Captain Sarabjeet S Parmar is a retired Indian Naval Officer who has written and spoken extensively on maritime security and strategy issues at various national and international conferences. He was member of the XI Indian Antarctic Summer Expedition in 1991. He has been a Research Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and also worked in the Indian Navy’s strategic apex level offices where, as part of the core team published the Indian Navy’s unclassified maritime security strategy document titled Ensuring Secure Seas in 2015, carried out regional maritime assessments and completed the doctrine development plan. He joined the NMF in April 2018 as Senior Fellow and was the Executive Director from 04 June 2019 to 31 January 2022, and Senior Fellow at the NMF from January 2022 to June 2023. He retired from the Indian Navy on 30 June 2023 after 36 years of service and is presently a Distinguished Fellow at the United Service Institute of India, New Delhi, and Council for Strategic and Defence Research, New Delhi. He looks at maritime strategy and security related aspects in the Indo-Pacific, piracy, and international maritime law with a focus on lawfare. Phone: +919999194702
Journal of Indian Ocean Studies Vol 32 No2 May to Aug 2024, 2024
India’s vison of Security and Growth for all in the Region (SAGAR) encompasses a host of policies... more India’s vison of Security and Growth for all in the Region (SAGAR) encompasses a host of policies of which Neighbourhood First is an important element. India’s Ministry of External Affairs tags the policy as an ‘Institutional Priority’ which “….guides its approach towards the management of relations with countries in its immediate neighbourhood, that is, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. The Neighbourhood First policy, inter alia, is aimed at enhancing physical, digital and people to people connectivity across the region, as well as augmenting trade and commerce.” China’s inroads into the Indian Ocean Region, especially the neighbourhood has given rise to a number of challenges, threats and risks for India’s Neighbourhood First Policy. Added to this is the concern of India’s decline as a regional power due to the thrust on India’s growth as a global power. The reducing focus, and relative lower number of engagements, in the neighbourhood, as compared to the larger focus on the ‘Extended Neighbourhood’ specifically the broader Indo-Pacific and global platforms is not only impacting the policy of Neighbourhood First but will, in the long run, impact India’s growth and position as a global power. The absence of a published ‘National Security and Foreign Policy Strategy’ further raises questions regarding guidance with respect to priorities and inter-related objectives, both short and long term. While the aspect of a published National Security and Foreign Policy Strategy is considered vital, this paper will focus on the current status of India’s Neighbourhood Policy first and the impact of China’s presence in the neighbourhood on the policy. The paper will also seek to provide workable avenues that could reverse the decline and strengthen India’s policy of Neighbourhood First, and therefore position as a regional power.
Turkey is expanding its strategic presence in the Indian Ocean Region through agreements with Som... more Turkey is expanding its strategic presence in the Indian Ocean Region through agreements with Somalia, involvement in regional disputes, and defense industry expansion. This growing influence, coupled with China’s presence, poses complex challenges for India, potentially limiting its regional policy space and requiring a recalibration of its Indian Ocean strategy.
India's maritime security strategy in the IOR operates under the vision of SAGAR (Security and Gr... more India's maritime security strategy in the IOR operates under the vision of SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) and engages nations and their maritime forces under cooperative mechanisms that stem from existing bilateral and multilateral organisations and understandings. The central focus of these engagements, which are based on inclusivity, is on non-traditional threats that threaten the stability, security and peace of the region. Further, central to these structures and frameworks, is a common thread that seeks to address threats, challenges and risks arising from the maritime domain while maximising on the cooperative opportunities that arise as part of the addressal mechanism.
China's recent kinetic actions and assault on Philippines boats supplying the Second Thomas Shoal... more China's recent kinetic actions and assault on Philippines boats supplying the Second Thomas Shoal outpost raises issues and questions related to response mechanisms stemming from Armed Attack, Acts of Aggression and Self-Defence. These merit the attention of the US and its allies which are subject to Chinese provocations in the South China Sea. It also merits the attention of US allies and strategic partners like India who also face provocation on land and possibly may face similar situations on the seas in the future.
