The present study utilized comprehensive survey research (n= 256) to understand the reasons behin... more The present study utilized comprehensive survey research (n= 256) to understand the reasons behind growing Shi'i support for Hezbollah in Lebanon. It argues that the origins of this support are correlated with the level of satisfaction with government performance and ...
International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Oct 1, 2004
In the present study I compare public views regarding suicide bombings using data from two survey... more In the present study I compare public views regarding suicide bombings using data from two surveys of Palestinian refugees living in southern Lebanon (N = 342) and Lebanese Muslims (N = 553) administered during the summers of 2002 and 2003 respectively. The data reveal that approval of suicide operations is more pronounced among Lebanese than Palestinians. These findings hold even after controlling for individual socio-economic and demographic characteristics. For both populations, support for suicide attacks is more evident among women than men. Among Lebanese, support for suicide attacks is also a function of low income and among Palestinians, a function of residence in camps. For both samples, the most important determinant of support for suicide attacks is attachment to political Islam. The greater the commitment to political Islam the more likely respondents are to endorse suicide activities. It should be noted however, that the impact of political Islam is more evident among Palestinians than Lebanese.
Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Apr 1, 2002
... As a result, the Lebanese were never able to reach a consensus on fundamentals ... a confessi... more ... As a result, the Lebanese were never able to reach a consensus on fundamentals ... a confessional schism by allocating public offices and positions on a sectarian basis, which ... This system recognised the primacy of religious communities and perpetuated the power of traditional ...
Page 1. The Palestinian ipasse anon The Politics of Refugee Integration SIMON HADDAD Page 2. Page... more Page 1. The Palestinian ipasse anon The Politics of Refugee Integration SIMON HADDAD Page 2. Page 3. Page 4. A selection of Sussex Academic Press publications on Middle East Politics, History and Economics Studies in ...
The paper proposes to examine two variables in connection with the Kurdish presence in Turkey: 1)... more The paper proposes to examine two variables in connection with the Kurdish presence in Turkey: 1) the intensity of expression of Kurdish nationalism, and 2) repercussions of the Kurdish question on Turkey. Three components pertaining to the Kurdish case in Turkey were constmcted from the literature: distinct cultural identity, political demands and socio-economic development. The paper concludes that despite radical shifts on both sides, it is still questionable whether a solution to the enduring conflict could be reached in the near future.
L'A. examine les points de vue des Libanais et leur attitude envers la presence des refugies ... more L'A. examine les points de vue des Libanais et leur attitude envers la presence des refugies palestiniens sur le territoire du Liban. A partir d'interviews realisees entre decembre 1999 et janvier 2000 parmi six groupes religieux du Liban (maronites, catholiques grecs, orthodoxes grecs, musulmans sunnites et chiites, druzes), les aspects suivants ont ete analyses : l'attribution de la responsabilite de la guerre du Liban aux Palestiniens ; l'empathie envers les Palestiniens ; l'intensite des perceptions inter-groupes ; les contacts personnels avec les Palestiniens ; le point de vue sur une eventuelle naturalisation des Palestiniens. L'enquete met notamment en evidence que l'enjeu essentiel du probleme palestinien au Liban est la question de la reimplantation des Palestiniens et de leur statut juridique et politique.
... focuses on six dimensions related to feeling towards sectarian leaders; perceived self ... ma... more ... focuses on six dimensions related to feeling towards sectarian leaders; perceived self ... manifested unfavourable attitudes towards cooperation with other Lebanese religious groups, particularly ... for a Christian autonomous entity and overt preference for a unitary political system. ...
Lebanese Muslim reactions to the September 11 attacks are assessed using the hypotheses that rece... more Lebanese Muslim reactions to the September 11 attacks are assessed using the hypotheses that receptiveness to dogmas of militant Islam and young age would predict approval of the attacks, and education and income, although important in explaining the domestic component of political Islam, would have no bearing on support for the September 11 terrorist attacks. In view of the recent surge of Sunni Muslim militancy, it is proposed that Sunni respondents would show greater support for the attacks than Shi'is. The data were obtained from a stratified random sample consisting of 337 Sunni and Shi'i male and female respondents to an opinion poll conducted in the Greater Beirut area during October and November 2001. The findings verify the proposition that proneness to militant Islam and age predicted approval of the attacks but do not verify the hypothesis that Sunni respondents exceeded Shi'is in approval for the attacks.
