La politique europeenne de la Turquie est loin d’etre le produit d’un pouvoir monolithique, elle ... more La politique europeenne de la Turquie est loin d’etre le produit d’un pouvoir monolithique, elle est plutot le resultat d’un processus complexe. Ce constat est place au centre de la reflexion. Dans cette perspective, pour identifier les acteurs internes qui se sont impliques dans l’elaboration de la politique europeenne et pour saisir la nature des interactions entre ces acteurs dans ce domaine, cinq etudes de cas - [la concretisation de l’Accord d’Association (1959-1964), les debats sur le Protocole Additionnel (1967-1980), le depot de la candidature turque (1987), l’instauration de l’Union Douaniere (1995) et l’ouverture des negociations d’adhesion] - ont ete retenus afin de degager les problematiques actuelles de l’analyse des politiques publiques sur le dossier europeen en Turquie et de devoiler la concretisation de l’action diplomatique turque deployee a l’egard de l’UE. Ainsi, chaque acteur interne a ete pris dans sa singularite, tout en etant insere dans les diverses dynamiqu...
When the Arab Spring broke upon Syria in 2011, Turkish political elites found themselves facing t... more When the Arab Spring broke upon Syria in 2011, Turkish political elites found themselves facing the following dilemma: either continue pursuing the country’s “profitable” relationship with an “oppressor” or support the Syrian uprising at the risk of losing a crucial source of diplomatic support in the Middle East. It was the second option that was chosen. In order to bring about this radical change and demonize the Syrian regime in the aim of overturning it, Turkish political elites developed a discourse based on four types of argumentative strategy: humanitarian, normative, security-based and religious/historic. First and foremost, this discourse sought to justify rapidly breaking with the Syrian regime in Turkish public opinion; it next sought to present the fight against the regime as legitimate and necessary at the national and international levels. By deconstructing these discursive processes, this article seeks to understand, not just the strategic considerations of Turkish decision-makers, but also the ideological aspect of Turkish foreign policy. ■
Cet article propose d’analyser la facon dont les administrations centrales turques ont modifie le... more Cet article propose d’analyser la facon dont les administrations centrales turques ont modifie leurs organisations et modes d’action sous l’effet du processus d’integration europeen. Il etudie le cas des ministeres turcs pour evaluer l’impact de ce processus a trois niveaux : inter-organisationnel (echelle macro-administrative), intra-organisationnel (echelle meso-administrative) et enfin au niveau des ressources humaines (echelle micro-administrative). Il tente d’illustrer d’une maniere plus concrete les effets du processus d’europeanisation sur les « manieres de faire » de ces administrations. Si la mise en œuvre du processus d’integration europeen a fait naitre de nouveaux styles et modes d’action au sein de chaque administration, il a egalement contribue a l’emergence dans l’espace administratif turc d’une gouvernance partagee en matiere de politique europeenne.
When the Arab Spring broke upon Syria in 2011, Turkish political elites found themselves facing t... more When the Arab Spring broke upon Syria in 2011, Turkish political elites found themselves facing the following dilemma: either continue pursuing the country’s “profitable” relationship with an “oppressor” or support the Syrian uprising at the risk of losing a crucial source of diplomatic support in the Middle East. It was the second option that was chosen. In order to bring about this radical change and demonize the Syrian regime in the aim of overturning it, Turkish political elites developed a discourse based on four types of argumentative strategy: humanitarian, normative, security-based and religious/historic. First and foremost, this discourse sought to justify rapidly breaking with the Syrian regime in Turkish public opinion; it next sought to present the fight against the regime as legitimate and necessary at the national and international levels. By deconstructing these discursive processes, this article seeks to understand, not just the strategic considerations of Turkish de...
This paper investigates the way in which the public administration in Turkey has modified its org... more This paper investigates the way in which the public administration in Turkey has modified its organization and modes of action under the influence of the European integration process. The paper focuses on Turkish ministries in order to examine this impact at three levels: inter-organizational (macro-administrative scale), intra-organizational (meso-administrative scale), and human resources (micro-administrative scale). It highlights the impact of European integration processes on the modes of action of Turkish ministries so as to illustrate more concretely the effects of Europeanization on their ways of operating. While the implementation of European integration processes has created new styles and modes of action within each administration, it has also contributed to the emergence in the Turkish administrative sphere of shared governance in European policy.
Bu makale Pierre Bourdieu’nun Uluslararası İlişkiler kuramlarına etkisini değerlendiren çalışmala... more Bu makale Pierre Bourdieu’nun Uluslararası İlişkiler kuramlarına etkisini değerlendiren çalışmaların hala çok yetersiz olduğu düşüncesinden hareket ederek, Bourdieu’nun geliştirdiği düşünce ve kavramlara odaklanmakta ve onun Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplinine ne gibi katkılar getirebileceğini tartışmaktadır. Bunun için de önce Bourdieu’cü analizin epistemolojik ve ontolojik sorunları nasıl değerlendirdiğini tartıştıktan sonra, onun başlıca düşünce ve kavramlarından hareket ederek, bunları Uluslararası İlişkiler kuramlarına uyarlamayı hedeflemektedir. Bu makalenin temel tezi Ululararası İlişkiler disiplini içerisindeki meta-teorik anlamdaki diyalog eksikliğinin Bourdieu’cü perspektifle bir nebze olsun aşılabileceğidir. Diğer bir ifadeyle, Ululararası İlişkiler disiplinindeki paradigmalar arasındaki bütünleyiciliğin mümkün olabileceği ve Bourdieu’nün geliştirdiği kavramların ana akım kuramların yetersizliklerini ve kör noktalarını bir nebze olsun azaltabileceğini iddia edilmektedir.
When the Arab Spring broke upon Syria in 2011, Turkish political elites found themselves facing t... more When the Arab Spring broke upon Syria in 2011, Turkish political elites found themselves facing the following dilemma: either continue pursuing the country’s “profitable” relationship with an “oppressor” or support the Syrian uprising at the risk of losing a crucial source of diplomatic support in the Middle East. It was the second option that was chosen. In order to bring about this radical change and demonize the Syrian regime in the aim of overturning it, Turkish political elites developed a discourse based on four types of argumentative strategy: humanitarian, normative, security-based and religious/historic. First and foremost, this discourse sought to justify rapidly breaking with the Syrian regime in Turkish public opinion; it next sought to present the fight against the regime as legitimate and necessary at the national and international levels. By deconstructing these discursive processes, this article seeks to understand, not just the strategic considerations of Turkish decision-makers, but also the ideological aspect of Turkish foreign policy.
