory and the republican legal universe from 1789 until well after World War II. In short, what seems to be turning is the relationship that had long prevailed between la loi and le droit. As legal scholar Alec Stone has observed, since the Revolution la loi has mainly denoted specific enactments emerging from somewhere within the political order (legislative statute, executive order, etc.), while le droit has evoked "the complex interaction of legal institutions, jurisprudence, and legal scholarship" by which abstract juridical principles are generated, refined, and applied. In short, la loi is imprinted with the hurly-burly of democratic political processes, le droit with disciplined, abstract juridical reasoning. That distinction was a sharp one in republican legal theory throughout most of the nineteenth century, ...
After the Dreyfus Affair, prominent Dreyfusards frequently noted the exalted emotional states tha... more After the Dreyfus Affair, prominent Dreyfusards frequently noted the exalted emotional states that had accompanied their participation in it. Joseph Reinach, for one, remarked to Colonel Picquart that "we were all living in a Wagnerian world . . . and had lost some of our notions of reality/'1 In fact, some intellectuals viewed the psychological dimension of the Affair as its most "real" aspect. For Leon Blum the most enduring consequence of the Affair was what had happened to the Dreyfusards internally.2 During the struggle he wrote, "[o]ne felt different; everything around oneself seemed different . . . each felt himself other and believed he perceived around himself other men, another universe . . ."3 Charles Peguy, as well, evoked the
After the Dreyfus Affair, prominent Dreyfusards frequently noted the exalted emotional states tha... more After the Dreyfus Affair, prominent Dreyfusards frequently noted the exalted emotional states that had accompanied their participation in it. Joseph Reinach, for one, remarked to Colonel Picquart that "we were all living in a Wagnerian world . . . and had lost some of our notions of reality/'1 In fact, some intellectuals viewed the psychological dimension of the Affair as its most "real" aspect. For Leon Blum the most enduring consequence of the Affair was what had happened to the Dreyfusards internally.2 During the struggle he wrote, "[o]ne felt different; everything around oneself seemed different . . . each felt himself other and believed he perceived around himself other men, another universe . . ."3 Charles Peguy, as well, evoked the
French military justice constituted an "exceptional jurisdiction": a legal subsystem de... more French military justice constituted an "exceptional jurisdiction": a legal subsystem designed to serve not justice but discipline, and carefully insulated from external political intervention. Reformers had attempted to ameliorate its harshness. But when the Clemen ceau government elected to abort further reforms in 1907-09, it strengthened the case of radicals who insisted that military justice was unreformable by the bourgeois state. Radicals sought not to improve the quality of military justice, but to expose its linkage to the class struggle (i.e., to portray the Army and its courts as devourers of proletarian youth). When Emile Rousset alleged that Albert Aernoult, his fellow prisoner in an Algerian compagnie de discipline, had been beaten to death by guards, he created an opportunity for radicals to advance that agenda. The Aernoult-Rousset Affair (1909-12) did breach the political insularity of French military justice. Yet the Affair's political and juridical outcomes
The social constructionist movement in social psychology typifies contextualist scholarship acros... more The social constructionist movement in social psychology typifies contextualist scholarship across many disciplines. Thus far, its proponents have effectively represented their epistemological perspective. But the entrenched opposition they have encountered is based less on epistemological than political considerations: The threat constructionism poses to the "positivist compromise," wherein social scientists are given institutional support from political and economic elites in return
International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, 1994
For representatives of the "generation of '68" within the American sociological pr... more For representatives of the "generation of '68" within the American sociological profession, the continued elaboration of a "critical" or "radical" sociology has remained an intellectual project of the highest importance. With it, they have kept before us broadly-drawn portraits of America's systemic failure to realize the goal of personal emancipation within a humane social order. The power of this effort
... Schnader, Shannon, and Margiotti were all liberal Republicans. With all ... It might be noted... more ... Schnader, Shannon, and Margiotti were all liberal Republicans. With all ... It might be noted that when Joseph Guffey had switched his support from Al Smith to Roosevelt at the 1932 Chicago party convention he had been rewarded with complete control over federal patronage in ...
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