Sandro Gobetti, independent social researcher, President of Association Basic Income Network Italy, work for national and international reseatche project, European funding project about welfare, minimum income schemes, basic income studies, labour transformations, social protection, social policy
A feeling of uncertainty about the future as well as the perception that the past classical secur... more A feeling of uncertainty about the future as well as the perception that the past classical securities are gone are widely spread among people. Criticism or disaffection affects the majority of the traditional political forces of the European continent. It is not possible to talk about the European crisis without referring to the crisis of the wage-based society. All political options of the past century have de facto put labour at the centre of society. The post-classical era got its start in the ’80s when, for the first time since World War II, the phenomenon of mass unemployment affected Europe. The crisis of wage labour cannot be regarded as a temporary economic conjuncture of an otherwise unlimited growth, all consequences of the phase must be contemplated in order to design at once a society based on new principles. For years, after the end of the Fordist system, nothing has been done to cope with the conditions of precarious workers. The issue of a guaranteed income is, there...
The persistence of the 2008 economic crisis and the failure of the European social model has beco... more The persistence of the 2008 economic crisis and the failure of the European social model has become increasingly evident. The vicious circle between macro-systemic crisis and the absence of a uniform social model leads us to question the most important shared values of Old Europe, based on social protection, access to education, healthcare and civil and social rights (Krugman 2016). We are at a critical point and several hypothetical solutions emerge: a renewal of coexistence across the continent; the idea of a two- (or more) speed Europe; a eurozone concurrent to political Europe; disintegration toward neonationalism; surviving by simply reproposing the same economic policies. Middle-class anxieties, widespread child poverty and the precariousness of young people trying to enter the labour market across Europe have ironically undermined commitments to social solidarity; if Europeans reach for neonationalist solutions in response to the universal threats of poverty and social and economic security, this will most certainly continue to undermine and indeed perhaps lead to the collapse of continental coexistence. In this case, we must follow a path of new redistributive policies and pay attention to social dynamics. When speaking of welfare, we must address the social contract providing the basis for the operation of society as a whole. It is time for a new social contract, starting with the relaunch of public welfare and particularly the right to a guaranteed minimum income as a pillar of a new continental policy. Guaranteed income is not a panacea, but it is a strategic element to stop and reverse the growth of economic inequality, provide a sustainable basis for people’s security and redistribute key resources in society.
Come è cambiata la soggettività precaria negli ultimi venti anni in Italia? Quali sono i bisogni&... more Come è cambiata la soggettività precaria negli ultimi venti anni in Italia? Quali sono i bisogni<br> e i sogni delle generazioni del lavoro "non standard" che si sono succedute e stratificate nel<br> tempo? A partire dalla ricerca svolta per il progetto europeo PIE News/Commonfare Horizon<br> 2020, il partner italiano Basic Income Network Italia (BIN Italia) ha raccolto in questo testo i<br> risultati dell'indagine qualitativa condotta sul campo. Dalle interviste e dai focus group,<br> organizzati a Roma e a Milano, emerge il racconto di un'esperienza che si è sviluppata tra<br> tensioni ambivalenti. Quasi un romanzo di formazione, dalla passione a una leggerezza<br> disincantata, dove la ricattabilità si accompagna al valore della autonomia, la povertà alla<br> ricchezza delle relazioni e dei saperi collettivi. Nello scenario di una trasformazione di<br> immense proporzioni che ha coinvolto il sistema produttiv...