While suicide terrorism has received tremendous attention from the general public, media and poli... more While suicide terrorism has received tremendous attention from the general public, media and policy-makers in recent years, there are only a few studies that analyze public opinion on political violence in general and terrorism in particular. The article seeks to determine the correlates of support for suicide terrorism among the Lebanese and Palestinians living in South Lebanon and the Palestinian territories. Specifically, it examines the influence of religious and socio-economic factors on their attitudes towards suicide bombings. The analysis is based on four surveys conducted in Lebanon and the Palestinian territories in 2002, 2003 and 2007. The findings show that generally, militant religious view is the most important predictor of the respondents’ support for suicide terrorism.
... ИНФОРМАЦИЯ О ПУБЛИКАЦИИ. Название публикации, POLITICAL SUPPORT IN POSTWAR LEBANON AS A FUNCT... more ... ИНФОРМАЦИЯ О ПУБЛИКАЦИИ. Название публикации, POLITICAL SUPPORT IN POSTWAR LEBANON AS A FUNCTION OF SOCIAL, POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE. Авторы,Simon Haddad. Журнал, Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies. ...
... Reflecting the complete lack of popular support of Palestinian citizenship, Interior Minister... more ... Reflecting the complete lack of popular support of Palestinian citizenship, Interior Minister Michel al-Murr recently announced that a new clause ... 19 As for the Druze, in 1976, their leader Kamal Jumblat felt that the Palestine Liberation Organization's (PLO) military presence in ...
This study will assess Lebanon's 2009 parliamentary elections. Section one examines electoral... more This study will assess Lebanon's 2009 parliamentary elections. Section one examines electoral alliances and electoral dynamics within the pre-election context. Section two will provide a thorough analysis of the outcome. Section three discusses the social makeup of the newly emerging legislature, and section four looks into the repercussions of these elections for Lebanon. The polls were expected to pave the way for a new phase characterized by democratic stability, cooperation and political advancement away from the country's conflict-ridden politics and communal tensions that marked Lebanese political life since 2005. Key Words: Consociational democracy; Centripetal model of democracy; Lebanon; Lebanon 2009 elections; Ethnic coexistence; Ta'if Accord; Doha settlement; March 14 bloc; March 8 coalition; Lebanese electoral coalitions. Elections in pluralist democracies fulfill a variety of functions including popular control over the government, alternation of leadership, and legitimation of power. On the other hand, in conflict-prone heterogeneous societies - where citizens are divided by socio-cultural and ascriptive traits such as race, ethnicity, language, religion, or region - the debate involves an additional issue: how the electoral system may contribute to the peaceful coexistence of different social or minority groups within the same polity1. Electoral systems therefore have the propensity to foster or neglect the important function of interethnic conciliation or to avoid ethnic exclusion from political power. Because of the complexity of intergroup and intragroup relations in such societies, polarization and exclusion can follow from ascriptive differences, compounded by the history, advantages and disadvantages, and divergent views of the identity of the state that are all associated with these differences. In many such societies, electoral results and ensuing governments that neglect the interests of groups outside the regime often provoke instability and violence. The need for electoral engineering in divided societies is well established, but the disadvantages of specific electoral system designs are heavily questioned. Election experts have reviewed ways to promote cross-cutting political cleavages based on the premise that ethnic exclusion poses a threat to democracy and social peace. Two main solutions have been devised to elucidate the problem of ethnic representation: the first goes by the name consociational democracy, and the second is dubbed "the centripetal model"2. The consociational approach is essentially a regime of guarantees. It proposes that all major groups will be represented in governing grand coalitions in proportion to their numbers, as determined by election results; that, to facilitate proportional inclusion in cabinets, elections will be conducted by a proportional electoral system. The centripetal model on the other hand suggests that in a severely divided society it is vital to promote cooperation and accommodation, which moderate candidates are more likely to accomplish than are those with completely contradictory agendas. The solution aims, then, to sustain moderate against extremist candidates. This approach does not abandon majoritarian democracy, but it aims at majorities that are cross-ethnic and at governments formed by moderate interethnic coalitions. The model's primary instrument is not a system of ethnic quotas but the provision of electoral incentives that accord an advantage to ethnically-based parties that are willing to appeal, at the margin and usually through coalition partners of other ethnic groups, to voters other than their own. The underlying mechanism is that, to appeal to voters other than one's own and to form interethnic coalitions in a conflict-prone society, ethnically-based parties must demonstrate that they are moderate and willing to compromise on ethnic issues. The consociational approach has a well-specified menu of institutions, whereas the centripetal approach is at home with a variety of governmental institutions, presidential or parliamentary, provided that appropriate incentives are built in. …
ABSTRACT This article seeks to determine the correlates of Lebanese Muslims perceptions of the Is... more ABSTRACT This article seeks to determine the correlates of Lebanese Muslims perceptions of the Islamic State (ISIS) which are measured using the hypotheses that commitment to political Islam, young age, education and occupational status would predict approval of ISIS. In view of the accentuated polarisation between Sunnis and Shiis along sectarian lines, it is proposed that dislike for the Shiis would enhance the level of support for ISIS. The study was based on a cross-sectional survey Lebanese Muslims (N = 302) administered during the fall of 2015.The suggestion is that adherence to the tenets of political Islam, sectarianism and educational attainment are major predictors of endorsement for ISIS.
