This essay is part of my series exploring the validity of the existence of “Classical Daoism” or ... more This essay is part of my series exploring the validity of the existence of “Classical Daoism” or Daojia 道家, “Dao Specialists.” Prior to examining the various texts on matters pertaining to ethics or morality (forthcoming in Part 5.3), it’s prudent to briefly discuss some relevant Chinese “ethical terms.” This is a work in progress: comments and questions are most welcome, as are notification of any typos or mistakes.
Like other early Chinese thinkers (and people all over the world), most of the authors of the ear... more Like other early Chinese thinkers (and people all over the world), most of the authors of the early texts later labelled Daoist appear to have valued a long, flourishing life in either a peaceful and well-ordered society, or an individualistic – perhaps reclusive – life, disengaged from society. Any utopias they described were peaceful and harmonious places, where the people were free, cooperative, guileless and happy. Thievery or violence never appear as acceptable or welcome practices. Further, they were particularly interested in maintaining one’s peace of mind, and/or what we would today call our mental health. Whatever endeavours they had, they wanted them to be successful and their methods efficacious. They did not value a short, fruitless life in a chaotic, discordant, and dangerous society and they did not want their endeavours to fail. Given that many of them wanted to live in a relatively safe, peaceful and cooperative society, accepting and following certain standards of behavior with regards to interpersonal and interstate relations and relationships seem like reasonable and effective ways to maintain a relatively harmonious environment to live in, and benevolence, morality/dutifulness and ritual propriety/etiquette – ren 仁 yi 義 and li 禮 – seem to be important standards or practices in this regard. (These terms will be defined more precisely in part 5.2.) Yet – especially during the later Han period – the early Daoist tradition was characterized as opposed to these.
This essay is part of my series exploring the validity of the existence of “Classical Daoism” or ... more This essay is part of my series exploring the validity of the existence of “Classical Daoism” or Daojia 道家, “(Early) Daoism.” “Wuwei” is commonly taken to be a Daoist concept. My treatment of Wuwei differs from Edward Slingerland’s metaphorical interpretation of the term and focuses less on the psychological perspective that discerns notions of purposeless or effortlessness in wuwei and more on the wisdom of restraint and non-interference.
Mysticism and quietistic self-cultivation practices have long been associated with the classical ... more Mysticism and quietistic self-cultivation practices have long been associated with the classical Daoist texts of Laozi 老子 and Zhuangzi 莊子. The concern with longevity has primarily been associated with the figure of Laozi and the religion that deified him. In the 19th and first three quarters of the 20th centuries, Western scholars regularly described Laozi and Zhuangzi as mystics or quietists. In the past thirty years, however, these texts have been analyzed and interpreted more for their philosophy than for their religious practices or a broader holistic understanding of the spiritual and philosophical content. My hope is to give both the philosophical and religious or spiritual aspects their due.
After looking into the graphical “etymology” and supposed Oracle-bone inscriptional evidence, I b... more After looking into the graphical “etymology” and supposed Oracle-bone inscriptional evidence, I begin with study of the bronze inscriptions of the Western Zhou period (1045-771 B.C.E.), and continue with its use in the Documents and Poetry classics, in the process explaining the martial character of the nobility at this time and the subsequent denial by Confucians of this past. As I move through the Springs and Autumns and Warring States eras (771-221 B.C.E.), I explore quite a few texts, such as the Zuozhuan, Guoyu, and the philosophical texts of the Lunyu, Shangjunshu, Laozi, Zhuangzi, Hanfeizi, Guanzi, Mengzi, Xunzi, etc. I also discuss special uses of De in the Guanzi, the excavated Mawangdui texts, the Huainanzi and Chunqiu Fanlu of the Han Dynasty (206- B.C.E. – 220 C.E.). A few other texts are mentioned as well. The discussion of De in both the Zhuangzi and Laozi I think is explained more thoroughly and probably more originally than it ever has been before. The final section discusses De and Yuan 怨, “ill-will, resentment,” in the context of reciprocity, with explorations of passages in a number of texts as well as the “famous” controversy between Confucius and Laozi about how to repay Yuan. I finish this with a discussion of the morals of “not seeking repayment” for good deeds and forgetting the good deeds we do.
This essay new explores cosmogony and cosmology in early China. Cosmogony refers to the creation ... more This essay new explores cosmogony and cosmology in early China. Cosmogony refers to the creation or origin of the universe and cosmology to how the universe operates. We find that texts now labeled as Daoist – the Laozi and Zhuangzi, for example – appear to be among the first to write about it, often in terms of Dao 道.
4th part in this series of essays, forming the introduction to a comparison of the Laozi and Zhua... more 4th part in this series of essays, forming the introduction to a comparison of the Laozi and Zhuangzi.