Quaderni per il Reddito n°4 - Diritti sociali e reddito garantito pilastri per un’Europa 2.0 (ISSN 2611-5190), 2016
L'Europa agli albori del terzo millennio rischia di diventare il continente del nostro scontento:... more L'Europa agli albori del terzo millennio rischia di diventare il continente del nostro scontento: crisi economica, politiche di austerity, aumento della disoccupazione, della povertà, del rischio di esclusione sociale, avanzata delle destre nazionalistiche, xenofobe e anti-europeiste, crisi delle politiche dell'accoglienza, chiusura delle frontiere, crisi del processo di integrazione, cura dei soli interessi particolari di ogni stato, primato della finanza sulla politica, crisi del modello sociale e tagli al welfare. Un quadro ben distante da quello impresso tanto dai padri fondatori quanto dai più convinti promotori del continente dei diritti e del benessere sociale. Per mettere a fuoco un'Europa 2.0 occorre prima di tutto prendere atto delle tante scellerate ricette politiche ed economiche di questi ultimi anni: tra austerità, sostegni alla finanza e rigidità, come nei patti di stabilità, che tutte insieme vanno sicuramente a scapito delle politiche solidaristiche. L'Europa ha continuato, dopo lo scoppio della crisi, a perseguire le politiche neoliberiste che ne sono state la causa stessa. In particolare, nel contesto di un aggravamento delle condizioni sociali della popolazione (con circa 120 milioni di persone a rischio povertà), invece che aumentare le politiche sociali ha agito tagliando il welfare o ha introdotto politiche di workfare (che di fatto non hanno prodotto più lavoro, ma solo obblighi stringenti per i percettori dei sussidi e spesso formule utili ad alimentare manodopera a basso costo); nel pieno del turbine finanziario ha pensato di intervenire consegnando 80 miliardi di euro al mese alle banche attraverso il QE Quantitive Easing piuttosto che introdurre un reddito di base per tutti i cittadini del continente europeo
Se ha difundido entre la población una sensación de incertidumbre sobre el futuro, la percepción ... more Se ha difundido entre la población una sensación de incertidumbre sobre el futuro, la percepción de haber dejado atrás una clasicidad rota. La crítica o la desafección afectan a la mayoría de las fuerzas políticas tradicionales del continente europeo. Ante un delino social que despierta creciente reocupación, la sensación de que nos encontramos en una época intermedia es fuerte. Es imposible hablar de la crisis europea sin hacer referencia a la crisis de la sociedad salarial. Todas las opciones políticas del siglo pasado, tanto la liberal como la liberista, las progresistas, socialistas, comunistas o socialdemócratas, incluso las más radicales, han de facto puesto el trabajo en el centro de la sociedad, han hecho de él un eje-motor del desarrollo y por ende del bienestar económico, pero también de la emancipación de las masas y de los individuos. El trabajo, concebido como trabajo asalariado, incluso en las economías del llamado "socialismo real", era el fulcro alrededor del cual pivotaba y se fundamentaba toda la constitución material de la sociedad. Alrededor del sujeto trabajador, en virtud de su determinada posición social, se construían todos los derechos de naturaleza individual y colectiva, que protegían y valorizaban su específico rol de productor. Hasta hace unos pocos decenios era legítima la expectativa de entrar en la vida social encontrando un puesto de trabajo digno y razonablemente estable a lo largo de la vida, con progresiones de carreras programadas y con una cierta coherencia entre recorrido formativo y empleo. El trabajo, verdadero eje principal del sistema, se ubicaba exactamente en el centro del sistema social, como un anillo de unión entre lo público y lo privado: relativamente a la esfera pública, el trabajo era la contribución que el sujeto ofrecía al bienestar colectivo aún quedando, en la esfera privada, un medio de autorealización puramente individual. La centralidad del trabajo asalariado estaba además reafirmada por unas políticas públicas orientadas a alcanzar el objetivo del pleno empleo. Para cerrar el sistema se había construido un sistema de seguridad social capaz de neutralizar los riesgos que podrían haber puesto en peligro la capacidad de la prestación laboral: desempleo, enfermedad, mayor edad, cargos familiares. La centralidad del trabajo asalariado y el conjunto de las protecciones que de él se generaban, constituían un auténtico corpus de regulaciones compacto que, con toda razón, podemos definir clásico. Se trataba de un verdadero modelo, el que, precisamente, se halla comúnmente bajo el nombre de modelo social europeo. El primer fenómeno de desempleo masivo y la crisis de la sociedad asalariada
The Crisis of Labour, Widespread Precarity and Basic Income, 2016
