The concept of “power” is central to political sociology. In this chapter, we first try to descri... more The concept of “power” is central to political sociology. In this chapter, we first try to describe it by reducing its implicit semantic ambiguity. We will distinguish it from similar concepts such as “influence”, “domination”, “dominance”, and then focus on the concept of “authority” that presupposes a form of power recognised and accepted not only by those who exercise it, but also by those who are subject to it. Political power is only one particular social manifestation of power, which concerns the possession of the means necessary for the exercise of physical violence. It is therefore necessary to distinguish the forms of power from the resources necessary to exercise it. This allows us to separate political power from other fundamental manifestations of social power, such as economic and symbolic (or ideological) power. Many scholars have developed the belief that, in any historical society, power is concentrated in the hands of narrow elite that commands an atomised mass, almost naturally brought to subalternity with respect to the dominant group. The scholars whose work is attributable to elite theory are therefore convinced that the trend of modern societies follows a pyramidal logic. The dominant group may be called “political class”, or “ruling class”, or “power elite”, but it does not change the reality of a socio-political context that, even in democracy, is seen as inevitably destined to assume the oligarchical traits of a society where the few command the many. The idea of the homogeneity and compactness of elites is questioned by pluralistic theorists who believe that power groups are multiple, heterogeneous and in competition with each other. It is the same competition for power that may represent the meeting place between elitism and democracy.
- The introduction draws a picture of the link between multi-level governance and transnational s... more - The introduction draws a picture of the link between multi-level governance and transnational social movement. The Authors moves from the description of governance polity as a system of political opportunities to social mobilization, then they describe both local and global dimensions, regarding as a field of conflict and legitimacy. The fourth paragraph develops a comparative analysis on two alternative Europe, the one from above (the institutional building suffering a democratic deficit), the latter from below (the process of collective learning built up by Social Forums). In the end, the last paragraph describes the guidelines of the whole Issue. Keywords: Multilevel Governance; Social Movements; Europe; Globalization; Public Sphere
The aim of the paper is to analyze the work of Werner Sombart starting from his criticism of capi... more The aim of the paper is to analyze the work of Werner Sombart starting from his criticism of capitalism and of the bourgeois spirit. In the course of the paper we focus on the so-called conservative turn of Sombart and his gradual distancing from Marxist literature with which he had previously interacted intensively. Our intention is mainly to understand the relationship between the thought of Sombart and some key concepts, such as socialism, liberalism and democracy. As Sombart is essentially a scholar of economics, more than one interesting element can be found in his work in relation to his conception of the ethical state and organic community. We conclude the paper with an attempt to historically contextualize the thought of Sombart who is absolutely a product of his time. In the years when Sombart wrote and worked, the crisis of liberalism and individualism was a fact, discussed in the international scientific community by various scholars of socialist and social-democratic lea...
The concept of “power” is central to political sociology. In this chapter, we first try to descri... more The concept of “power” is central to political sociology. In this chapter, we first try to describe it by reducing its implicit semantic ambiguity. We will distinguish it from similar concepts such as “influence”, “domination”, “dominance”, and then focus on the concept of “authority” that presupposes a form of power recognised and accepted not only by those who exercise it, but also by those who are subject to it. Political power is only one particular social manifestation of power, which concerns the possession of the means necessary for the exercise of physical violence. It is therefore necessary to distinguish the forms of power from the resources necessary to exercise it. This allows us to separate political power from other fundamental manifestations of social power, such as economic and symbolic (or ideological) power. Many scholars have developed the belief that, in any historical society, power is concentrated in the hands of narrow elite that commands an atomised mass, alm...