Europeanization of candidate states: the case of the Turkish
administration
This article investi... more Europeanization of candidate states: the case of the Turkish administration
This article investigates the way the national administration in Turkey has modified its organizations and modes of action under the influence of the European integration process. The article focuses on Turkish ministries in order to examine this impact on 3 different levels: inter-organizational (macro-administrative scale), intra-organizational (meso-administrative scale) and regarding human resources (micro-administrative scale). It also highlights the impact of European integration process on the modes of action of Turkish ministries so as to illustrate more concretely the effects of Europeanization on their “ways of doing”. If the implementation of European integration process has created new styles and modes of action within each administration, it also contributed to the emergence in the Turkish administrative area of shared governance in European policy.
It seems that, within the discipline of international relations, some more meticulous conceptual ... more It seems that, within the discipline of international relations, some more meticulous conceptual work needs to be carried out, because, in this period of macro-transition, global problems have moved more and more to the centre of our concerns. If we have decided to build a more meticulous conceptual framework around globalization, it is mainly in order to precisely define the concepts we will be using in this text and to dissipate misunderstandings about these concepts. Globalization, indeed, should not be reduced to its economic dimension but should be understood only as the integration of nation-states heading towards the establishment of a global society.
As James N. Rosenau says, "'globalization' is not the equivalent of 'globalism', which refers to individuals' roles and collective acts. Furthermore, globalization is neither a synonym of 'universalism', which aims at the whole set of values such as religion or science. And, this phenomenon should also be distinguished from the concept of complex interdependency. " Thus, this phenomenon shouldn't be imprisoned in a monolithic dimension. It is true that globalization has several sub-dimensions. That's why, when one studies globalisation, one should only work on the subdimensions.
Then one should focus on each of these, assuming that they all interact with each other and that this synergy intensifies them. However, this article underlines that globalization that has emerged from each sub-dimension would neither have appeared simultaneously, nor progressed at the same pace. Furthermore, this article underlines that globalization should not be studied as a phenomenon belonging to only one area. Indeed this object of research is located at the centre of various fields, such as neo-classicist economics, postmodernist theory, the realist approach to international relations and Marxism.
This article will also attempt to define the contrast between the Westphalian and Post Westphalian eras. Next, based upon this differentiation, in accordance with the nature of the current international system, we will be able to better define the characteristics of the state, as an actor in the Post Westphalian era. This way, it will be possible to see what kind of systemic structure appears in that era. Lastly, it will enable us to share our knowledge of the concept of the Post-Westphalian state. In the last part, we will study the impact of the independent variable (globalization) on the dependent variable (the nation-state).
Within this framework, the link between these variables will enable us to show different paradigms. Here, we will notice that some neo-liberal writers argue that in a period of macro-transition the nation-state gradually looses its so one day it will disappear or will integrate into other meta-structures. They also argue that the international system is evolving towards a process of homogenisation and that postnational forces restrict more and more the action and efficiency of the nation-state. Other writers, such as institutionalists, or adherents of the neorealist school, pretend that the international system relies upon political and legal basis of the state actor and that this latter still holds a monopoly and power in the current systemic configuration with tools such as sovereignty.
Our analysis will also enable us to introduce the dialectic of power in the international system. From there, we will be able to rethink and redefine the state as an actor in the Post Westphalian era. This work will also give us the opportunity to show how plural are the spaces where actors interact, and to underline the space in which the emergent interaction is no longer under State control. This is because interaction spaces occur henceforth in a simultaneous or consecutive time, at local, national and often transnational scales.
That is to say that from now on, actions between actors happen in a plural time and a plural space, with the phenomenon of ubiquity spreading over the globe. This situation illustrates how much our daily activities are henceforth no longer limited by the borders of the societies to which we belong. Indeed, our social relations in fields such as the economy, culture, politics, linguistics, medias, sciences, labour, etc. are no longer progressing in the same social spaces; some of these relations expand at the local or national level, and others at the regional, continental or global level. This situation brings in front of the nationstate many globalized spaces, and these increase their volume and speed, thanks to an ever growing technology.
At the same time, globalization occurs with and against the nationstate. This state, the Leviathan of the international system, reacts with reflexes to phenomenon becoming more and more blurred and liquid, and it is those reflexes which will determine the intensity of the turbulences.
Thus, this work will enable us to show that globalization materialises in multiple spaces and times and now reduces the meaning of constructions which appeared during the Westphalian era such as "borders", "geographical distance", "absolute sovereignty", and the "dialectics of power between the state and individuals". Yet this situation does not mean that the state actor vanishes or will vanish from the system: it is always the state, which in a solitary or collective way, has the legitimate responsibility of protecting its own citizens in the Post Westphalian era. On the other hand, it is undeniable that the dialectics of power which existed before between the Leviathan and individuals undergoes a phase of transformation. Eventually, in this process of systemic transformation, we will consider whether Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan still holds "absolute power", as in the Westphalian system. Moreover, we will consider whether in the Post Westphalian era several Leviathans could have appeared within the current system interpretation. Post Westphalian actors, with their functions and actions, more and more escape the influence from the state. This situation leads us to rethink the international system along with the actors who belong to it.
Summary
Within different theories of International Relations (IR), analyzes studying the contrib... more Summary
Within different theories of International Relations (IR), analyzes studying the contribution of Pierre Bourdieu to the discipline are still very limited. This observation is the opening of this article that focuses on the main ideas of Pierre Bourdieu to highlight these possible contributions to theories of IR.
In a first time, and considering the meta-theoretical rupture that exists on epistemological issues in theories of IR between positivist and post-positivist approaches, the article discusses the positions of Bourdieu’s sociology about this epistemological bias.
Based on the observation that the existing dichotomous conflicts between thesis two approaches in the social sciences are only artificial polarization, and therefore they are a sterile debate because one side opposes an approach that focuses on the interactions of agents to understand the structure and the other side an approach that emphasizes the characteristics of the structure to apprehend the interactions of agents, the article shows in which way, faced to this polarization, the sociology of Bourdieu opens “a middle course”, offering a reflexive epistemology.