Addressing non-traditional maritime threats forms the major basis of
cooperation in the maritime ... more Addressing non-traditional maritime threats forms the major basis of cooperation in the maritime domain. The varying degrees of instability and security related issues in the Indian Ocean Region and South China Sea provide India and ASEAN a large menu of threats and cooperative mechanisms to work together. This commentary analyses various aspects that can provide options for India and ASEAN to work together in the Indo-Pacific and address the multitude of common non-traditional maritime threats.
Mankind has been landing troops by seagoing vessels on foreign shores since time immemorial. In 1... more Mankind has been landing troops by seagoing vessels on foreign shores since time immemorial. In 1200 BCE, to attack Troy, the Greeks had to make a shore landing, as did the Persians prior to the Battle of Marathon in 490 BCE. Both the world wars saw several amphibious landings, the most prominent ones being Gallipoli in 1915 and Normandy in 1944. During World War 2 the Pacific Theatre witnessed many amphibious operations. Over time the complexity of amphibious operations increased with technologically enhanced land power, and the advent of maritime and air power, all of which necessitated a high degree of joint planning and flexibility of execution. This article will analyse amphibious operations in the contemporary context and examine if there is a need for a hard reset in the Indian context.
In the 18 January 2024 edition of the Indian newspaper The Hindu, I analyse the Red Sea situation... more In the 18 January 2024 edition of the Indian newspaper The Hindu, I analyse the Red Sea situation, specifically how nations are operating and how the Houthis are taking advantage of the situation.
Parmar articulates how geographical, historical, and strategic influences have forged the maritim... more Parmar articulates how geographical, historical, and strategic influences have forged the maritime security scenario in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). The chapter looks at India’s naval growth trajectory, relations with intra-regional and extra-regional powers, balancing traditional and non-traditional security challenges issues in a U.S. dominated unipolar world, while trying to promote a multipolar world with India as a pole. He examines U.S. interests, and growing Chinese influence, and highlights that India’s aim is to ensure a secure and stable IOR by engagement and cooperation. He also identifies these aspects as drivers influencing development of Indian naval capabilities. However, India’s growing maritime outlook would continue to be overshadowed by the continental challenges, specifically with respect to Pakistan and China.
It is an exceptional delight to be present on an occasion where one receives multiple perspective... more It is an exceptional delight to be present on an occasion where one receives multiple perspectives of the opportunities and challenges of the Indo-Pacific from a multiplicity of eminent personalities, who are either holding or have held public office, and, more importantly, steered national policies to positive logical conclusions. The inaugural Indo-Pacific Regional Dialogue 2018, held in New Delhi, on 21 and 22 February 2018, was one such event where views from India, Sri Lanka and the United Kingdom (UK) were aired in the opening session and set the stage for the dialogue. The speakers included Admiral RK Dhowan (Retd), Chairman National Maritime Foundation (NMF); Admiral Sunil Lanba, Chief of the Naval Staff, India; Admiral RC Wijegunaratne, Chief of Defence Staff, Sri Lanka; Stephen Lovegrove, Permanent Secretary of Defence, United Kingdom; Nirmala Sitharaman, Hon’ble Defence Minister, India; and Nitin Gadkari, Hon’ble Minister for Road Transport & Highways, Shipping and Water ...
Changes in the Arctic topography due to climate change have resulted in the region, which erstwhi... more Changes in the Arctic topography due to climate change have resulted in the region, which erstwhile was remote with little accessibility, to being accessible with potential natural resources and attractive navigable sea areas. The prospects have also influenced the strategic contours of the Arctic and brought in many actors that view the region as a resource-rich area with viable commercial interests. The Arctic attraction has gained significance as an economic goldmine with estimates indicating the region to hold about 22 per cent of the undiscovered, technically recoverable resources in the world. The approximate breakdown as per a US Geological Survey report is about 13 per cent of the undiscovered oil, 30 per cent of the undiscovered natural gas, and 20 per cent of the undiscovered natural gas liquids in the world. About 84 per cent of the estimated resources are expected to occur offshore.1 The Arctic is considered a stable region due to tacit understandings, mutual trust and well established mechanisms that exist between the Arctic nations that are based on international law, existing frameworks and diplomatic overtures. However, there are underlying stress points that cannot be ignored and these include overlapping maritime claims, interpretation of the laws involved (specifically UNCLOS), a growing dependency on the region to fuel national energy and a slow militarisation of the region brought about by nations shifting focus on their Arctic military capabilities and capacities. These stresses could threaten the prevailing peace and stability and lead to a possible conflict where national interests, especially sovereignty issues, clash. This article will examine the growing, albeit slow militarisation that could lead to potential conflict despite the growing cooperation in the Arctic.