La riflessivita tipica delle attuali societa complesse impone di prestare una particolare attenzi... more La riflessivita tipica delle attuali societa complesse impone di prestare una particolare attenzione ai processi di individualizzazione che creano le condizioni di autonomia dei soggetti. Gli individui diventano dunque soggetti autonomi attivi e questo assegna all�esperienza individuale un valore significativo che le scienze sociali devono poter decifrare. In questo scenario, si rende opportuna una rivisitazione del ruolo dell�intellettuale, il quale oggi appare prestato ai media, soprattutto in un mondo segnato da cio che Sidney Tarrow e Donatella della Porta hanno chiamato �internazionalismo complesso�. Si dilatano i luoghi politici dell�abitare umano, le citta agiscono da valvola di sfogo e connettono spazi critici, bypassando gli Stati, tanto che possono essere viste come infrastrutture costitutive di nuovi campi globali d�azione, in cui vi e implicito il costituirsi di un nuovo immaginario globale. Alla luce di queste considerazioni appare evidente la necessita di una diversa pratica sociologica che sia in grado di cogliere la novita espressa dai nuovi movimenti sociali e da un contesto globale profondamente mutevole.
Social movements are the actors through which the masses historically give voice to their demands... more Social movements are the actors through which the masses historically give voice to their demands. The media spotlight on them is growing so much that today it is hard to find a newspaper that, on any contentious issue, ranging from civil rights to animal rights, from the environment to employment, from peace to air quality, does not report on the mobilisations it produces as a result of the civil society’s ability to organise collective protest events. Social movements are not organisations, but they rely on organisation; they are not interest groups, because they carry out their action in an extra-institutional dimension, yet they cannot avoid confronting political institutions. They have a horizontal organisation through networks of informal relationships, but still have an internal hierarchy and a leadership system; they are born as national phenomena, but they have the ability to unfold on a transnational dimension; they can be transitory or lasting, violent or non-violent, parameters that vary according to their objectives and the action repertoires adopted in the context of a protest-oriented form of participation. After defining the field of social movements and the main analytical approaches, we will address some areas investigated by social movement scholars, such as the cognitive and identity dimension, the movements’ framework, the connection between social movements and emotions, and the organisational dimension. We will analyse the thorny issue of action repertoires, protest forms, and the political, cultural, social and biographical impacts of social movements. A specific section will be devoted to the communicative dimension of the movements with a particular focus on the role played by digital and social media which have played a fundamental role in the construction of contemporary social movements. The chapter will end with a section divided into three parts: the first will deal with the relationship between social movements, political context and democratic construction, with a focus on the issue of the policing of protest; the second will be devoted to the relationship between social movements and the transnational dimension, with a focus on the practices of externalisation, internalisation and diffusion of social protest; the third will examine the role of social movements in times of austerity, with a focus on social resistance and resilience practices in a context of economic crisis.
Political parties act in the political system in order to translate the main social issues in pol... more Political parties act in the political system in order to translate the main social issues in political terms, bringing together interests that are not simply exogenous to the political process. Through the production of collective identities, they are able to reaffirm their raison d’etre, elaborating ideologies and preparing programmes that they hope will gain them the citizens’ support. The historical evolution of the parties follows the dynamics of democratisation. The need to politically organise a large number of citizens meant that the old parties of notables were replaced by large mass bureaucratic organisations in which a multitude of political professionals contributed to the strong local roots of the party and to the socio-political integration of individuals and social groups. Over the years, the mass party too has undergone transformations with the gradual easing of its organisational structure and the weakening of its capacity to produce collective identities. In this regard, scholars talk about the transition from the mass party to other forms that, following a typological approach, we can call catch-all-party, electoral party, or professional party, in which the so-called party-in-public-office becomes central, relegating the “party-in-central-office” and above all the “party-on-the-ground” to a marginal position. Political parties have nonetheless maintained a leading role in the political and administrative organisation of democratic regimes. To understand these dynamics, it is necessary to look at the power exchanges that take place within them and at the ability of the leadership to manage change without ever losing the strength to produce incentives that guarantee the loyalty of the members. With the endogenous crisis of the mechanisms of representation in western countries, many parties suffered a decline. New parties were born everywhere, especially in Europe, often under the impulse of social movements or populist movements. We are talking about hybrid parties, movement parties, or populist parties that most often assume the form of right-wing xenophobic movements, but in other cases are clearly on the left side of the system. The last section of this chapter will be devoted to these issues.