The author details the findings of a significant opinion poll surveying the attitudes of Lebanese... more The author details the findings of a significant opinion poll surveying the attitudes of Lebanese Christians to the relationship of Lebanon with Syria and Israel, and the possible impact on Lebanon of any peace agreement that could eventually be reached between Syria and Israel. The poll was conducted in 1999, but writing in August 2001 he endeavors to assess possible changes of opinion that may have taken place up to the present time. Key Words: Arab/Israeli conflict, Lebanon, Syria, Israel, Palestine, Palestinian refugees, Lebanese Christians, Maronites, Druze. A comprehensive study of Lebanon's relationship to the Middle East peace process requires a fundamental canvas of the political opinions and sentiments of the diverse confessional groups making-up the country's shaky political structure. Primary to that structure has been the place of the Christians whose contribution to Lebanon 's political life has been essential. The Christians played a determining role in th...
Les troupes syriennes ont quitté le Liban, mais leurs services de renseignement et les alliés de ... more Les troupes syriennes ont quitté le Liban, mais leurs services de renseignement et les alliés de Damas, eux, y sont toujours omniprésents au sein des institutions, de la sécurité, de l'armée, de la police et, surtout, des milices paramilitaires: Hezbollah, Amal, Parti national ...
The present study utilized comprehensive survey research (n= 256) to understand the reasons behin... more The present study utilized comprehensive survey research (n= 256) to understand the reasons behind growing Shi'i support for Hezbollah in Lebanon. It argues that the origins of this support are correlated with the level of satisfaction with government performance and ...
International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Oct 1, 2004
In the present study I compare public views regarding suicide bombings using data from two survey... more In the present study I compare public views regarding suicide bombings using data from two surveys of Palestinian refugees living in southern Lebanon (N = 342) and Lebanese Muslims (N = 553) administered during the summers of 2002 and 2003 respectively. The data reveal that approval of suicide operations is more pronounced among Lebanese than Palestinians. These findings hold even after controlling for individual socio-economic and demographic characteristics. For both populations, support for suicide attacks is more evident among women than men. Among Lebanese, support for suicide attacks is also a function of low income and among Palestinians, a function of residence in camps. For both samples, the most important determinant of support for suicide attacks is attachment to political Islam. The greater the commitment to political Islam the more likely respondents are to endorse suicide activities. It should be noted however, that the impact of political Islam is more evident among Palestinians than Lebanese.
Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Apr 1, 2002
... As a result, the Lebanese were never able to reach a consensus on fundamentals ... a confessi... more ... As a result, the Lebanese were never able to reach a consensus on fundamentals ... a confessional schism by allocating public offices and positions on a sectarian basis, which ... This system recognised the primacy of religious communities and perpetuated the power of traditional ...
Page 1. The Palestinian ipasse anon The Politics of Refugee Integration SIMON HADDAD Page 2. Page... more Page 1. The Palestinian ipasse anon The Politics of Refugee Integration SIMON HADDAD Page 2. Page 3. Page 4. A selection of Sussex Academic Press publications on Middle East Politics, History and Economics Studies in ...
The paper proposes to examine two variables in connection with the Kurdish presence in Turkey: 1)... more The paper proposes to examine two variables in connection with the Kurdish presence in Turkey: 1) the intensity of expression of Kurdish nationalism, and 2) repercussions of the Kurdish question on Turkey. Three components pertaining to the Kurdish case in Turkey were constmcted from the literature: distinct cultural identity, political demands and socio-economic development. The paper concludes that despite radical shifts on both sides, it is still questionable whether a solution to the enduring conflict could be reached in the near future.