Recently, India's Chief of the Naval Staff Admiral R. Hari Kumar announced the repeat order for a... more Recently, India's Chief of the Naval Staff Admiral R. Hari Kumar announced the repeat order for an Indigenous Aircraft Carrier, which would be the third aircraft carrier acquired for the Indian Navy. There is a need to address the requirements of IACs in the Indian Navy, such as numbers and employability, as well as any potential gaps in the carriers' operational availability and construction that could result in a major maritime capability void.
This short paper places in context the India story of seeking self reliance in aircraft and helic... more This short paper places in context the India story of seeking self reliance in aircraft and helicopter engines.
ORF Special Report No 211 on India-Korea Relations in the Emerging Dynamics of the Indo-Pacific, 2023
Chapter 4 which is part of the ORF Special Report No 211on India-Korea Relations in the Emerging ... more Chapter 4 which is part of the ORF Special Report No 211on India-Korea Relations in the Emerging Dynamics of the Indo-Pacific examines the gaps and potential of maritime cooperation between the two nations through the lens of the historic connect, geographical distance in the Indo-Pacific, and engagement opportunities from the strategic to the operational level.
The regional dynamics of the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR), particularly maritime security-related, a... more The regional dynamics of the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR), particularly maritime security-related, are distinctly different from other regions, especially Europe. There are existential sub-regional dynamics that vary across the IPR, which need to be viewed through an Indo-Pacific lens and not a European or NATO lens. This issue brief argues that while the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict may temporarily impact European maritime security interactions in the Indo-Pacific, there is a parallel need to enhance capacity and capability and organizational interactions to shape the European approach to the IPR and enhance its maritime footprint in line with the common aim of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific.
Canada’s Indo-Pacific strategy released on 27 November 2022 joins the increasing list of such st... more Canada’s Indo-Pacific strategy released on 27 November 2022 joins the increasing list of such strategies, and perhaps lays to rest the question asked after AUKUS was announced as to “Why is Canada missing from the Indo-Pacific?”. It was therefore a natural process for Canada, which is a member of the Five Eyes intelligence-sharing arrangement, to join the Anglosphere Indo-Pacific nations grouping consisting of Australia, New Zealand, United Kingdom (UK), and the United States (US). Furthermore, Canada is “overwhelmingly dependent on Pacific-based maritime trade, freedom of navigation, and maintenance of the rules-based order of ocean governance, security, and safety of shipping”, which adds to its major interest in the Indo-Pacific. Therefore, the pressure grew on Canada “to take a bigger part in the Indo-Pacific’s development and support for a rules-based order or risk getting locked out of the region’s economic, diplomatic and security benefits.” These aspects will add to the bouquet of threats, challenges, risks, and opportunities that Canada as a North American continental nation with shorelines on three oceans faces, and Ottawa will need to address these issues to become an acknowledged Indo-Pacific Nation. This paper examines the factors that drive Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy and aspects that merit attention.
The Republic of Korea’s (RoKs) Indo-Pacific Strategy , released on 28 December 2022, signifies a ... more The Republic of Korea’s (RoKs) Indo-Pacific Strategy , released on 28 December 2022, signifies a major shift in Seoul’s foreign policy, moving from a close regional focus to the broader Indo-Pacific. Steps taken by previous South Korean Presidents signify a mix of continuity and incremental steps taken to diversify foreign policy. This strategy opens a new vista of foreign policy dynamics and engagements as it recognises that the Indo-Pacific stretches from the African coast in the Indian Ocean to the Americas. The strategy is ambitious and looks at engaging nations, across six sub-regions of the Indo-Pacific (including Europe), via nine Core Lines of Effort (CLOE’s) to attain the vision of a Free, Peaceful, and Prosperous Indo-Pacific. Three aspects that clearly stand out are: the inclusivity factor, the aspiration to evolve as a Global Pivotal State (GPS), and the positing of South Korea as an Open Trading Nation that Aspires to Contribute to Global Peace. This paper will analyse RoK’s strategy for the Indo-Pacific Region and highlight pertinent aspects that merit attention.