A feeling of uncertainty about the future as well as the perception that the past classical secur... more A feeling of uncertainty about the future as well as the perception that the past classical securities are gone are widely spread among people. Criticism or disaffection affects the majority of the traditional political forces of the European continent. It is not possible to talk about the European crisis without referring to the crisis of the wage-based society. All political options of the past century have de facto put labour at the centre of society. The post-classical era got its start in the '80s when, for the first time since World War II, the phenomenon of mass unemployment affected Europe. The crisis of wage labour cannot be regarded as a temporary economic conjuncture of an otherwise unlimited growth, all consequences of the phase must be contemplated in order to design at once a society based on new principles. For years, after the end of the Fordist system, nothing has been done to cope with the conditions of precarious workers. The issue of a guaranteed income is, therefore, crucial and inescapable in order to exit this long-term European crisis. The European Union should take a stand on the protection of human dignity and on the "right to exist". Could basic income at the continental level be the basis for a social Europe? We are looking forward to it. It is not possible to talk about the European crisis without referring to the crisis of the wage-based society. All political options of the past century, liberalism or laissez-faire, progressivism, socialism, communism or the social democratic systems, and even the most radical ones, have de facto placed labour at the centre of society. They all not only regarded labour as the main engine of growth and economic well-being, but also as the driving force for the emancipation of the masses and the individuals. Even in the so-called "real socialist" economies, wage labour was one of the pillars on which the material constitution of society was based. All individual and collective rights pivoted on workers-by virtue of their own concrete social position-in order to protect and enhance their specific role as producers. Just a few decades ago, the expectation of access to social life by finding an appropriate and stable job with planned career progression, and with consistency between training and employment was legitimate. Labour was exactly at the centre of the social system; it was a link between the public and private sectors: in reference to the public sphere, labour represented the contribution each subject offered to collective well-being, although remaining, on private
A feeling of uncertainty about the future as well as the perception that the past classical secur... more A feeling of uncertainty about the future as well as the perception that the past classical securities are gone are widely spread among people. Criticism or disaffection affects the majority of the traditional political forces of the European continent. It is not possible to talk about the European crisis without referring to the crisis of the wage-based society. All political options of the past century have de facto put labour at the centre of society. The post-classical era got its start in the ’80s when, for the first time since World War II, the phenomenon of mass unemployment affected Europe. The crisis of wage labour cannot be regarded as a temporary economic conjuncture of an otherwise unlimited growth, all consequences of the phase must be contemplated in order to design at once a society based on new principles. For years, after the end of the Fordist system, nothing has been done to cope with the conditions of precarious workers. The issue of a guaranteed income is, there...
The persistence of the 2008 economic crisis and the failure of the European social model has beco... more The persistence of the 2008 economic crisis and the failure of the European social model has become increasingly evident. The vicious circle between macro-systemic crisis and the absence of a uniform social model leads us to question the most important shared values of Old Europe, based on social protection, access to education, healthcare and civil and social rights (Krugman 2016). We are at a critical point and several hypothetical solutions emerge: a renewal of coexistence across the continent; the idea of a two- (or more) speed Europe; a eurozone concurrent to political Europe; disintegration toward neonationalism; surviving by simply reproposing the same economic policies. Middle-class anxieties, widespread child poverty and the precariousness of young people trying to enter the labour market across Europe have ironically undermined commitments to social solidarity; if Europeans reach for neonationalist solutions in response to the universal threats of poverty and social and economic security, this will most certainly continue to undermine and indeed perhaps lead to the collapse of continental coexistence. In this case, we must follow a path of new redistributive policies and pay attention to social dynamics. When speaking of welfare, we must address the social contract providing the basis for the operation of society as a whole. It is time for a new social contract, starting with the relaunch of public welfare and particularly the right to a guaranteed minimum income as a pillar of a new continental policy. Guaranteed income is not a panacea, but it is a strategic element to stop and reverse the growth of economic inequality, provide a sustainable basis for people’s security and redistribute key resources in society.