In the last years the new Italian Communist party (Rifondazione Comunista) has acquired such a na... more In the last years the new Italian Communist party (Rifondazione Comunista) has acquired such a national and international importance to provoke the interest of political scientists. The 6th conference of the party (spring 2005) was very important because of the change from a traditional opposition attitude to the decision to form an alliance with the future Left government, in the case Romano Prodi wins the competition with Berlusconi. This change of perspective was long discussed within the party. As a matter of fact, during the 6th conference, five alternatives motions were discussed: the first was proposed by the secretary Fausto Bertinotti, who decided the alliance with the others Left wing parties, while the other four motions proposed alternative strategies.To analyse this process we have considered 72 articles, published before the conference in the party newspaper («Liberazione») to support the different motions (18 for each motion). The textual analysis we carried out with the new release of TaltaC2 allows us to describe the contents of five groups of articles, the specific language utilised, the kind of actors cited in the corpus and the negative language used. This description is carried out also in a multidimensional perspective.
Political parties act in the political system in order to translate the main social issues in pol... more Political parties act in the political system in order to translate the main social issues in political terms, bringing together interests that are not simply exogenous to the political process. Through the production of collective identities, they are able to reaffirm their raison d’etre, elaborating ideologies and preparing programmes that they hope will gain them the citizens’ support. The historical evolution of the parties follows the dynamics of democratisation. The need to politically organise a large number of citizens meant that the old parties of notables were replaced by large mass bureaucratic organisations in which a multitude of political professionals contributed to the strong local roots of the party and to the socio-political integration of individuals and social groups. Over the years, the mass party too has undergone transformations with the gradual easing of its organisational structure and the weakening of its capacity to produce collective identities. In this regard, scholars talk about the transition from the mass party to other forms that, following a typological approach, we can call catch-all-party, electoral party, or professional party, in which the so-called party-in-public-office becomes central, relegating the “party-in-central-office” and above all the “party-on-the-ground” to a marginal position. Political parties have nonetheless maintained a leading role in the political and administrative organisation of democratic regimes. To understand these dynamics, it is necessary to look at the power exchanges that take place within them and at the ability of the leadership to manage change without ever losing the strength to produce incentives that guarantee the loyalty of the members. With the endogenous crisis of the mechanisms of representation in western countries, many parties suffered a decline. New parties were born everywhere, especially in Europe, often under the impulse of social movements or populist movements. We are talking about hybrid parties, movement parties, or populist parties that most often assume the form of right-wing xenophobic movements, but in other cases are clearly on the left side of the system. The last section of this chapter will be devoted to these issues.
The institutionalisation of political power is mainly seen in the forms taken by the modern state... more The institutionalisation of political power is mainly seen in the forms taken by the modern state as a result of a growing centralisation of power. The process of state building led to the reduction of the political fragmentation that had taken place in Western Europe through a multitude of local and independent centres of power in a predominantly agricultural social structure. This phenomenon was generated by the use of violence and through the establishment of permanent armies under the command of a central power. The first manifestation of the state was in the experience of absolutism which later evolved into forms of the rule of law. With the introduction of universal suffrage, the rule of law was further transformed into a democratic state in which all citizens enjoy the same civil and political rights. The entry of the masses into politics has forced power to respond to the claims of an increasingly complex and differentiated society that expresses a multiplicity of interests. State building is distinct from the nation-building process. By nation we mean the transformation of the inhabitants of a territory into a “people” aware of their own history and identity. Administration and bureaucracy are also two fundamental aspects of the modern state. They become stronger to respond to the need for specialisation and differentiation of political functions. Faced with the crisis of state sovereignty in a context of neoliberal globalisation, there is a generalised transformation in the contemporary formulas of governance, and of public bureaucracies, reorganised on the basis of a logic of functional fragmentation and managerialisation.