Journal of Indian Ocean Studies Vol 32 No2 May to Aug 2024, 2024
India’s vison of Security and Growth for all in the Region (SAGAR) encompasses a host of policies... more India’s vison of Security and Growth for all in the Region (SAGAR) encompasses a host of policies of which Neighbourhood First is an important element. India’s Ministry of External Affairs tags the policy as an ‘Institutional Priority’ which “….guides its approach towards the management of relations with countries in its immediate neighbourhood, that is, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. The Neighbourhood First policy, inter alia, is aimed at enhancing physical, digital and people to people connectivity across the region, as well as augmenting trade and commerce.” China’s inroads into the Indian Ocean Region, especially the neighbourhood has given rise to a number of challenges, threats and risks for India’s Neighbourhood First Policy. Added to this is the concern of India’s decline as a regional power due to the thrust on India’s growth as a global power. The reducing focus, and relative lower number of engagements, in the neighbourhood, as compared to the larger focus on the ‘Extended Neighbourhood’ specifically the broader Indo-Pacific and global platforms is not only impacting the policy of Neighbourhood First but will, in the long run, impact India’s growth and position as a global power. The absence of a published ‘National Security and Foreign Policy Strategy’ further raises questions regarding guidance with respect to priorities and inter-related objectives, both short and long term. While the aspect of a published National Security and Foreign Policy Strategy is considered vital, this paper will focus on the current status of India’s Neighbourhood Policy first and the impact of China’s presence in the neighbourhood on the policy. The paper will also seek to provide workable avenues that could reverse the decline and strengthen India’s policy of Neighbourhood First, and therefore position as a regional power.
Turkey is expanding its strategic presence in the Indian Ocean Region through agreements with Som... more Turkey is expanding its strategic presence in the Indian Ocean Region through agreements with Somalia, involvement in regional disputes, and defense industry expansion. This growing influence, coupled with China’s presence, poses complex challenges for India, potentially limiting its regional policy space and requiring a recalibration of its Indian Ocean strategy.
India's maritime security strategy in the IOR operates under the vision of SAGAR (Security and Gr... more India's maritime security strategy in the IOR operates under the vision of SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) and engages nations and their maritime forces under cooperative mechanisms that stem from existing bilateral and multilateral organisations and understandings. The central focus of these engagements, which are based on inclusivity, is on non-traditional threats that threaten the stability, security and peace of the region. Further, central to these structures and frameworks, is a common thread that seeks to address threats, challenges and risks arising from the maritime domain while maximising on the cooperative opportunities that arise as part of the addressal mechanism.
China's recent kinetic actions and assault on Philippines boats supplying the Second Thomas Shoal... more China's recent kinetic actions and assault on Philippines boats supplying the Second Thomas Shoal outpost raises issues and questions related to response mechanisms stemming from Armed Attack, Acts of Aggression and Self-Defence. These merit the attention of the US and its allies which are subject to Chinese provocations in the South China Sea. It also merits the attention of US allies and strategic partners like India who also face provocation on land and possibly may face similar situations on the seas in the future.
Addressing non-traditional maritime threats forms the major basis of
cooperation in the maritime ... more Addressing non-traditional maritime threats forms the major basis of cooperation in the maritime domain. The varying degrees of instability and security related issues in the Indian Ocean Region and South China Sea provide India and ASEAN a large menu of threats and cooperative mechanisms to work together. This commentary analyses various aspects that can provide options for India and ASEAN to work together in the Indo-Pacific and address the multitude of common non-traditional maritime threats.
Mankind has been landing troops by seagoing vessels on foreign shores since time immemorial. In 1... more Mankind has been landing troops by seagoing vessels on foreign shores since time immemorial. In 1200 BCE, to attack Troy, the Greeks had to make a shore landing, as did the Persians prior to the Battle of Marathon in 490 BCE. Both the world wars saw several amphibious landings, the most prominent ones being Gallipoli in 1915 and Normandy in 1944. During World War 2 the Pacific Theatre witnessed many amphibious operations. Over time the complexity of amphibious operations increased with technologically enhanced land power, and the advent of maritime and air power, all of which necessitated a high degree of joint planning and flexibility of execution. This article will analyse amphibious operations in the contemporary context and examine if there is a need for a hard reset in the Indian context.