Classical Daoism, Philosophical Daoism, Early Daoism: these terms are increasingly being seen as ... more Classical Daoism, Philosophical Daoism, Early Daoism: these terms are increasingly being seen as obsolescent by scholars in the last couple of decades. The general public – those who have heard of Daoism or have read a little bit of it – are largely unaware, despite the fact that for quite awhile writers have admitted that there were no “Daoists” in pre-Han China and that the two most famous “Daoists,” Laozi and Zhuangzi, surely never thought of themselves as Daoists. The more recent interest in what was once called “religious Daoism (Daojiao 道教),” as opposed to “philosophical Daoism (Daojia 道家),” has seen a shift towards using “Daoism” to refer only to the former.
In this series of blog posts I am going to explore this matter. First, I will look at the oldest evidence for a “Daoist school” in the Historical Records (Shiji 史記) and the Han Documents (Hanshu 漢書). Next I will look into both the text and the legendary man Laozi 老子, followed by Zhuangzi 莊子. Texts that will be mentioned along the way will include: the Laozi 老子, Zhuangzi 莊子, Hanfeizi 韓非子 (esp. Jie Lao 解老, Yu Lao 喻老), Lüshi Chunqiu 春秋左傳, Mengzi 孟子, Xunzi 荀子, Guanzi 管子 (esp. Neiye 內業), Huainanzi 淮南子, Heguanzi 鶡冠子, and the Huangdi Sijing 黃帝四經. I will also survey various scholars’ views on early Chinese “schools of thought.”
This essay is part of my series exploring the validity of the existence of “Classical Daoism” or ... more This essay is part of my series exploring the validity of the existence of “Classical Daoism” or Daojia 道家, “Dao Specialists.” Prior to examining the various texts on matters pertaining to ethics or morality (forthcoming in Part 5.3), it’s prudent to briefly discuss some relevant Chinese “ethical terms.” This is a work in progress: comments and questions are most welcome, as are notification of any typos or mistakes.
Like other early Chinese thinkers (and people all over the world), most of the authors of the ear... more Like other early Chinese thinkers (and people all over the world), most of the authors of the early texts later labelled Daoist appear to have valued a long, flourishing life in either a peaceful and well-ordered society, or an individualistic – perhaps reclusive – life, disengaged from society. Any utopias they described were peaceful and harmonious places, where the people were free, cooperative, guileless and happy. Thievery or violence never appear as acceptable or welcome practices. Further, they were particularly interested in maintaining one’s peace of mind, and/or what we would today call our mental health. Whatever endeavours they had, they wanted them to be successful and their methods efficacious. They did not value a short, fruitless life in a chaotic, discordant, and dangerous society and they did not want their endeavours to fail. Given that many of them wanted to live in a relatively safe, peaceful and cooperative society, accepting and following certain standards of behavior with regards to interpersonal and interstate relations and relationships seem like reasonable and effective ways to maintain a relatively harmonious environment to live in, and benevolence, morality/dutifulness and ritual propriety/etiquette – ren 仁 yi 義 and li 禮 – seem to be important standards or practices in this regard. (These terms will be defined more precisely in part 5.2.) Yet – especially during the later Han period – the early Daoist tradition was characterized as opposed to these.
This essay is part of my series exploring the validity of the existence of “Classical Daoism” or ... more This essay is part of my series exploring the validity of the existence of “Classical Daoism” or Daojia 道家, “(Early) Daoism.” “Wuwei” is commonly taken to be a Daoist concept. My treatment of Wuwei differs from Edward Slingerland’s metaphorical interpretation of the term and focuses less on the psychological perspective that discerns notions of purposeless or effortlessness in wuwei and more on the wisdom of restraint and non-interference.
Mysticism and quietistic self-cultivation practices have long been associated with the classical ... more Mysticism and quietistic self-cultivation practices have long been associated with the classical Daoist texts of Laozi 老子 and Zhuangzi 莊子. The concern with longevity has primarily been associated with the figure of Laozi and the religion that deified him. In the 19th and first three quarters of the 20th centuries, Western scholars regularly described Laozi and Zhuangzi as mystics or quietists. In the past thirty years, however, these texts have been analyzed and interpreted more for their philosophy than for their religious practices or a broader holistic understanding of the spiritual and philosophical content. My hope is to give both the philosophical and religious or spiritual aspects their due.