States coexist alongside other states with which they maintain relations of cooperation or confli... more States coexist alongside other states with which they maintain relations of cooperation or conflict. Together they give life to the international political system which, even in the absence of a single sovereign authority, adopts a structure based on shared principles and rules. All states are nominally equal, but not all have the same weight in setting behavioural standards. There is therefore a hierarchy with the economically and militarily stronger states at the top. The international system is not completely anarchical. Between total anarchy and total hierarchy there are different intermediate formulas ranging from alliances between states to higher forms of integration, as happens in the case of international regimes or agreements between governments within an institutional framework. In the field of international relations, we can identify several schools that, on the one hand, stress conflict and inequality between states, and on the other hand, focus on cooperation and equality between states. The growing interdependence among actors, especially under the pressure of the processes of transnationalisation of the economy, has given rise to a global political system, where states are joined in the global arena by a series of non-state actors, such as large economic corporations and a myriad of non-governmental movements and organisations that, together, give meaning to a global civil society that acts on a local and sub-national level, as well as on a transnational level. In this context, governments face a series of challenges in the fields of safety, environmental sustainability, rights and knowledge that make the world a community of destiny. Environmental sustainability, international security and international migration are just some of the challenges facing international politics.
According to the mainstream literature, the concept of democracy coincides with the historical co... more According to the mainstream literature, the concept of democracy coincides with the historical configuration of the liberal-democratic regimes, producing a static image that rests on a minimal, procedural meaning. We instead support the idea of process-oriented democracy, which occurs in the conflicting relationship between citizens and the state. Every process of democratisation is exposed to the risks of a de-democratisation featuring the regression of democratic conditions. We also integrate the concept of democracy of liberal derivation with other meanings that are gaining ground in the face of a crisis of legitimisation of Western liberal regimes. Democracy is also linked to political participation, connected to the two interrelated concepts of citizenship and democratisation; citizens to whom the rights of belonging to a political community are guaranteed, take part in the public life of that community, trying to influence its course. They may only be interested in public affairs, developing mass political attitudes not necessarily translated into direct engagement, or may also actively participate in the political process in the conventional forms of voting or, otherwise, using non-conventional, protest-oriented repertoires of action. The three main actors of collective political participation are “political parties”, “interest groups” and “social movements”. In this chapter, we will dedicate a specific section to interest groups, which are now central in the dynamics of decision-making in contemporary democracies. Every democratisation process always starts from a non-democratic condition. We will observe the main forms of non-democratic state organisation, from traditionalism to totalitarianism, and the various types of authoritarianism and then dedicate the last section to transition regimes, the so-called pseudo-democracies, and post-democracies.
Scopo dell'articolo e analizzare empiricamente la cultura politica con particolare riferiment... more Scopo dell'articolo e analizzare empiricamente la cultura politica con particolare riferimento alla diade destra-sinistra. Il linguaggio politico e considerato come il miglior strumento di trasmissione simbolica e un buon mezzo attraverso cui studiare le caratteristiche specifiche della cultura politica. Con questa consapevolezza abbiamo registrato e analizzato con una nuova tecnica di analisi del contenuto alcuni discorsi politici di Walter Veltroni (candidato della sinistra) e Antonio Tajani (candidato della destra) durante la campagna per la poltrona di sindaco della citta di Roma. Dal risultato della ricerca si puo dedurre che destra e sinistra hanno oggi molti elementi di differenza soprattutto in riferimento ad importanti temi come la democrazia, la globalizzazione e l’idea del ruolo dei partiti nelle societa contemporanee.
Talking about politics without considering its communicative dimension is no longer possible. The... more Talking about politics without considering its communicative dimension is no longer possible. The development of the mass media has had such a decisive impact on the dynamics of the political process that there is a mediatisation of public action. Within this framework, we find the space of political communication that takes place in the symbolic and asymmetric exchange between media, political actors and citizens. The political system and the media industry are now linked by a relationship of interdependence: on the one hand, politicians are always looking for visibility in a public space transformed into a mediatised political arena; on the other hand, the media need politics as a source of information and a place of decision-making even with respect to the economic and institutional conditions in which media professions can be performed. The effects of the centrality of the media on politics are expressed above all in its personalisation and spectacularisation, while citizens, wh...