Come è cambiata la soggettività precaria negli ultimi venti anni in Italia? Quali sono i bisogni&... more Come è cambiata la soggettività precaria negli ultimi venti anni in Italia? Quali sono i bisogni<br> e i sogni delle generazioni del lavoro "non standard" che si sono succedute e stratificate nel<br> tempo? A partire dalla ricerca svolta per il progetto europeo PIE News/Commonfare Horizon<br> 2020, il partner italiano Basic Income Network Italia (BIN Italia) ha raccolto in questo testo i<br> risultati dell'indagine qualitativa condotta sul campo. Dalle interviste e dai focus group,<br> organizzati a Roma e a Milano, emerge il racconto di un'esperienza che si è sviluppata tra<br> tensioni ambivalenti. Quasi un romanzo di formazione, dalla passione a una leggerezza<br> disincantata, dove la ricattabilità si accompagna al valore della autonomia, la povertà alla<br> ricchezza delle relazioni e dei saperi collettivi. Nello scenario di una trasformazione di<br> immense proporzioni che ha coinvolto il sistema produttiv...
Quaderni per il Reddito n°4 - Diritti sociali e reddito garantito pilastri per un’Europa 2.0 (ISSN 2611-5190), 2016
L'Europa agli albori del terzo millennio rischia di diventare il continente del nostro scontento:... more L'Europa agli albori del terzo millennio rischia di diventare il continente del nostro scontento: crisi economica, politiche di austerity, aumento della disoccupazione, della povertà, del rischio di esclusione sociale, avanzata delle destre nazionalistiche, xenofobe e anti-europeiste, crisi delle politiche dell'accoglienza, chiusura delle frontiere, crisi del processo di integrazione, cura dei soli interessi particolari di ogni stato, primato della finanza sulla politica, crisi del modello sociale e tagli al welfare. Un quadro ben distante da quello impresso tanto dai padri fondatori quanto dai più convinti promotori del continente dei diritti e del benessere sociale. Per mettere a fuoco un'Europa 2.0 occorre prima di tutto prendere atto delle tante scellerate ricette politiche ed economiche di questi ultimi anni: tra austerità, sostegni alla finanza e rigidità, come nei patti di stabilità, che tutte insieme vanno sicuramente a scapito delle politiche solidaristiche. L'Europa ha continuato, dopo lo scoppio della crisi, a perseguire le politiche neoliberiste che ne sono state la causa stessa. In particolare, nel contesto di un aggravamento delle condizioni sociali della popolazione (con circa 120 milioni di persone a rischio povertà), invece che aumentare le politiche sociali ha agito tagliando il welfare o ha introdotto politiche di workfare (che di fatto non hanno prodotto più lavoro, ma solo obblighi stringenti per i percettori dei sussidi e spesso formule utili ad alimentare manodopera a basso costo); nel pieno del turbine finanziario ha pensato di intervenire consegnando 80 miliardi di euro al mese alle banche attraverso il QE Quantitive Easing piuttosto che introdurre un reddito di base per tutti i cittadini del continente europeo
Se ha difundido entre la población una sensación de incertidumbre sobre el futuro, la percepción ... more Se ha difundido entre la población una sensación de incertidumbre sobre el futuro, la percepción de haber dejado atrás una clasicidad rota. La crítica o la desafección afectan a la mayoría de las fuerzas políticas tradicionales del continente europeo. Ante un delino social que despierta creciente reocupación, la sensación de que nos encontramos en una época intermedia es fuerte. Es imposible hablar de la crisis europea sin hacer referencia a la crisis de la sociedad salarial. Todas las opciones políticas del siglo pasado, tanto la liberal como la liberista, las progresistas, socialistas, comunistas o socialdemócratas, incluso las más radicales, han de facto puesto el trabajo en el centro de la sociedad, han hecho de él un eje-motor del desarrollo y por ende del bienestar económico, pero también de la emancipación de las masas y de los individuos. El trabajo, concebido como trabajo asalariado, incluso en las economías del llamado "socialismo real", era el fulcro alrededor del cual pivotaba y se fundamentaba toda la constitución material de la sociedad. Alrededor del sujeto trabajador, en virtud de su determinada posición social, se construían todos los derechos de naturaleza individual