L'A. examine les points de vue des Libanais et leur attitude envers la presence des refugies ... more L'A. examine les points de vue des Libanais et leur attitude envers la presence des refugies palestiniens sur le territoire du Liban. A partir d'interviews realisees entre decembre 1999 et janvier 2000 parmi six groupes religieux du Liban (maronites, catholiques grecs, orthodoxes grecs, musulmans sunnites et chiites, druzes), les aspects suivants ont ete analyses : l'attribution de la responsabilite de la guerre du Liban aux Palestiniens ; l'empathie envers les Palestiniens ; l'intensite des perceptions inter-groupes ; les contacts personnels avec les Palestiniens ; le point de vue sur une eventuelle naturalisation des Palestiniens. L'enquete met notamment en evidence que l'enjeu essentiel du probleme palestinien au Liban est la question de la reimplantation des Palestiniens et de leur statut juridique et politique.
... focuses on six dimensions related to feeling towards sectarian leaders; perceived self ... ma... more ... focuses on six dimensions related to feeling towards sectarian leaders; perceived self ... manifested unfavourable attitudes towards cooperation with other Lebanese religious groups, particularly ... for a Christian autonomous entity and overt preference for a unitary political system. ...
Lebanese Muslim reactions to the September 11 attacks are assessed using the hypotheses that rece... more Lebanese Muslim reactions to the September 11 attacks are assessed using the hypotheses that receptiveness to dogmas of militant Islam and young age would predict approval of the attacks, and education and income, although important in explaining the domestic component of political Islam, would have no bearing on support for the September 11 terrorist attacks. In view of the recent surge of Sunni Muslim militancy, it is proposed that Sunni respondents would show greater support for the attacks than Shi'is. The data were obtained from a stratified random sample consisting of 337 Sunni and Shi'i male and female respondents to an opinion poll conducted in the Greater Beirut area during October and November 2001. The findings verify the proposition that proneness to militant Islam and age predicted approval of the attacks but do not verify the hypothesis that Sunni respondents exceeded Shi'is in approval for the attacks.
While suicide terrorism has received tremendous attention from the general public, media and poli... more While suicide terrorism has received tremendous attention from the general public, media and policy-makers in recent years, there are only a few studies that analyze public opinion on political violence in general and terrorism in particular. The article seeks to determine the correlates of support for suicide terrorism among the Lebanese and Palestinians living in South Lebanon and the Palestinian territories. Specifically, it examines the influence of religious and socio-economic factors on their attitudes towards suicide bombings. The analysis is based on four surveys conducted in Lebanon and the Palestinian territories in 2002, 2003 and 2007. The findings show that generally, militant religious view is the most important predictor of the respondents’ support for suicide terrorism.
... ИНФОРМАЦИЯ О ПУБЛИКАЦИИ. Название публикации, POLITICAL SUPPORT IN POSTWAR LEBANON AS A FUNCT... more ... ИНФОРМАЦИЯ О ПУБЛИКАЦИИ. Название публикации, POLITICAL SUPPORT IN POSTWAR LEBANON AS A FUNCTION OF SOCIAL, POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE. Авторы,Simon Haddad. Журнал, Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies. ...
... Reflecting the complete lack of popular support of Palestinian citizenship, Interior Minister... more ... Reflecting the complete lack of popular support of Palestinian citizenship, Interior Minister Michel al-Murr recently announced that a new clause ... 19 As for the Druze, in 1976, their leader Kamal Jumblat felt that the Palestine Liberation Organization's (PLO) military presence in ...