The concept of “power” is central to political sociology. In this chapter, we first try to descri... more The concept of “power” is central to political sociology. In this chapter, we first try to describe it by reducing its implicit semantic ambiguity. We will distinguish it from similar concepts such as “influence”, “domination”, “dominance”, and then focus on the concept of “authority” that presupposes a form of power recognised and accepted not only by those who exercise it, but also by those who are subject to it. Political power is only one particular social manifestation of power, which concerns the possession of the means necessary for the exercise of physical violence. It is therefore necessary to distinguish the forms of power from the resources necessary to exercise it. This allows us to separate political power from other fundamental manifestations of social power, such as economic and symbolic (or ideological) power. Many scholars have developed the belief that, in any historical society, power is concentrated in the hands of narrow elite that commands an atomised mass, almost naturally brought to subalternity with respect to the dominant group. The scholars whose work is attributable to elite theory are therefore convinced that the trend of modern societies follows a pyramidal logic. The dominant group may be called “political class”, or “ruling class”, or “power elite”, but it does not change the reality of a socio-political context that, even in democracy, is seen as inevitably destined to assume the oligarchical traits of a society where the few command the many. The idea of the homogeneity and compactness of elites is questioned by pluralistic theorists who believe that power groups are multiple, heterogeneous and in competition with each other. It is the same competition for power that may represent the meeting place between elitism and democracy.
- The introduction draws a picture of the link between multi-level governance and transnational s... more - The introduction draws a picture of the link between multi-level governance and transnational social movement. The Authors moves from the description of governance polity as a system of political opportunities to social mobilization, then they describe both local and global dimensions, regarding as a field of conflict and legitimacy. The fourth paragraph develops a comparative analysis on two alternative Europe, the one from above (the institutional building suffering a democratic deficit), the latter from below (the process of collective learning built up by Social Forums). In the end, the last paragraph describes the guidelines of the whole Issue. Keywords: Multilevel Governance; Social Movements; Europe; Globalization; Public Sphere
The aim of the paper is to analyze the work of Werner Sombart starting from his criticism of capi... more The aim of the paper is to analyze the work of Werner Sombart starting from his criticism of capitalism and of the bourgeois spirit. In the course of the paper we focus on the so-called conservative turn of Sombart and his gradual distancing from Marxist literature with which he had previously interacted intensively. Our intention is mainly to understand the relationship between the thought of Sombart and some key concepts, such as socialism, liberalism and democracy. As Sombart is essentially a scholar of economics, more than one interesting element can be found in his work in relation to his conception of the ethical state and organic community. We conclude the paper with an attempt to historically contextualize the thought of Sombart who is absolutely a product of his time. In the years when Sombart wrote and worked, the crisis of liberalism and individualism was a fact, discussed in the international scientific community by various scholars of socialist and social-democratic lea...
The concept of “power” is central to political sociology. In this chapter, we first try to descri... more The concept of “power” is central to political sociology. In this chapter, we first try to describe it by reducing its implicit semantic ambiguity. We will distinguish it from similar concepts such as “influence”, “domination”, “dominance”, and then focus on the concept of “authority” that presupposes a form of power recognised and accepted not only by those who exercise it, but also by those who are subject to it. Political power is only one particular social manifestation of power, which concerns the possession of the means necessary for the exercise of physical violence. It is therefore necessary to distinguish the forms of power from the resources necessary to exercise it. This allows us to separate political power from other fundamental manifestations of social power, such as economic and symbolic (or ideological) power. Many scholars have developed the belief that, in any historical society, power is concentrated in the hands of narrow elite that commands an atomised mass, alm...