After looking into the graphical “etymology” and supposed Oracle-bone inscriptional evidence, I b... more After looking into the graphical “etymology” and supposed Oracle-bone inscriptional evidence, I begin with study of the bronze inscriptions of the Western Zhou period (1045-771 B.C.E.), and continue with its use in the Documents and Poetry classics, in the process explaining the martial character of the nobility at this time and the subsequent denial by Confucians of this past. As I move through the Springs and Autumns and Warring States eras (771-221 B.C.E.), I explore quite a few texts, such as the Zuozhuan, Guoyu, and the philosophical texts of the Lunyu, Shangjunshu, Laozi, Zhuangzi, Hanfeizi, Guanzi, Mengzi, Xunzi, etc. I also discuss special uses of De in the Guanzi, the excavated Mawangdui texts, the Huainanzi and Chunqiu Fanlu of the Han Dynasty (206- B.C.E. – 220 C.E.). A few other texts are mentioned as well. The discussion of De in both the Zhuangzi and Laozi I think is explained more thoroughly and probably more originally than it ever has been before. The final section discusses De and Yuan 怨, “ill-will, resentment,” in the context of reciprocity, with explorations of passages in a number of texts as well as the “famous” controversy between Confucius and Laozi about how to repay Yuan. I finish this with a discussion of the morals of “not seeking repayment” for good deeds and forgetting the good deeds we do.
This essay new explores cosmogony and cosmology in early China. Cosmogony refers to the creation ... more This essay new explores cosmogony and cosmology in early China. Cosmogony refers to the creation or origin of the universe and cosmology to how the universe operates. We find that texts now labeled as Daoist – the Laozi and Zhuangzi, for example – appear to be among the first to write about it, often in terms of Dao 道.
4th part in this series of essays, forming the introduction to a comparison of the Laozi and Zhua... more 4th part in this series of essays, forming the introduction to a comparison of the Laozi and Zhuangzi.
Classical Daoism, Philosophical Daoism, Early Daoism: these terms are increasingly being seen as ... more Classical Daoism, Philosophical Daoism, Early Daoism: these terms are increasingly being seen as obsolescent by scholars in the last couple of decades. The general public – those who have heard of Daoism or have read a little bit of it – are largely unaware, despite the fact that for quite awhile writers have admitted that there were no “Daoists” in pre-Han China and that the two most famous “Daoists,” Laozi and Zhuangzi, surely never thought of themselves as Daoists. The more recent interest in what was once called “religious Daoism (Daojiao 道教),” as opposed to “philosophical Daoism (Daojia 道家),” has seen a shift towards using “Daoism” to refer only to the former.
In this series of blog posts I am going to explore this matter. First, I will look at the oldest evidence for a “Daoist school” in the Historical Records (Shiji 史記) and the Han Documents (Hanshu 漢書). Next I will look into both the text and the legendary man Laozi 老子, followed by Zhuangzi 莊子. Texts that will be mentioned along the way will include: the Laozi 老子, Zhuangzi 莊子, Hanfeizi 韓非子 (esp. Jie Lao 解老, Yu Lao 喻老), Lüshi Chunqiu 春秋左傳, Mengzi 孟子, Xunzi 荀子, Guanzi 管子 (esp. Neiye 內業), Huainanzi 淮南子, Heguanzi 鶡冠子, and the Huangdi Sijing 黃帝四經. I will also survey various scholars’ views on early Chinese “schools of thought.”
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In this series of blog posts I am going to explore this matter. First, I will look at the oldest evidence for a “Daoist school” in the Historical Records (Shiji 史記) and the Han Documents (Hanshu 漢書). Next I will look into both the text and the legendary man Laozi 老子, followed by Zhuangzi 莊子. Texts that will be mentioned along the way will include: the Laozi 老子, Zhuangzi 莊子, Hanfeizi 韓非子 (esp. Jie Lao 解老, Yu Lao 喻老), Lüshi Chunqiu 春秋左傳, Mengzi 孟子, Xunzi 荀子, Guanzi 管子 (esp. Neiye 內業), Huainanzi 淮南子, Heguanzi 鶡冠子, and the Huangdi Sijing 黃帝四經. I will also survey various scholars’ views on early Chinese “schools of thought.”
In this series of blog posts I am going to explore this matter. First, I will look at the oldest evidence for a “Daoist school” in the Historical Records (Shiji 史記) and the Han Documents (Hanshu 漢書). Next I will look into both the text and the legendary man Laozi 老子, followed by Zhuangzi 莊子. Texts that will be mentioned along the way will include: the Laozi 老子, Zhuangzi 莊子, Hanfeizi 韓非子 (esp. Jie Lao 解老, Yu Lao 喻老), Lüshi Chunqiu 春秋左傳, Mengzi 孟子, Xunzi 荀子, Guanzi 管子 (esp. Neiye 內業), Huainanzi 淮南子, Heguanzi 鶡冠子, and the Huangdi Sijing 黃帝四經. I will also survey various scholars’ views on early Chinese “schools of thought.”