Thailand has experienced extraordinary demographic change and record-breaking economic growth dur... more Thailand has experienced extraordinary demographic change and record-breaking economic growth during the last few decades. This study uses a recently developed projection model幽OMES, Household Model for Economic and Social Studies葉o examine the ...
The central task in discussing the evolution of the economy of Thailand is that of correctly iden... more The central task in discussing the evolution of the economy of Thailand is that of correctly identifying the modus operandi of the social order and the main determining forces which gave it particular shape in successive historical periods. Any such attempt presupposes a specific framework-a prior methodology. Perhaps the single most important question posed by the study of Thai history is whether it should be seen "from above" or "from below." Some treatments, including those of the traditional Thai chroniclers, view history as having been made by kings, nobles, and heads of governments-that is, from the top of society, with decisions filtering down to lower levels. On the other hand, there is a history which stresses the importance of decisions made by producers at the bottom of society, whose actions are seen to be primary determinants of the course of events. Still another view explains history in terms of impersonal random or "accidental" factors, such as those of trade or market forces. This paper will, in contrast to the approaches mentioned, adopt a dialectical view, arguing that the economic evolution of Thailand is not the result of a simple linear evolution but of the dynamic interplay between those at the top and those at the bottom of society and also of forces both within and outside the country. The paper will employ a politico-economic approach. Its underlying assumption is that the economic evolution is not random but can be understood systematically, and reflects the importance of political as well as economic decisions. The exercise of power by external colonial powers is, it will be argued, crucial to understanding the development and maintenance of an export-oriented agricultural economy in the late 19 th century. This does not deny the willingness of Thai leaders to go along with this policy, but it does underline the biased nature of
This chapter: (1) demonstrates the importance of a new cycle of struggle in Thailand, which succe... more This chapter: (1) demonstrates the importance of a new cycle of struggle in Thailand, which successfully challenged and transformed the ongoing regime of capitalist development in the 1990's. (2) Contributes to an understanding of the power and potential of this challenge for the future transformation of Thailand. (3) Challenges mainstream interpretations of the crisis of the 1990's, and of the ongoing "solutions" to the crisis which have been pursued by the Thai capitalist class. (4) Recognizes the central role played by women in the new cycle of struggle due to their critical position within the economy, as waged and unwaged workers, and to their capacity to challenge the patriarchal structure of Thai capitalism. (5) Creates a clear distance from crude Leninist politics, of which all of the many sectarian variations share the view that there is a separation between class struggle and "politics." The latter is the seen as the preserve of the party and is separate from the autonomous struggles of the people. Most mechanical Marxists also see workers as victims of the impersonal forces of capitalist crises. But it is Thai men and women through their multiple struggles for social justice that brought the regime into crisis and into a search for a new basis for capital accumulation. These autonomous struggles occurred, and will continue to occur, outside of any party structure, or preconceived conception of social change. (6) Provides the elements of autonomous Marxist theory and practice and apply it to an understanding of Thailand 1. The Economic Crisis of 1997 and the Crisis of Economics 2 When the financial collapse began in Thailand in 1997 and quickly spread around the world, traditional economists realized that the assumptions which they had made about Thailand and the Asian economic miracle were simply incorrect. The "Tigers" turned out to be made of paper and not steel. The underlying development theories and policies were revealed as highly suspect if not largely bankrupt. But it was not the economists who paid the price for their errors. Over the years following the crisis of 1997 the Thai people, as so often in the past, were submitted to another round of suffering, including massive unemployment and increased poverty. To many people the 1997 crisis appeared be caused by either greedy politicians, financial mismanagement by banks, by foreign investors, or by excessive exposure to the world economy. This has resulted in a deepening sense of nationalism and a desire for economic self-reliance. Meanwhile, along the corridors of the World Bank, I.M.F., Wall Street, and academia, politicians, investors, and economists still ask "how could the Asian economic miracle in Thailand have evaporated?" 3 The business press, usually closer to the realities of economic life (i.e. to business profitability), had warned of the contradictions that this particular stage of capitalist accumulation. In the mid-1990's, it focused on the structural problems of the "real economy" and, without using this language directly, on the underlying class relations of accumulation. The cover story and lead article of Business Week (2/12/1996) read: "Time for a Reality Check in Asia. As the miracle economies slow down, their hidden problems start to appear." This article focused on the growing problem across many countries in the region of rising wages,
"Men invented soul, philosophy, religion. Women have perceptions that are difficult to describe, ... more "Men invented soul, philosophy, religion. Women have perceptions that are difficult to describe, at least in intellectual terms. These perceptions come instantly from intuition, and the women trust them... The restrictions of women's lives, confined to the personal, also created in us qualities men lost to a degree in a competitive world. I think woman retains a more human relationship to human beings and is not corrupted by the impersonality of powerful interests. I have watched women in law, in politics, and in education. Because of her gift for personal relationships she deals more effectively with injustice, war, prejudice. I have a dream about woman pouring into all professions a new quality. I was a different world, not the same world, born of men's need for power thta is the origin of war and injustice. We have to create a new woman." Anais Nin, In Favor of the Sensitive Man pp. 22, 28-29, (Emphasis added). They (men) are driven by instincts not within their control... True, they had power and money but only at the cost of harboring in their breasts an eagle, a vulture, for ever tearing the liver out and plucking at the lungs-the
Thailand has experienced extraordinary demographic change and record-breaking economic growth dur... more Thailand has experienced extraordinary demographic change and record-breaking economic growth during the last few decades. This study uses a recently developed projection model幽OMES, Household Model for Economic and Social Studies葉o examine the ...