Also emphasizing that the issues related to the acquisition of knowledge and learning should particularly not be limited within the rigid framework of philosophy, since they may be the products of a habitus, the article shows as for Bourdieu sociology it is essential to (re)consider the production of such knowledge and skills that are often considered as “prior learning”. The reflexive epistemology of Bourdieu therefore insists that knowledge and skills are only a construction, arose of a process and in this context it recommends to (re)question them by proposing an objectification of objectivity.
In the theories of IR, this situation returns to reject the positivist models on which current mainstream theories are based. In other words, it is necessary to (re)questioning several concepts that are considered “re-aquired” within the discipline such as State, sovereignty, anarchy, etc…
In a second step, the article argues that the contribution of Bourdieu’s approach is not limited just to the elements it offers in epistemological terms, but it contributes significantly on the ontological level. Therefore, the article reveals that Bourdieu’s approach strives on the one hand to exceed subjectivism which tends to conclude that the structure is shaped by the actions of players and on the other hand a positivism “reificator” which tends to propose in an abstract way the agents. And relying selectively on certain concepts developed by Pierre Bourdieu as agent, habitus, field and illusio, the paper demonstrates that this approach strives to create a dialogical relationship between “the reality of the model” and “the model of reality” to overcome these ontological discords by relying on a “relational ontology”. Finally to turn this “relational ontology” of Bourdieu into the concrete, this article details in a analytical way these concepts and it strives to adapt to the theories of IR by illustrating in a practical way the possible applications.
On the ontological level, the article concludes that Bourdieu’s relational ontology can develop in detail a sociological profile of political units that populate the international arena, and in this way it contributes to “sociologize” entities (such as for example States) that are offered in a “generic” and “homogeneous” way by the dominant paradigms of theories of IR.
It also shows that the relational ontology allows to dissect the different shapes and applications of the concept of power, and taking in some way away with the notion of power designed primarily as a military/material aspect by mainstream paradigms, Bourdieu’s approach suggests a broader range of the concept of power in international relations. Finally, adapting the concept of field in the theories of IR, the article also explains that this concept can provide a better understanding of the various interactions that are taking place between the different agents at different scales (local, national, international ) and that in that way it may help to dissect the action itself. Thus, the analysis grid based on the concept of field is used to clarify the socialization process between agents and in this way to identify the complex relationships that exist between dominant and dominated agents in a particular area.
Cet article propose d’analyser la façon dont les administrations centrales turques ont modifié le... more Cet article propose d’analyser la façon dont les administrations centrales turques ont modifié leurs organisations et modes d’action sous l’effet du processus d’intégration européen. Il étudie le cas des ministères turcs pour évaluer l’impact de ce processus à trois niveaux : inter-organisationnel (échelle macro-administrative), intra-organisationnel (échelle méso-administrative) et enfin au niveau des ressources humaines (échelle micro-administrative). Il tente d’illustrer d’une manière plus concrète les effets du processus d’européanisation sur les « manières de faire » de ces administrations. Si la mise en œuvre du processus d’intégration européen a fait naître de nouveaux styles et modes d’action au sein de chaque administration, il a également contribué à l’émergence dans l’espace administratif turc d’une gouvernance partagée en matière de politique européenne.
Loin d'être le produit d'un pouvoir monolithique, la politique européenne de la Turquie est plutô... more Loin d'être le produit d'un pouvoir monolithique, la politique européenne de la Turquie est plutôt le résultat d'un processus complexe. Dans cette perspective, trois études de cas ont été retenues : le dépôt de la candidature turque (1987), l'instauration de l'Union douanière (1995) et l'ouverture des négociations d'adhésion (2005-...). Voici une étude pour comprendre comment la nébuleuse turque fonctionne dans le domaine de la politique européenne.
The Relationship between Post-modernism and Marxism on the Axis of Their Similarities and Differe... more The Relationship between Post-modernism and Marxism on the Axis of Their Similarities and Differences in International Relations Theories
La politique europeenne de la Turquie est loin d’etre le produit d’un pouvoir monolithique, elle ... more La politique europeenne de la Turquie est loin d’etre le produit d’un pouvoir monolithique, elle est plutot le resultat d’un processus complexe. Ce constat est place au centre de la reflexion. Dans cette perspective, pour identifier les acteurs internes qui se sont impliques dans l’elaboration de la politique europeenne et pour saisir la nature des interactions entre ces acteurs dans ce domaine, cinq etudes de cas - [la concretisation de l’Accord d’Association (1959-1964), les debats sur le Protocole Additionnel (1967-1980), le depot de la candidature turque (1987), l’instauration de l’Union Douaniere (1995) et l’ouverture des negociations d’adhesion] - ont ete retenus afin de degager les problematiques actuelles de l’analyse des politiques publiques sur le dossier europeen en Turquie et de devoiler la concretisation de l’action diplomatique turque deployee a l’egard de l’UE. Ainsi, chaque acteur interne a ete pris dans sa singularite, tout en etant insere dans les diverses dynamiqu...
When the Arab Spring broke upon Syria in 2011, Turkish political elites found themselves facing t... more When the Arab Spring broke upon Syria in 2011, Turkish political elites found themselves facing the following dilemma: either continue pursuing the country’s “profitable” relationship with an “oppressor” or support the Syrian uprising at the risk of losing a crucial source of diplomatic support in the Middle East. It was the second option that was chosen. In order to bring about this radical change and demonize the Syrian regime in the aim of overturning it, Turkish political elites developed a discourse based on four types of argumentative strategy: humanitarian, normative, security-based and religious/historic. First and foremost, this discourse sought to justify rapidly breaking with the Syrian regime in Turkish public opinion; it next sought to present the fight against the regime as legitimate and necessary at the national and international levels. By deconstructing these discursive processes, this article seeks to understand, not just the strategic considerations of Turkish decision-makers, but also the ideological aspect of Turkish foreign policy. ■
Cet article propose d’analyser la facon dont les administrations centrales turques ont modifie le... more Cet article propose d’analyser la facon dont les administrations centrales turques ont modifie leurs organisations et modes d’action sous l’effet du processus d’integration europeen. Il etudie le cas des ministeres turcs pour evaluer l’impact de ce processus a trois niveaux : inter-organisationnel (echelle macro-administrative), intra-organisationnel (echelle meso-administrative) et enfin au niveau des ressources humaines (echelle micro-administrative). Il tente d’illustrer d’une maniere plus concrete les effets du processus d’europeanisation sur les « manieres de faire » de ces administrations. Si la mise en œuvre du processus d’integration europeen a fait naitre de nouveaux styles et modes d’action au sein de chaque administration, il a egalement contribue a l’emergence dans l’espace administratif turc d’une gouvernance partagee en matiere de politique europeenne.