y colectiva, que protegían y valorizaban su específico rol de productor. Hasta hace unos pocos decenios era legítima la expectativa de entrar en la vida social encontrando un puesto de trabajo digno y razonablemente estable a lo largo de la vida, con progresiones de carreras programadas y con una cierta coherencia entre recorrido formativo y empleo. El trabajo, verdadero eje principal del sistema, se ubicaba exactamente en el centro del sistema social, como un anillo de unión entre lo público y lo privado: relativamente a la esfera pública, el trabajo era la contribución que el sujeto ofrecía al bienestar colectivo aún quedando, en la esfera privada, un medio de autorealización puramente individual. La centralidad del trabajo asalariado estaba además reafirmada por unas políticas públicas orientadas a alcanzar el objetivo del pleno empleo. Para cerrar el sistema se había construido un sistema de seguridad social capaz de neutralizar los riesgos que podrían haber puesto en peligro la capacidad de la prestación laboral: desempleo, enfermedad, mayor edad, cargos familiares. La centralidad del trabajo asalariado y el conjunto de las protecciones que de él se generaban, constituían un auténtico corpus de regulaciones compacto que, con toda razón, podemos definir clásico. Se trataba de un verdadero modelo, el que, precisamente, se halla comúnmente bajo el nombre de modelo social europeo. El primer fenómeno de desempleo masivo y la crisis de la sociedad asalariada
The Crisis of Labour, Widespread Precarity and Basic Income, 2016
A feeling of uncertainty about the future as well as the perception that the past classical secur... more A feeling of uncertainty about the future as well as the perception that the past classical securities are gone are widely spread among people. Criticism or disaffection affects the majority of the traditional political forces of the European continent. It is not possible to talk about the European crisis without referring to the crisis of the wage-based society. All political options of the past century have de facto put labour at the centre of society. The post-classical era got its start in the '80s when, for the first time since World War II, the phenomenon of mass unemployment affected Europe. The crisis of wage labour cannot be regarded as a temporary economic conjuncture of an otherwise unlimited growth, all consequences of the phase must be contemplated in order to design at once a society based on new principles. For years, after the end of the Fordist system, nothing has been done to cope with the conditions of precarious workers. The issue of a guaranteed income is, therefore, crucial and inescapable in order to exit this long-term European crisis. The European Union should take a stand on the protection of human dignity and on the "right to exist". Could basic income at the continental level be the basis for a social Europe? We are looking forward to it. It is not possible to talk about the European crisis without referring to the crisis of the wage-based society. All political options of the past century, liberalism or laissez-faire, progressivism, socialism, communism or the social democratic systems, and even the most radical ones, have de facto placed labour at the centre of society. They all not only regarded labour as the main engine of growth and economic well-being, but also as the driving force for the emancipation of the masses and the individuals. Even in the so-called "real socialist" economies, wage labour was one of the pillars on which the material constitution of society was based. All individual and collective rights pivoted on workers-by virtue of their own concrete social position-in order to protect and enhance their specific role as producers. Just a few decades ago, the expectation of access to social life by finding an appropriate and stable job with planned career progression, and with consistency between training and employment was legitimate. Labour was exactly at the centre of the social system; it was a link between the public and private sectors: in reference to the public sphere, labour represented the contribution each subject offered to collective well-being, although remaining, on private
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and civil and social rights (Krugman 2016).