The central task in discussing the evolution of the economy of Thailand is that of correctly iden... more The central task in discussing the evolution of the economy of Thailand is that of correctly identifying the modus operandi of the social order and the main determining forces which gave it particular shape in successive historical periods. Any such attempt presupposes a specific framework-a prior methodology. Perhaps the single most important question posed by the study of Thai history is whether it should be seen "from above" or "from below." Some treatments, including those of the traditional Thai chroniclers, view history as having been made by kings, nobles, and heads of governments-that is, from the top of society, with decisions filtering down to lower levels. On the other hand, there is a history which stresses the importance of decisions made by producers at the bottom of society, whose actions are seen to be primary determinants of the course of events. Still another view explains history in terms of impersonal random or "accidental" factors, such as those of trade or market forces. This paper will, in contrast to the approaches mentioned, adopt a dialectical view, arguing that the economic evolution of Thailand is not the result of a simple linear evolution but of the dynamic interplay between those at the top and those at the bottom of society and also of forces both within and outside the country. The paper will employ a politico-economic approach. Its underlying assumption is that the economic evolution is not random but can be understood systematically, and reflects the importance of political as well as economic decisions. The exercise of power by external colonial powers is, it will be argued, crucial to understanding the development and maintenance of an export-oriented agricultural economy in the late 19 th century. This does not deny the willingness of Thai leaders to go along with this policy, but it does underline the biased nature of
This chapter: (1) demonstrates the importance of a new cycle of struggle in Thailand, which succe... more This chapter: (1) demonstrates the importance of a new cycle of struggle in Thailand, which successfully challenged and transformed the ongoing regime of capitalist development in the 1990's. (2) Contributes to an understanding of the power and potential of this challenge for the future transformation of Thailand. (3) Challenges mainstream interpretations of the crisis of the 1990's, and of the ongoing "solutions" to the crisis which have been pursued by the Thai capitalist class. (4) Recognizes the central role played by women in the new cycle of struggle due to their critical position within the economy, as waged and unwaged workers, and to their capacity to challenge the patriarchal structure of Thai capitalism. (5) Creates a clear distance from crude Leninist politics, of which all of the many sectarian variations share the view that there is a separation between class struggle and "politics." The latter is the seen as the preserve of the party and is separate from the autonomous struggles of the people. Most mechanical Marxists also see workers as victims of the impersonal forces of capitalist crises. But it is Thai men and women through their multiple struggles for social justice that brought the regime into crisis and into a search for a new basis for capital accumulation. These autonomous struggles occurred, and will continue to occur, outside of any party structure, or preconceived conception of social change. (6) Provides the elements of autonomous Marxist theory and practice and apply it to an understanding of Thailand 1. The Economic Crisis of 1997 and the Crisis of Economics 2 When the financial collapse began in Thailand in 1997 and quickly spread around the world, traditional economists realized that the assumptions which they had made about Thailand and the Asian economic miracle were simply incorrect. The "Tigers" turned out to be made of paper and not steel. The underlying development theories and policies were revealed as highly suspect if not largely bankrupt. But it was not the economists who paid the price for their errors. Over the years following the crisis of 1997 the Thai people, as so often in the past, were submitted to another round of suffering, including massive unemployment and increased poverty. To many people the 1997 crisis appeared be caused by either greedy politicians, financial mismanagement by banks, by foreign investors, or by excessive exposure to the world economy. This has resulted in a deepening sense of nationalism and a desire for economic self-reliance. Meanwhile, along the corridors of the World Bank, I.M.F., Wall Street, and academia, politicians, investors, and economists still ask "how could the Asian economic miracle in Thailand have evaporated?" 3 The business press, usually closer to the realities of economic life (i.e. to business profitability), had warned of the contradictions that this particular stage of capitalist accumulation. In the mid-1990's, it focused on the structural problems of the "real economy" and, without using this language directly, on the underlying class relations of accumulation. The cover story and lead article of Business Week (2/12/1996) read: "Time for a Reality Check in Asia. As the miracle economies slow down, their hidden problems start to appear." This article focused on the growing problem across many countries in the region of rising wages,
"Men invented soul, philosophy, religion. Women have perceptions that are difficult to describe, ... more "Men invented soul, philosophy, religion. Women have perceptions that are difficult to describe, at least in intellectual terms. These perceptions come instantly from intuition, and the women trust them... The restrictions of women's lives, confined to the personal, also created in us qualities men lost to a degree in a competitive world. I think woman retains a more human relationship to human beings and is not corrupted by the impersonality of powerful interests. I have watched women in law, in politics, and in education. Because of her gift for personal relationships she deals more effectively with injustice, war, prejudice. I have a dream about woman pouring into all professions a new quality. I was a different world, not the same world, born of men's need for power thta is the origin of war and injustice. We have to create a new woman." Anais Nin, In Favor of the Sensitive Man pp. 22, 28-29, (Emphasis added). They (men) are driven by instincts not within their control... True, they had power and money but only at the cost of harboring in their breasts an eagle, a vulture, for ever tearing the liver out and plucking at the lungs-the
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