When the Arab Spring broke upon Syria in 2011, Turkish political elites found themselves facing t... more When the Arab Spring broke upon Syria in 2011, Turkish political elites found themselves facing the following dilemma: either continue pursuing the country’s “profitable” relationship with an “oppressor” or support the Syrian uprising at the risk of losing a crucial source of diplomatic support in the Middle East. It was the second option that was chosen. In order to bring about this radical change and demonize the Syrian regime in the aim of overturning it, Turkish political elites developed a discourse based on four types of argumentative strategy: humanitarian, normative, security-based and religious/historic. First and foremost, this discourse sought to justify rapidly breaking with the Syrian regime in Turkish public opinion; it next sought to present the fight against the regime as legitimate and necessary at the national and international levels. By deconstructing these discursive processes, this article seeks to understand, not just the strategic considerations of Turkish de...
This paper investigates the way in which the public administration in Turkey has modified its org... more This paper investigates the way in which the public administration in Turkey has modified its organization and modes of action under the influence of the European integration process. The paper focuses on Turkish ministries in order to examine this impact at three levels: inter-organizational (macro-administrative scale), intra-organizational (meso-administrative scale), and human resources (micro-administrative scale). It highlights the impact of European integration processes on the modes of action of Turkish ministries so as to illustrate more concretely the effects of Europeanization on their ways of operating. While the implementation of European integration processes has created new styles and modes of action within each administration, it has also contributed to the emergence in the Turkish administrative sphere of shared governance in European policy.
Bu makale Pierre Bourdieu’nun Uluslararası İlişkiler kuramlarına etkisini değerlendiren çalışmala... more Bu makale Pierre Bourdieu’nun Uluslararası İlişkiler kuramlarına etkisini değerlendiren çalışmaların hala çok yetersiz olduğu düşüncesinden hareket ederek, Bourdieu’nun geliştirdiği düşünce ve kavramlara odaklanmakta ve onun Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplinine ne gibi katkılar getirebileceğini tartışmaktadır. Bunun için de önce Bourdieu’cü analizin epistemolojik ve ontolojik sorunları nasıl değerlendirdiğini tartıştıktan sonra, onun başlıca düşünce ve kavramlarından hareket ederek, bunları Uluslararası İlişkiler kuramlarına uyarlamayı hedeflemektedir. Bu makalenin temel tezi Ululararası İlişkiler disiplini içerisindeki meta-teorik anlamdaki diyalog eksikliğinin Bourdieu’cü perspektifle bir nebze olsun aşılabileceğidir. Diğer bir ifadeyle, Ululararası İlişkiler disiplinindeki paradigmalar arasındaki bütünleyiciliğin mümkün olabileceği ve Bourdieu’nün geliştirdiği kavramların ana akım kuramların yetersizliklerini ve kör noktalarını bir nebze olsun azaltabileceğini iddia edilmektedir.
When the Arab Spring broke upon Syria in 2011, Turkish political elites found themselves facing t... more When the Arab Spring broke upon Syria in 2011, Turkish political elites found themselves facing the following dilemma: either continue pursuing the country’s “profitable” relationship with an “oppressor” or support the Syrian uprising at the risk of losing a crucial source of diplomatic support in the Middle East. It was the second option that was chosen. In order to bring about this radical change and demonize the Syrian regime in the aim of overturning it, Turkish political elites developed a discourse based on four types of argumentative strategy: humanitarian, normative, security-based and religious/historic. First and foremost, this discourse sought to justify rapidly breaking with the Syrian regime in Turkish public opinion; it next sought to present the fight against the regime as legitimate and necessary at the national and international levels. By deconstructing these discursive processes, this article seeks to understand, not just the strategic considerations of Turkish decision-makers, but also the ideological aspect of Turkish foreign policy.
Europeanization of candidate states: the case of the Turkish
administration
This article investi... more Europeanization of candidate states: the case of the Turkish administration
This article investigates the way the national administration in Turkey has modified its organizations and modes of action under the influence of the European integration process. The article focuses on Turkish ministries in order to examine this impact on 3 different levels: inter-organizational (macro-administrative scale), intra-organizational (meso-administrative scale) and regarding human resources (micro-administrative scale). It also highlights the impact of European integration process on the modes of action of Turkish ministries so as to illustrate more concretely the effects of Europeanization on their “ways of doing”. If the implementation of European integration process has created new styles and modes of action within each administration, it also contributed to the emergence in the Turkish administrative area of shared governance in European policy.
It seems that, within the discipline of international relations, some more meticulous conceptual ... more It seems that, within the discipline of international relations, some more meticulous conceptual work needs to be carried out, because, in this period of macro-transition, global problems have moved more and more to the centre of our concerns. If we have decided to build a more meticulous conceptual framework around globalization, it is mainly in order to precisely define the concepts we will be using in this text and to dissipate misunderstandings about these concepts. Globalization, indeed, should not be reduced to its economic dimension but should be understood only as the integration of nation-states heading towards the establishment of a global society.
As James N. Rosenau says, "'globalization' is not the equivalent of 'globalism', which refers to individuals' roles and collective acts. Furthermore, globalization is neither a synonym of 'universalism', which aims at the whole set of values such as religion or science. And, this phenomenon should also be distinguished from the concept of complex interdependency. " Thus, this phenomenon shouldn't be imprisoned in a monolithic dimension. It is true that globalization has several sub-dimensions. That's why, when one studies globalisation, one should only work on the subdimensions.
Then one should focus on each of these, assuming that they all interact with each other and that this synergy intensifies them. However, this article underlines that globalization that has emerged from each sub-dimension would neither have appeared simultaneously, nor progressed at the same pace. Furthermore, this article underlines that globalization should not be studied as a phenomenon belonging to only one area. Indeed this object of research is located at the centre of various fields, such as neo-classicist economics, postmodernist theory, the realist approach to international relations and Marxism.