This study will assess Lebanon's 2009 parliamentary elections. Section one examines electoral... more This study will assess Lebanon's 2009 parliamentary elections. Section one examines electoral alliances and electoral dynamics within the pre-election context. Section two will provide a thorough analysis of the outcome. Section three discusses the social makeup of the newly emerging legislature, and section four looks into the repercussions of these elections for Lebanon. The polls were expected to pave the way for a new phase characterized by democratic stability, cooperation and political advancement away from the country's conflict-ridden politics and communal tensions that marked Lebanese political life since 2005. Key Words: Consociational democracy; Centripetal model of democracy; Lebanon; Lebanon 2009 elections; Ethnic coexistence; Ta'if Accord; Doha settlement; March 14 bloc; March 8 coalition; Lebanese electoral coalitions. Elections in pluralist democracies fulfill a variety of functions including popular control over the government, alternation of leadership, and legitimation of power. On the other hand, in conflict-prone heterogeneous societies - where citizens are divided by socio-cultural and ascriptive traits such as race, ethnicity, language, religion, or region - the debate involves an additional issue: how the electoral system may contribute to the peaceful coexistence of different social or minority groups within the same polity1. Electoral systems therefore have the propensity to foster or neglect the important function of interethnic conciliation or to avoid ethnic exclusion from political power. Because of the complexity of intergroup and intragroup relations in such societies, polarization and exclusion can follow from ascriptive differences, compounded by the history, advantages and disadvantages, and divergent views of the identity of the state that are all associated with these differences. In many such societies, electoral results and ensuing governments that neglect the interests of groups outside the regime often provoke instability and violence. The need for electoral engineering in divided societies is well established, but the disadvantages of specific electoral system designs are heavily questioned. Election experts have reviewed ways to promote cross-cutting political cleavages based on the premise that ethnic exclusion poses a threat to democracy and social peace. Two main solutions have been devised to elucidate the problem of ethnic representation: the first goes by the name consociational democracy, and the second is dubbed "the centripetal model"2. The consociational approach is essentially a regime of guarantees. It proposes that all major groups will be represented in governing grand coalitions in proportion to their numbers, as determined by election results; that, to facilitate proportional inclusion in cabinets, elections will be conducted by a proportional electoral system. The centripetal model on the other hand suggests that in a severely divided society it is vital to promote cooperation and accommodation, which moderate candidates are more likely to accomplish than are those with completely contradictory agendas. The solution aims, then, to sustain moderate against extremist candidates. This approach does not abandon majoritarian democracy, but it aims at majorities that are cross-ethnic and at governments formed by moderate interethnic coalitions. The model's primary instrument is not a system of ethnic quotas but the provision of electoral incentives that accord an advantage to ethnically-based parties that are willing to appeal, at the margin and usually through coalition partners of other ethnic groups, to voters other than their own. The underlying mechanism is that, to appeal to voters other than one's own and to form interethnic coalitions in a conflict-prone society, ethnically-based parties must demonstrate that they are moderate and willing to compromise on ethnic issues. The consociational approach has a well-specified menu of institutions, whereas the centripetal approach is at home with a variety of governmental institutions, presidential or parliamentary, provided that appropriate incentives are built in. …
ABSTRACT This article seeks to determine the correlates of Lebanese Muslims perceptions of the Is... more ABSTRACT This article seeks to determine the correlates of Lebanese Muslims perceptions of the Islamic State (ISIS) which are measured using the hypotheses that commitment to political Islam, young age, education and occupational status would predict approval of ISIS. In view of the accentuated polarisation between Sunnis and Shiis along sectarian lines, it is proposed that dislike for the Shiis would enhance the level of support for ISIS. The study was based on a cross-sectional survey Lebanese Muslims (N = 302) administered during the fall of 2015.The suggestion is that adherence to the tenets of political Islam, sectarianism and educational attainment are major predictors of endorsement for ISIS.
The author details the findings of a significant opinion poll surveying the attitudes of Lebanese... more The author details the findings of a significant opinion poll surveying the attitudes of Lebanese Christians to the relationship of Lebanon with Syria and Israel, and the possible impact on Lebanon of any peace agreement that could eventually be reached between Syria and Israel. The poll was conducted in 1999, but writing in August 2001 he endeavors to assess possible changes of opinion that may have taken place up to the present time. Key Words: Arab/Israeli conflict, Lebanon, Syria, Israel, Palestine, Palestinian refugees, Lebanese Christians, Maronites, Druze. A comprehensive study of Lebanon's relationship to the Middle East peace process requires a fundamental canvas of the political opinions and sentiments of the diverse confessional groups making-up the country's shaky political structure. Primary to that structure has been the place of the Christians whose contribution to Lebanon 's political life has been essential. The Christians played a determining role in th...
Les troupes syriennes ont quitté le Liban, mais leurs services de renseignement et les alliés de ... more Les troupes syriennes ont quitté le Liban, mais leurs services de renseignement et les alliés de Damas, eux, y sont toujours omniprésents au sein des institutions, de la sécurité, de l'armée, de la police et, surtout, des milices paramilitaires: Hezbollah, Amal, Parti national ...
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