La riflessivita tipica delle attuali societa complesse impone di prestare una particolare attenzi... more La riflessivita tipica delle attuali societa complesse impone di prestare una particolare attenzione ai processi di individualizzazione che creano le condizioni di autonomia dei soggetti. Gli individui diventano dunque soggetti autonomi attivi e questo assegna all�esperienza individuale un valore significativo che le scienze sociali devono poter decifrare. In questo scenario, si rende opportuna una rivisitazione del ruolo dell�intellettuale, il quale oggi appare prestato ai media, soprattutto in un mondo segnato da cio che Sidney Tarrow e Donatella della Porta hanno chiamato �internazionalismo complesso�. Si dilatano i luoghi politici dell�abitare umano, le citta agiscono da valvola di sfogo e connettono spazi critici, bypassando gli Stati, tanto che possono essere viste come infrastrutture costitutive di nuovi campi globali d�azione, in cui vi e implicito il costituirsi di un nuovo immaginario globale. Alla luce di queste considerazioni appare evidente la necessita di una diversa pratica sociologica che sia in grado di cogliere la novita espressa dai nuovi movimenti sociali e da un contesto globale profondamente mutevole.
Social movements are the actors through which the masses historically give voice to their demands... more Social movements are the actors through which the masses historically give voice to their demands. The media spotlight on them is growing so much that today it is hard to find a newspaper that, on any contentious issue, ranging from civil rights to animal rights, from the environment to employment, from peace to air quality, does not report on the mobilisations it produces as a result of the civil society’s ability to organise collective protest events. Social movements are not organisations, but they rely on organisation; they are not interest groups, because they carry out their action in an extra-institutional dimension, yet they cannot avoid confronting political institutions. They have a horizontal organisation through networks of informal relationships, but still have an internal hierarchy and a leadership system; they are born as national phenomena, but they have the ability to unfold on a transnational dimension; they can be transitory or lasting, violent or non-violent, parameters that vary according to their objectives and the action repertoires adopted in the context of a protest-oriented form of participation. After defining the field of social movements and the main analytical approaches, we will address some areas investigated by social movement scholars, such as the cognitive and identity dimension, the movements’ framework, the connection between social movements and emotions, and the organisational dimension. We will analyse the thorny issue of action repertoires, protest forms, and the political, cultural, social and biographical impacts of social movements. A specific section will be devoted to the communicative dimension of the movements with a particular focus on the role played by digital and social media which have played a fundamental role in the construction of contemporary social movements. The chapter will end with a section divided into three parts: the first will deal with the relationship between social movements, political context and democratic construction, with a focus on the issue of the policing of protest; the second will be devoted to the relationship between social movements and the transnational dimension, with a focus on the practices of externalisation, internalisation and diffusion of social protest; the third will examine the role of social movements in times of austerity, with a focus on social resistance and resilience practices in a context of economic crisis.
Political parties act in the political system in order to translate the main social issues in pol... more Political parties act in the political system in order to translate the main social issues in political terms, bringing together interests that are not simply exogenous to the political process. Through the production of collective identities, they are able to reaffirm their raison d’etre, elaborating ideologies and preparing programmes that they hope will gain them the citizens’ support. The historical evolution of the parties follows the dynamics of democratisation. The need to politically organise a large number of citizens meant that the old parties of notables were replaced by large mass bureaucratic organisations in which a multitude of political professionals contributed to the strong local roots of the party and to the socio-political integration of individuals and social groups. Over the years, the mass party too has undergone transformations with the gradual easing of its organisational structure and the weakening of its capacity to produce collective identities. In this regard, scholars talk about the transition from the mass party to other forms that, following a typological approach, we can call catch-all-party, electoral party, or professional party, in which the so-called party-in-public-office becomes central, relegating the “party-in-central-office” and above all the “party-on-the-ground” to a marginal position. Political parties have nonetheless maintained a leading role in the political and administrative organisation of democratic regimes. To understand these dynamics, it is necessary to look at the power exchanges that take place within them and at the ability of the leadership to manage change without ever losing the strength to produce incentives that guarantee the loyalty of the members. With the endogenous crisis of the mechanisms of representation in western countries, many parties suffered a decline. New parties were born everywhere, especially in Europe, often under the impulse of social movements or populist movements. We are talking about hybrid parties, movement parties, or populist parties that most often assume the form of right-wing xenophobic movements, but in other cases are clearly on the left side of the system. The last section of this chapter will be devoted to these issues.