This article will also attempt to define the contrast between the Westphalian and Post Westphalian eras. Next, based upon this differentiation, in accordance with the nature of the current international system, we will be able to better define the characteristics of the state, as an actor in the Post Westphalian era. This way, it will be possible to see what kind of systemic structure appears in that era. Lastly, it will enable us to share our knowledge of the concept of the Post-Westphalian state. In the last part, we will study the impact of the independent variable (globalization) on the dependent variable (the nation-state).
Within this framework, the link between these variables will enable us to show different paradigms. Here, we will notice that some neo-liberal writers argue that in a period of macro-transition the nation-state gradually looses its so one day it will disappear or will integrate into other meta-structures. They also argue that the international system is evolving towards a process of homogenisation and that postnational forces restrict more and more the action and efficiency of the nation-state. Other writers, such as institutionalists, or adherents of the neorealist school, pretend that the international system relies upon political and legal basis of the state actor and that this latter still holds a monopoly and power in the current systemic configuration with tools such as sovereignty.
Our analysis will also enable us to introduce the dialectic of power in the international system. From there, we will be able to rethink and redefine the state as an actor in the Post Westphalian era. This work will also give us the opportunity to show how plural are the spaces where actors interact, and to underline the space in which the emergent interaction is no longer under State control. This is because interaction spaces occur henceforth in a simultaneous or consecutive time, at local, national and often transnational scales.
That is to say that from now on, actions between actors happen in a plural time and a plural space, with the phenomenon of ubiquity spreading over the globe. This situation illustrates how much our daily activities are henceforth no longer limited by the borders of the societies to which we belong. Indeed, our social relations in fields such as the economy, culture, politics, linguistics, medias, sciences, labour, etc. are no longer progressing in the same social spaces; some of these relations expand at the local or national level, and others at the regional, continental or global level. This situation brings in front of the nationstate many globalized spaces, and these increase their volume and speed, thanks to an ever growing technology.
At the same time, globalization occurs with and against the nationstate. This state, the Leviathan of the international system, reacts with reflexes to phenomenon becoming more and more blurred and liquid, and it is those reflexes which will determine the intensity of the turbulences.
Thus, this work will enable us to show that globalization materialises in multiple spaces and times and now reduces the meaning of constructions which appeared during the Westphalian era such as "borders", "geographical distance", "absolute sovereignty", and the "dialectics of power between the state and individuals". Yet this situation does not mean that the state actor vanishes or will vanish from the system: it is always the state, which in a solitary or collective way, has the legitimate responsibility of protecting its own citizens in the Post Westphalian era. On the other hand, it is undeniable that the dialectics of power which existed before between the Leviathan and individuals undergoes a phase of transformation. Eventually, in this process of systemic transformation, we will consider whether Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan still holds "absolute power", as in the Westphalian system. Moreover, we will consider whether in the Post Westphalian era several Leviathans could have appeared within the current system interpretation. Post Westphalian actors, with their functions and actions, more and more escape the influence from the state. This situation leads us to rethink the international system along with the actors who belong to it.
Summary
Within different theories of International Relations (IR), analyzes studying the contrib... more Summary
Within different theories of International Relations (IR), analyzes studying the contribution of Pierre Bourdieu to the discipline are still very limited. This observation is the opening of this article that focuses on the main ideas of Pierre Bourdieu to highlight these possible contributions to theories of IR.
In a first time, and considering the meta-theoretical rupture that exists on epistemological issues in theories of IR between positivist and post-positivist approaches, the article discusses the positions of Bourdieu’s sociology about this epistemological bias.
Based on the observation that the existing dichotomous conflicts between thesis two approaches in the social sciences are only artificial polarization, and therefore they are a sterile debate because one side opposes an approach that focuses on the interactions of agents to understand the structure and the other side an approach that emphasizes the characteristics of the structure to apprehend the interactions of agents, the article shows in which way, faced to this polarization, the sociology of Bourdieu opens “a middle course”, offering a reflexive epistemology.
Also emphasizing that the issues related to the acquisition of knowledge and learning should particularly not be limited within the rigid framework of philosophy, since they may be the products of a habitus, the article shows as for Bourdieu sociology it is essential to (re)consider the production of such knowledge and skills that are often considered as “prior learning”. The reflexive epistemology of Bourdieu therefore insists that knowledge and skills are only a construction, arose of a process and in this context it recommends to (re)question them by proposing an objectification of objectivity.
In the theories of IR, this situation returns to reject the positivist models on which current mainstream theories are based. In other words, it is necessary to (re)questioning several concepts that are considered “re-aquired” within the discipline such as State, sovereignty, anarchy, etc…
In a second step, the article argues that the contribution of Bourdieu’s approach is not limited just to the elements it offers in epistemological terms, but it contributes significantly on the ontological level. Therefore, the article reveals that Bourdieu’s approach strives on the one hand to exceed subjectivism which tends to conclude that the structure is shaped by the actions of players and on the other hand a positivism “reificator” which tends to propose in an abstract way the agents. And relying selectively on certain concepts developed by Pierre Bourdieu as agent, habitus, field and illusio, the paper demonstrates that this approach strives to create a dialogical relationship between “the reality of the model” and “the model of reality” to overcome these ontological discords by relying on a “relational ontology”. Finally to turn this “relational ontology” of Bourdieu into the concrete, this article details in a analytical way these concepts and it strives to adapt to the theories of IR by illustrating in a practical way the possible applications.
On the ontological level, the article concludes that Bourdieu’s relational ontology can develop in detail a sociological profile of political units that populate the international arena, and in this way it contributes to “sociologize” entities (such as for example States) that are offered in a “generic” and “homogeneous” way by the dominant paradigms of theories of IR.
It also shows that the relational ontology allows to dissect the different shapes and applications of the concept of power, and taking in some way away with the notion of power designed primarily as a military/material aspect by mainstream paradigms, Bourdieu’s approach suggests a broader range of the concept of power in international relations. Finally, adapting the concept of field in the theories of IR, the article also explains that this concept can provide a better understanding of the various interactions that are taking place between the different agents at different scales (local, national, international ) and that in that way it may help to dissect the action itself. Thus, the analysis grid based on the concept of field is used to clarify the socialization process between agents and in this way to identify the complex relationships that exist between dominant and dominated agents in a particular area.