We are at a critical point and several hypothetical solutions emerge: a renewal of coexistence across the continent; the idea of a two- (or more) speed Europe; a eurozone concurrent to political Europe; disintegration toward neonationalism; surviving by simply reproposing the same economic policies. Middle-class anxieties, widespread child
poverty and the precariousness of young people trying to enter the labour market across Europe have ironically undermined commitments to social solidarity; if Europeans reach for neonationalist solutions in response to the universal threats of poverty and social and economic security, this will most certainly continue to undermine and indeed perhaps lead to the collapse of continental coexistence.
In this case, we must follow a path of new redistributive policies and pay attention to social dynamics. When speaking of welfare, we must address the social contract providing the basis for the operation of society as a whole.
It is time for a new social contract, starting with the relaunch of public welfare and particularly the right to a guaranteed minimum income as a pillar of a new continental policy. Guaranteed income is not a panacea, but it is a strategic element to stop and reverse the growth of economic inequality, provide a sustainable basis for people’s security and redistribute key resources in society.
Per mettere a fuoco un'Europa 2.0 occorre prima di tutto prendere atto delle tante scellerate ricette politiche ed economiche di questi ultimi anni: tra austerità, sostegni alla finanza e rigidità, come nei patti di stabilità, che tutte insieme vanno sicuramente a scapito delle politiche solidaristiche.
L'Europa ha continuato, dopo lo scoppio della crisi, a perseguire le politiche neoliberiste che ne sono state la causa stessa. In particolare, nel contesto di un aggravamento delle condizioni sociali della popolazione (con circa 120 milioni di persone a rischio povertà), invece che aumentare le politiche sociali ha agito tagliando il welfare o ha introdotto politiche di workfare (che di fatto non hanno prodotto più lavoro, ma solo obblighi stringenti per i percettori dei sussidi e spesso formule utili ad alimentare manodopera a basso costo); nel pieno del turbine finanziario ha pensato di intervenire consegnando 80 miliardi di euro al mese alle banche attraverso il QE Quantitive Easing piuttosto che introdurre un reddito di base per tutti i cittadini del continente europeo
and civil and social rights (Krugman 2016).
We are at a critical point and several hypothetical solutions emerge: a renewal of coexistence across the continent; the idea of a two- (or more) speed Europe; a eurozone concurrent to political Europe; disintegration toward neonationalism; surviving by simply reproposing the same economic policies. Middle-class anxieties, widespread child
poverty and the precariousness of young people trying to enter the labour market across Europe have ironically undermined commitments to social solidarity; if Europeans reach for neonationalist solutions in response to the universal threats of poverty and social and economic security, this will most certainly continue to undermine and indeed perhaps lead to the collapse of continental coexistence.
In this case, we must follow a path of new redistributive policies and pay attention to social dynamics. When speaking of welfare, we must address the social contract providing the basis for the operation of society as a whole.
It is time for a new social contract, starting with the relaunch of public welfare and particularly the right to a guaranteed minimum income as a pillar of a new continental policy. Guaranteed income is not a panacea, but it is a strategic element to stop and reverse the growth of economic inequality, provide a sustainable basis for people’s security and redistribute key resources in society.
Per mettere a fuoco un'Europa 2.0 occorre prima di tutto prendere atto delle tante scellerate ricette politiche ed economiche di questi ultimi anni: tra austerità, sostegni alla finanza e rigidità, come nei patti di stabilità, che tutte insieme vanno sicuramente a scapito delle politiche solidaristiche.
L'Europa ha continuato, dopo lo scoppio della crisi, a perseguire le politiche neoliberiste che ne sono state la causa stessa. In particolare, nel contesto di un aggravamento delle condizioni sociali della popolazione (con circa 120 milioni di persone a rischio povertà), invece che aumentare le politiche sociali ha agito tagliando il welfare o ha introdotto politiche di workfare (che di fatto non hanno prodotto più lavoro, ma solo obblighi stringenti per i percettori dei sussidi e spesso formule utili ad alimentare manodopera a basso costo); nel pieno del turbine finanziario ha pensato di intervenire consegnando 80 miliardi di euro al mese alle banche attraverso il QE Quantitive Easing piuttosto che introdurre un reddito di base per tutti i cittadini del continente europeo