In the last years the new Italian Communist party (Rifondazione Comunista) has acquired such a na... more In the last years the new Italian Communist party (Rifondazione Comunista) has acquired such a national and international importance to provoke the interest of political scientists. The 6th conference of the party (spring 2005) was very important because of the change from a traditional opposition attitude to the decision to form an alliance with the future Left government, in the case Romano Prodi wins the competition with Berlusconi. This change of perspective was long discussed within the party. As a matter of fact, during the 6th conference, five alternatives motions were discussed: the first was proposed by the secretary Fausto Bertinotti, who decided the alliance with the others Left wing parties, while the other four motions proposed alternative strategies.To analyse this process we have considered 72 articles, published before the conference in the party newspaper («Liberazione») to support the different motions (18 for each motion). The textual analysis we carried out with the new release of TaltaC2 allows us to describe the contents of five groups of articles, the specific language utilised, the kind of actors cited in the corpus and the negative language used. This description is carried out also in a multidimensional perspective.
Political parties act in the political system in order to translate the main social issues in pol... more Political parties act in the political system in order to translate the main social issues in political terms, bringing together interests that are not simply exogenous to the political process. Through the production of collective identities, they are able to reaffirm their raison d’etre, elaborating ideologies and preparing programmes that they hope will gain them the citizens’ support. The historical evolution of the parties follows the dynamics of democratisation. The need to politically organise a large number of citizens meant that the old parties of notables were replaced by large mass bureaucratic organisations in which a multitude of political professionals contributed to the strong local roots of the party and to the socio-political integration of individuals and social groups. Over the years, the mass party too has undergone transformations with the gradual easing of its organisational structure and the weakening of its capacity to produce collective identities. In this regard, scholars talk about the transition from the mass party to other forms that, following a typological approach, we can call catch-all-party, electoral party, or professional party, in which the so-called party-in-public-office becomes central, relegating the “party-in-central-office” and above all the “party-on-the-ground” to a marginal position. Political parties have nonetheless maintained a leading role in the political and administrative organisation of democratic regimes. To understand these dynamics, it is necessary to look at the power exchanges that take place within them and at the ability of the leadership to manage change without ever losing the strength to produce incentives that guarantee the loyalty of the members. With the endogenous crisis of the mechanisms of representation in western countries, many parties suffered a decline. New parties were born everywhere, especially in Europe, often under the impulse of social movements or populist movements. We are talking about hybrid parties, movement parties, or populist parties that most often assume the form of right-wing xenophobic movements, but in other cases are clearly on the left side of the system. The last section of this chapter will be devoted to these issues.
The institutionalisation of political power is mainly seen in the forms taken by the modern state... more The institutionalisation of political power is mainly seen in the forms taken by the modern state as a result of a growing centralisation of power. The process of state building led to the reduction of the political fragmentation that had taken place in Western Europe through a multitude of local and independent centres of power in a predominantly agricultural social structure. This phenomenon was generated by the use of violence and through the establishment of permanent armies under the command of a central power. The first manifestation of the state was in the experience of absolutism which later evolved into forms of the rule of law. With the introduction of universal suffrage, the rule of law was further transformed into a democratic state in which all citizens enjoy the same civil and political rights. The entry of the masses into politics has forced power to respond to the claims of an increasingly complex and differentiated society that expresses a multiplicity of interests. State building is distinct from the nation-building process. By nation we mean the transformation of the inhabitants of a territory into a “people” aware of their own history and identity. Administration and bureaucracy are also two fundamental aspects of the modern state. They become stronger to respond to the need for specialisation and differentiation of political functions. Faced with the crisis of state sovereignty in a context of neoliberal globalisation, there is a generalised transformation in the contemporary formulas of governance, and of public bureaucracies, reorganised on the basis of a logic of functional fragmentation and managerialisation.