Cet article propose d’analyser la façon dont les administrations centrales turques ont modifié le... more Cet article propose d’analyser la façon dont les administrations centrales turques ont modifié leurs organisations et modes d’action sous l’effet du processus d’intégration européen. Il étudie le cas des ministères turcs pour évaluer l’impact de ce processus à trois niveaux : inter-organisationnel (échelle macro-administrative), intra-organisationnel (échelle méso-administrative) et enfin au niveau des ressources humaines (échelle micro-administrative). Il tente d’illustrer d’une manière plus concrète les effets du processus d’européanisation sur les « manières de faire » de ces administrations. Si la mise en œuvre du processus d’intégration européen a fait naître de nouveaux styles et modes d’action au sein de chaque administration, il a également contribué à l’émergence dans l’espace administratif turc d’une gouvernance partagée en matière de politique européenne.
Loin d'être le produit d'un pouvoir monolithique, la politique européenne de la Turquie est plutô... more Loin d'être le produit d'un pouvoir monolithique, la politique européenne de la Turquie est plutôt le résultat d'un processus complexe. Dans cette perspective, trois études de cas ont été retenues : le dépôt de la candidature turque (1987), l'instauration de l'Union douanière (1995) et l'ouverture des négociations d'adhésion (2005-...). Voici une étude pour comprendre comment la nébuleuse turque fonctionne dans le domaine de la politique européenne.
The Relationship between Post-modernism and Marxism on the Axis of Their Similarities and Differe... more The Relationship between Post-modernism and Marxism on the Axis of Their Similarities and Differences in International Relations Theories
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Papers by Huseyin Sevim
getirebileceğini tartışmaktadır. Bunun için de önce Bourdieu’cü analizin epistemolojik ve ontolojik sorunları nasıl değerlendirdiğini tartıştıktan sonra, onun başlıca düşünce ve kavramlarından hareket ederek, bunları Uluslararası İlişkiler kuramlarına uyarlamayı hedeflemektedir. Bu makalenin temel tezi Ululararası İlişkiler disiplini içerisindeki meta-teorik anlamdaki diyalog eksikliğinin Bourdieu’cü perspektifle bir nebze olsun aşılabileceğidir. Diğer bir ifadeyle, Ululararası İlişkiler disiplinindeki paradigmalar arasındaki bütünleyiciliğin mümkün olabileceği ve Bourdieu’nün geliştirdiği kavramların ana akım kuramların yetersizliklerini ve kör noktalarını bir nebze olsun azaltabileceğini iddia edilmektedir.
administration
This article investigates the way the national administration in Turkey has modified its organizations and modes of action under the influence of the European integration process. The article focuses on Turkish ministries in order to examine this impact on 3 different levels: inter-organizational (macro-administrative scale), intra-organizational (meso-administrative scale) and regarding human resources (micro-administrative scale). It also highlights the impact of European integration process on the modes of action of Turkish ministries so as to illustrate more concretely the effects of Europeanization on their “ways of doing”. If the implementation of European integration process has created new styles and modes of action within each administration, it also contributed to the emergence in the Turkish administrative area of shared governance in European policy.
text and to dissipate misunderstandings about these concepts. Globalization, indeed, should not be reduced to its economic dimension but should be understood only as the integration of nation-states heading towards the establishment of a global society.
As James N. Rosenau says, "'globalization' is not the equivalent of 'globalism', which refers to individuals' roles and collective acts. Furthermore, globalization is neither a synonym of 'universalism', which aims at the whole set of values such as religion or science. And, this phenomenon should also be distinguished from the concept of complex interdependency. " Thus, this phenomenon shouldn't be imprisoned in a monolithic dimension. It is true that globalization has several sub-dimensions. That's why, when one studies globalisation, one should only work on the subdimensions.
Then one should focus on each of these, assuming that they all interact with each other and that this synergy intensifies them. However, this article underlines that globalization that has emerged from each sub-dimension would neither have appeared simultaneously, nor progressed at the same pace. Furthermore, this article underlines that globalization should not be studied as a phenomenon belonging to only one area. Indeed this object of research is located at the centre of various fields, such as neo-classicist economics, postmodernist theory, the realist approach to international relations and Marxism.
This article will also attempt to define the contrast between the
Westphalian and Post Westphalian eras. Next, based upon this differentiation, in accordance with the nature of the current international system, we will be able to better define the characteristics of the state, as an actor in the Post Westphalian era. This way, it will be possible to see what kind of systemic structure appears in that era. Lastly, it will enable us to share our knowledge of the concept of the Post-Westphalian state. In the last part, we will study the impact of the independent variable (globalization) on the dependent variable (the nation-state).
Within this framework, the link between these variables will enable us to show different paradigms. Here, we will notice that some neo-liberal writers argue that in a period of macro-transition the nation-state gradually looses its so one day it will disappear or will integrate into other meta-structures. They also argue that the international system is evolving towards a process of homogenisation and that postnational forces restrict more and more the action and efficiency of the nation-state. Other writers, such as institutionalists, or adherents of the
neorealist school, pretend that the international system relies upon political and legal basis of the state actor and that this latter still holds a monopoly and power in the current systemic configuration with tools such as sovereignty.
Our analysis will also enable us to introduce the dialectic of power in the international system. From there, we will be able to rethink and redefine the state as an actor in the Post Westphalian era. This work will also give us the opportunity to show how plural are the spaces where actors interact, and to underline the space in which the emergent interaction is no longer under State control. This is because interaction spaces occur henceforth in a simultaneous or consecutive time, at local, national and often transnational scales.
That is to say that from now on, actions between actors happen in a plural time and a plural space, with the phenomenon of ubiquity spreading over the globe. This situation illustrates how much our daily activities are henceforth no longer limited by the borders of the societies to which we belong. Indeed, our social relations in fields such as the economy, culture, politics, linguistics, medias, sciences, labour, etc. are no longer progressing in the same social spaces; some of these relations
expand at the local or national level, and others at the regional,
continental or global level. This situation brings in front of the nationstate many globalized spaces, and these increase their volume and speed, thanks to an ever growing technology.
At the same time, globalization occurs with and against the nationstate. This state, the Leviathan of the international system, reacts with reflexes to phenomenon becoming more and more blurred and liquid, and it is those reflexes which will determine the intensity of the turbulences.