In the 18 January 2024 edition of the Indian newspaper The Hindu, I analyse the Red Sea situation... more In the 18 January 2024 edition of the Indian newspaper The Hindu, I analyse the Red Sea situation, specifically how nations are operating and how the Houthis are taking advantage of the situation.
Parmar articulates how geographical, historical, and strategic influences have forged the maritim... more Parmar articulates how geographical, historical, and strategic influences have forged the maritime security scenario in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). The chapter looks at India’s naval growth trajectory, relations with intra-regional and extra-regional powers, balancing traditional and non-traditional security challenges issues in a U.S. dominated unipolar world, while trying to promote a multipolar world with India as a pole. He examines U.S. interests, and growing Chinese influence, and highlights that India’s aim is to ensure a secure and stable IOR by engagement and cooperation. He also identifies these aspects as drivers influencing development of Indian naval capabilities. However, India’s growing maritime outlook would continue to be overshadowed by the continental challenges, specifically with respect to Pakistan and China.
It is an exceptional delight to be present on an occasion where one receives multiple perspective... more It is an exceptional delight to be present on an occasion where one receives multiple perspectives of the opportunities and challenges of the Indo-Pacific from a multiplicity of eminent personalities, who are either holding or have held public office, and, more importantly, steered national policies to positive logical conclusions. The inaugural Indo-Pacific Regional Dialogue 2018, held in New Delhi, on 21 and 22 February 2018, was one such event where views from India, Sri Lanka and the United Kingdom (UK) were aired in the opening session and set the stage for the dialogue. The speakers included Admiral RK Dhowan (Retd), Chairman National Maritime Foundation (NMF); Admiral Sunil Lanba, Chief of the Naval Staff, India; Admiral RC Wijegunaratne, Chief of Defence Staff, Sri Lanka; Stephen Lovegrove, Permanent Secretary of Defence, United Kingdom; Nirmala Sitharaman, Hon’ble Defence Minister, India; and Nitin Gadkari, Hon’ble Minister for Road Transport & Highways, Shipping and Water ...
Changes in the Arctic topography due to climate change have resulted in the region, which erstwhi... more Changes in the Arctic topography due to climate change have resulted in the region, which erstwhile was remote with little accessibility, to being accessible with potential natural resources and attractive navigable sea areas. The prospects have also influenced the strategic contours of the Arctic and brought in many actors that view the region as a resource-rich area with viable commercial interests. The Arctic attraction has gained significance as an economic goldmine with estimates indicating the region to hold about 22 per cent of the undiscovered, technically recoverable resources in the world. The approximate breakdown as per a US Geological Survey report is about 13 per cent of the undiscovered oil, 30 per cent of the undiscovered natural gas, and 20 per cent of the undiscovered natural gas liquids in the world. About 84 per cent of the estimated resources are expected to occur offshore.1 The Arctic is considered a stable region due to tacit understandings, mutual trust and well established mechanisms that exist between the Arctic nations that are based on international law, existing frameworks and diplomatic overtures. However, there are underlying stress points that cannot be ignored and these include overlapping maritime claims, interpretation of the laws involved (specifically UNCLOS), a growing dependency on the region to fuel national energy and a slow militarisation of the region brought about by nations shifting focus on their Arctic military capabilities and capacities. These stresses could threaten the prevailing peace and stability and lead to a possible conflict where national interests, especially sovereignty issues, clash. This article will examine the growing, albeit slow militarisation that could lead to potential conflict despite the growing cooperation in the Arctic.
Recently, India's Chief of the Naval Staff Admiral R. Hari Kumar announced the repeat order for a... more Recently, India's Chief of the Naval Staff Admiral R. Hari Kumar announced the repeat order for an Indigenous Aircraft Carrier, which would be the third aircraft carrier acquired for the Indian Navy. There is a need to address the requirements of IACs in the Indian Navy, such as numbers and employability, as well as any potential gaps in the carriers' operational availability and construction that could result in a major maritime capability void.