States coexist alongside other states with which they maintain relations of cooperation or confli... more States coexist alongside other states with which they maintain relations of cooperation or conflict. Together they give life to the international political system which, even in the absence of a single sovereign authority, adopts a structure based on shared principles and rules. All states are nominally equal, but not all have the same weight in setting behavioural standards. There is therefore a hierarchy with the economically and militarily stronger states at the top. The international system is not completely anarchical. Between total anarchy and total hierarchy there are different intermediate formulas ranging from alliances between states to higher forms of integration, as happens in the case of international regimes or agreements between governments within an institutional framework. In the field of international relations, we can identify several schools that, on the one hand, stress conflict and inequality between states, and on the other hand, focus on cooperation and equality between states. The growing interdependence among actors, especially under the pressure of the processes of transnationalisation of the economy, has given rise to a global political system, where states are joined in the global arena by a series of non-state actors, such as large economic corporations and a myriad of non-governmental movements and organisations that, together, give meaning to a global civil society that acts on a local and sub-national level, as well as on a transnational level. In this context, governments face a series of challenges in the fields of safety, environmental sustainability, rights and knowledge that make the world a community of destiny. Environmental sustainability, international security and international migration are just some of the challenges facing international politics.
According to the mainstream literature, the concept of democracy coincides with the historical co... more According to the mainstream literature, the concept of democracy coincides with the historical configuration of the liberal-democratic regimes, producing a static image that rests on a minimal, procedural meaning. We instead support the idea of process-oriented democracy, which occurs in the conflicting relationship between citizens and the state. Every process of democratisation is exposed to the risks of a de-democratisation featuring the regression of democratic conditions. We also integrate the concept of democracy of liberal derivation with other meanings that are gaining ground in the face of a crisis of legitimisation of Western liberal regimes. Democracy is also linked to political participation, connected to the two interrelated concepts of citizenship and democratisation; citizens to whom the rights of belonging to a political community are guaranteed, take part in the public life of that community, trying to influence its course. They may only be interested in public affairs, developing mass political attitudes not necessarily translated into direct engagement, or may also actively participate in the political process in the conventional forms of voting or, otherwise, using non-conventional, protest-oriented repertoires of action. The three main actors of collective political participation are “political parties”, “interest groups” and “social movements”. In this chapter, we will dedicate a specific section to interest groups, which are now central in the dynamics of decision-making in contemporary democracies. Every democratisation process always starts from a non-democratic condition. We will observe the main forms of non-democratic state organisation, from traditionalism to totalitarianism, and the various types of authoritarianism and then dedicate the last section to transition regimes, the so-called pseudo-democracies, and post-democracies.
Scopo dell'articolo e analizzare empiricamente la cultura politica con particolare riferiment... more Scopo dell'articolo e analizzare empiricamente la cultura politica con particolare riferimento alla diade destra-sinistra. Il linguaggio politico e considerato come il miglior strumento di trasmissione simbolica e un buon mezzo attraverso cui studiare le caratteristiche specifiche della cultura politica. Con questa consapevolezza abbiamo registrato e analizzato con una nuova tecnica di analisi del contenuto alcuni discorsi politici di Walter Veltroni (candidato della sinistra) e Antonio Tajani (candidato della destra) durante la campagna per la poltrona di sindaco della citta di Roma. Dal risultato della ricerca si puo dedurre che destra e sinistra hanno oggi molti elementi di differenza soprattutto in riferimento ad importanti temi come la democrazia, la globalizzazione e l’idea del ruolo dei partiti nelle societa contemporanee.
Talking about politics without considering its communicative dimension is no longer possible. The... more Talking about politics without considering its communicative dimension is no longer possible. The development of the mass media has had such a decisive impact on the dynamics of the political process that there is a mediatisation of public action. Within this framework, we find the space of political communication that takes place in the symbolic and asymmetric exchange between media, political actors and citizens. The political system and the media industry are now linked by a relationship of interdependence: on the one hand, politicians are always looking for visibility in a public space transformed into a mediatised political arena; on the other hand, the media need politics as a source of information and a place of decision-making even with respect to the economic and institutional conditions in which media professions can be performed. The effects of the centrality of the media on politics are expressed above all in its personalisation and spectacularisation, while citizens, wh...
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