Thus, this work will enable us to show that globalization materialises in multiple spaces and times and now reduces the meaning of constructions which appeared during the Westphalian era such as "borders", "geographical distance", "absolute sovereignty", and the "dialectics of power between the state and individuals". Yet this situation does not mean that the state actor vanishes or will vanish from the system: it is always the state, which in a solitary or collective way, has
the legitimate responsibility of protecting its own citizens in the Post Westphalian era. On the other hand, it is undeniable that the dialectics of power which existed before between the Leviathan and individuals undergoes a phase of transformation. Eventually, in this process of systemic transformation, we will consider whether Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan still holds "absolute power", as in the Westphalian system. Moreover, we will consider whether in the Post Westphalian era several Leviathans could have appeared within the current system interpretation. Post Westphalian actors, with their functions and actions, more and more escape the influence from the state. This situation leads us to rethink the international system along with the actors who belong to it.
Within different theories of International Relations (IR), analyzes studying the contribution of Pierre Bourdieu to the discipline are still very limited. This observation is the opening of this article that focuses on the main ideas of Pierre Bourdieu to highlight these possible contributions to theories of IR.
In a first time, and considering the meta-theoretical rupture that exists on epistemological issues in theories of IR between positivist and post-positivist approaches, the article discusses the positions of Bourdieu’s sociology about this epistemological bias.
Based on the observation that the existing dichotomous conflicts between thesis two approaches in the social sciences are only artificial polarization, and therefore they are a sterile
debate because one side opposes an approach that focuses on the interactions of agents to understand the structure and the other side an approach that emphasizes the characteristics
of the structure to apprehend the interactions of agents, the article shows in which way, faced to this polarization, the sociology of Bourdieu opens “a middle course”, offering
a reflexive epistemology.
Also emphasizing that the issues related to the acquisition of knowledge and learning should particularly not be limited within the rigid framework of philosophy, since they may be the products of a habitus, the article shows as for Bourdieu sociology it is essential to (re)consider the production of such knowledge and skills that are often considered as “prior learning”. The reflexive epistemology of Bourdieu therefore insists that knowledge and skills are only a construction, arose of a process and in this context it recommends to (re)question them by proposing an objectification of objectivity.
In the theories of IR, this situation returns to reject the positivist models on which current mainstream theories are based. In other words, it is necessary to (re)questioning several concepts that are considered “re-aquired” within the discipline such as State, sovereignty, anarchy, etc…
In a second step, the article argues that the contribution of Bourdieu’s approach is not limited just to the elements it offers in epistemological terms, but it contributes significantly on the ontological level. Therefore, the article reveals that Bourdieu’s approach strives on the one hand to exceed subjectivism which tends to conclude that the structure is shaped by the actions of players and on the other hand a positivism “reificator” which tends to propose in an abstract way the agents. And relying selectively on certain concepts developed by Pierre Bourdieu as agent, habitus, field and illusio, the paper demonstrates that this approach strives to create a dialogical relationship between “the reality of the model” and “the model of reality” to overcome these ontological discords by relying on a “relational ontology”. Finally to turn this “relational ontology” of Bourdieu into the concrete, this article details in a analytical way these concepts and it strives to adapt to the theories of IR by illustrating in a practical way the possible applications.
On the ontological level, the article concludes that Bourdieu’s relational ontology can develop in detail a sociological profile of political units that populate the international arena, and in this way it contributes to “sociologize” entities (such as for example States) that are offered in a “generic” and “homogeneous” way by the dominant paradigms of theories of IR.
It also shows that the relational ontology allows to dissect the different shapes and applications of the concept of power, and taking in some way away with the notion of power designed primarily as a military/material aspect by mainstream paradigms, Bourdieu’s approach suggests a broader range of the concept of power in international relations. Finally, adapting the concept of field in the theories of IR, the article also explains
that this concept can provide a better understanding of the various interactions that are taking place between the different agents at different scales (local, national, international ) and that in that way it may help to dissect the action itself. Thus, the analysis grid based on the concept of field is used to clarify the socialization process between agents and in this way to identify the complex relationships that exist between dominant and dominated agents in a particular area.
Conference Presentations by Huseyin Sevim
Books by Huseyin Sevim
getirebileceğini tartışmaktadır. Bunun için de önce Bourdieu’cü analizin epistemolojik ve ontolojik sorunları nasıl değerlendirdiğini tartıştıktan sonra, onun başlıca düşünce ve kavramlarından hareket ederek, bunları Uluslararası İlişkiler kuramlarına uyarlamayı hedeflemektedir. Bu makalenin temel tezi Ululararası İlişkiler disiplini içerisindeki meta-teorik anlamdaki diyalog eksikliğinin Bourdieu’cü perspektifle bir nebze olsun aşılabileceğidir. Diğer bir ifadeyle, Ululararası İlişkiler disiplinindeki paradigmalar arasındaki bütünleyiciliğin mümkün olabileceği ve Bourdieu’nün geliştirdiği kavramların ana akım kuramların yetersizliklerini ve kör noktalarını bir nebze olsun azaltabileceğini iddia edilmektedir.
administration
This article investigates the way the national administration in Turkey has modified its organizations and modes of action under the influence of the European integration process. The article focuses on Turkish ministries in order to examine this impact on 3 different levels: inter-organizational (macro-administrative scale), intra-organizational (meso-administrative scale) and regarding human resources (micro-administrative scale). It also highlights the impact of European integration process on the modes of action of Turkish ministries so as to illustrate more concretely the effects of Europeanization on their “ways of doing”. If the implementation of European integration process has created new styles and modes of action within each administration, it also contributed to the emergence in the Turkish administrative area of shared governance in European policy.
text and to dissipate misunderstandings about these concepts. Globalization, indeed, should not be reduced to its economic dimension but should be understood only as the integration of nation-states heading towards the establishment of a global society.
As James N. Rosenau says, "'globalization' is not the equivalent of 'globalism', which refers to individuals' roles and collective acts. Furthermore, globalization is neither a synonym of 'universalism', which aims at the whole set of values such as religion or science. And, this phenomenon should also be distinguished from the concept of complex interdependency. " Thus, this phenomenon shouldn't be imprisoned in a monolithic dimension. It is true that globalization has several sub-dimensions. That's why, when one studies globalisation, one should only work on the subdimensions.
Then one should focus on each of these, assuming that they all interact with each other and that this synergy intensifies them. However, this article underlines that globalization that has emerged from each sub-dimension would neither have appeared simultaneously, nor progressed at the same pace. Furthermore, this article underlines that globalization should not be studied as a phenomenon belonging to only one area. Indeed this object of research is located at the centre of various fields, such as neo-classicist economics, postmodernist theory, the realist approach to international relations and Marxism.