This short paper places in context the India story of seeking self reliance in aircraft and helic... more This short paper places in context the India story of seeking self reliance in aircraft and helicopter engines.
ORF Special Report No 211 on India-Korea Relations in the Emerging Dynamics of the Indo-Pacific, 2023
Chapter 4 which is part of the ORF Special Report No 211on India-Korea Relations in the Emerging ... more Chapter 4 which is part of the ORF Special Report No 211on India-Korea Relations in the Emerging Dynamics of the Indo-Pacific examines the gaps and potential of maritime cooperation between the two nations through the lens of the historic connect, geographical distance in the Indo-Pacific, and engagement opportunities from the strategic to the operational level.
The regional dynamics of the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR), particularly maritime security-related, a... more The regional dynamics of the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR), particularly maritime security-related, are distinctly different from other regions, especially Europe. There are existential sub-regional dynamics that vary across the IPR, which need to be viewed through an Indo-Pacific lens and not a European or NATO lens. This issue brief argues that while the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict may temporarily impact European maritime security interactions in the Indo-Pacific, there is a parallel need to enhance capacity and capability and organizational interactions to shape the European approach to the IPR and enhance its maritime footprint in line with the common aim of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific.
Canada’s Indo-Pacific strategy released on 27 November 2022 joins the increasing list of such st... more Canada’s Indo-Pacific strategy released on 27 November 2022 joins the increasing list of such strategies, and perhaps lays to rest the question asked after AUKUS was announced as to “Why is Canada missing from the Indo-Pacific?”. It was therefore a natural process for Canada, which is a member of the Five Eyes intelligence-sharing arrangement, to join the Anglosphere Indo-Pacific nations grouping consisting of Australia, New Zealand, United Kingdom (UK), and the United States (US). Furthermore, Canada is “overwhelmingly dependent on Pacific-based maritime trade, freedom of navigation, and maintenance of the rules-based order of ocean governance, security, and safety of shipping”, which adds to its major interest in the Indo-Pacific. Therefore, the pressure grew on Canada “to take a bigger part in the Indo-Pacific’s development and support for a rules-based order or risk getting locked out of the region’s economic, diplomatic and security benefits.” These aspects will add to the bouquet of threats, challenges, risks, and opportunities that Canada as a North American continental nation with shorelines on three oceans faces, and Ottawa will need to address these issues to become an acknowledged Indo-Pacific Nation. This paper examines the factors that drive Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy and aspects that merit attention.
The Republic of Korea’s (RoKs) Indo-Pacific Strategy , released on 28 December 2022, signifies a ... more The Republic of Korea’s (RoKs) Indo-Pacific Strategy , released on 28 December 2022, signifies a major shift in Seoul’s foreign policy, moving from a close regional focus to the broader Indo-Pacific. Steps taken by previous South Korean Presidents signify a mix of continuity and incremental steps taken to diversify foreign policy. This strategy opens a new vista of foreign policy dynamics and engagements as it recognises that the Indo-Pacific stretches from the African coast in the Indian Ocean to the Americas. The strategy is ambitious and looks at engaging nations, across six sub-regions of the Indo-Pacific (including Europe), via nine Core Lines of Effort (CLOE’s) to attain the vision of a Free, Peaceful, and Prosperous Indo-Pacific. Three aspects that clearly stand out are: the inclusivity factor, the aspiration to evolve as a Global Pivotal State (GPS), and the positing of South Korea as an Open Trading Nation that Aspires to Contribute to Global Peace. This paper will analyse RoK’s strategy for the Indo-Pacific Region and highlight pertinent aspects that merit attention.
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Papers by sarabjeet parmar
cooperation in the maritime domain. The varying degrees of instability and security related issues in the Indian Ocean Region and South China Sea provide India and ASEAN a large menu of threats and cooperative mechanisms to work together. This commentary analyses various aspects that can provide options for India and ASEAN to work together in the Indo-Pacific and address the multitude of common non-traditional maritime threats.
cooperation in the maritime domain. The varying degrees of instability and security related issues in the Indian Ocean Region and South China Sea provide India and ASEAN a large menu of threats and cooperative mechanisms to work together. This commentary analyses various aspects that can provide options for India and ASEAN to work together in the Indo-Pacific and address the multitude of common non-traditional maritime threats.