This article will also attempt to define the contrast between the
Westphalian and Post Westphalian eras. Next, based upon this differentiation, in accordance with the nature of the current international system, we will be able to better define the characteristics of the state, as an actor in the Post Westphalian era. This way, it will be possible to see what kind of systemic structure appears in that era. Lastly, it will enable us to share our knowledge of the concept of the Post-Westphalian state. In the last part, we will study the impact of the independent variable (globalization) on the dependent variable (the nation-state).
Within this framework, the link between these variables will enable us to show different paradigms. Here, we will notice that some neo-liberal writers argue that in a period of macro-transition the nation-state gradually looses its so one day it will disappear or will integrate into other meta-structures. They also argue that the international system is evolving towards a process of homogenisation and that postnational forces restrict more and more the action and efficiency of the nation-state. Other writers, such as institutionalists, or adherents of the
neorealist school, pretend that the international system relies upon political and legal basis of the state actor and that this latter still holds a monopoly and power in the current systemic configuration with tools such as sovereignty.
Our analysis will also enable us to introduce the dialectic of power in the international system. From there, we will be able to rethink and redefine the state as an actor in the Post Westphalian era. This work will also give us the opportunity to show how plural are the spaces where actors interact, and to underline the space in which the emergent interaction is no longer under State control. This is because interaction spaces occur henceforth in a simultaneous or consecutive time, at local, national and often transnational scales.
That is to say that from now on, actions between actors happen in a plural time and a plural space, with the phenomenon of ubiquity spreading over the globe. This situation illustrates how much our daily activities are henceforth no longer limited by the borders of the societies to which we belong. Indeed, our social relations in fields such as the economy, culture, politics, linguistics, medias, sciences, labour, etc. are no longer progressing in the same social spaces; some of these relations
expand at the local or national level, and others at the regional,
continental or global level. This situation brings in front of the nationstate many globalized spaces, and these increase their volume and speed, thanks to an ever growing technology.
At the same time, globalization occurs with and against the nationstate. This state, the Leviathan of the international system, reacts with reflexes to phenomenon becoming more and more blurred and liquid, and it is those reflexes which will determine the intensity of the turbulences.
Thus, this work will enable us to show that globalization materialises in multiple spaces and times and now reduces the meaning of constructions which appeared during the Westphalian era such as "borders", "geographical distance", "absolute sovereignty", and the "dialectics of power between the state and individuals". Yet this situation does not mean that the state actor vanishes or will vanish from the system: it is always the state, which in a solitary or collective way, has
the legitimate responsibility of protecting its own citizens in the Post Westphalian era. On the other hand, it is undeniable that the dialectics of power which existed before between the Leviathan and individuals undergoes a phase of transformation. Eventually, in this process of systemic transformation, we will consider whether Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan still holds "absolute power", as in the Westphalian system. Moreover, we will consider whether in the Post Westphalian era several Leviathans could have appeared within the current system interpretation. Post Westphalian actors, with their functions and actions, more and more escape the influence from the state. This situation leads us to rethink the international system along with the actors who belong to it.
Within different theories of International Relations (IR), analyzes studying the contribution of Pierre Bourdieu to the discipline are still very limited. This observation is the opening of this article that focuses on the main ideas of Pierre Bourdieu to highlight these possible contributions to theories of IR.
In a first time, and considering the meta-theoretical rupture that exists on epistemological issues in theories of IR between positivist and post-positivist approaches, the article discusses the positions of Bourdieu’s sociology about this epistemological bias.
Based on the observation that the existing dichotomous conflicts between thesis two approaches in the social sciences are only artificial polarization, and therefore they are a sterile
debate because one side opposes an approach that focuses on the interactions of agents to understand the structure and the other side an approach that emphasizes the characteristics
of the structure to apprehend the interactions of agents, the article shows in which way, faced to this polarization, the sociology of Bourdieu opens “a middle course”, offering
a reflexive epistemology.
Also emphasizing that the issues related to the acquisition of knowledge and learning should particularly not be limited within the rigid framework of philosophy, since they may be the products of a habitus, the article shows as for Bourdieu sociology it is essential to (re)consider the production of such knowledge and skills that are often considered as “prior learning”. The reflexive epistemology of Bourdieu therefore insists that knowledge and skills are only a construction, arose of a process and in this context it recommends to (re)question them by proposing an objectification of objectivity.
In the theories of IR, this situation returns to reject the positivist models on which current mainstream theories are based. In other words, it is necessary to (re)questioning several concepts that are considered “re-aquired” within the discipline such as State, sovereignty, anarchy, etc…
In a second step, the article argues that the contribution of Bourdieu’s approach is not limited just to the elements it offers in epistemological terms, but it contributes significantly on the ontological level. Therefore, the article reveals that Bourdieu’s approach strives on the one hand to exceed subjectivism which tends to conclude that the structure is shaped by the actions of players and on the other hand a positivism “reificator” which tends to propose in an abstract way the agents. And relying selectively on certain concepts developed by Pierre Bourdieu as agent, habitus, field and illusio, the paper demonstrates that this approach strives to create a dialogical relationship between “the reality of the model” and “the model of reality” to overcome these ontological discords by relying on a “relational ontology”. Finally to turn this “relational ontology” of Bourdieu into the concrete, this article details in a analytical way these concepts and it strives to adapt to the theories of IR by illustrating in a practical way the possible applications.
On the ontological level, the article concludes that Bourdieu’s relational ontology can develop in detail a sociological profile of political units that populate the international arena, and in this way it contributes to “sociologize” entities (such as for example States) that are offered in a “generic” and “homogeneous” way by the dominant paradigms of theories of IR.
It also shows that the relational ontology allows to dissect the different shapes and applications of the concept of power, and taking in some way away with the notion of power designed primarily as a military/material aspect by mainstream paradigms, Bourdieu’s approach suggests a broader range of the concept of power in international relations. Finally, adapting the concept of field in the theories of IR, the article also explains
that this concept can provide a better understanding of the various interactions that are taking place between the different agents at different scales (local, national, international ) and that in that way it may help to dissect the action itself. Thus, the analysis grid based on the concept of field is used to clarify the socialization process between agents and in this way to identify the complex relationships that exist between dominant and dominated agents in a particular area.