Cette these montre que la violence a suivi une geographie et un calendrier particuliers au cours ... more Cette these montre que la violence a suivi une geographie et un calendrier particuliers au cours de la deuxieme guerre civile au Sud Soudan. Elle n'a par consequent pas affecte les Sud Soudanais de maniere uniforme, en particulier les femmes. Dans les zones controlees par le SPLA (Sudan People 's Liberation Army), la guerilla entretenait une relation essentiellement extractive avec les civils, en particulier avec les femmes. Meme si la guerilla essaya de limiter les violations des droits de l'homme, elle instrumentalisa et marchandisa neanmoins les femmes pour soutenir sa lutte. Elle crea aussi, a terme, de nouvelles classes sociales, grâce a l'expansion des liens de parente. L'inclusion des femmes au sein du SPLM/A confirma la marchandisation des femmes et la formation de nouvelles classes sociales. Le SPLA ne remit pas en cause les structures sociales du Sud Soudan, et les femmes participerent a la lutte essentiellement dans des roles de soutien au combat. Neanmoins, la guerilla crea une elite feminine a travers les liens de parente. Cette nouvelle elite feminine agrandit son statut au milieu des annees 1990 grâce a la democratisation du mouvement, a son acces aux arenes internationales favorables au SPLA, et a l'expansion du role des femmes dans les processus de paix. Apres la guerre, les differences sociales entre les femmes furent amplifiees par la constitution de l'Etat semi-autonome. Le comportement des troupes du SPLA pendant la guerre influenca par la suite les nouvelles structures de pouvoir et, combine a l'acces nouveau aux ressources de l'Etat, il participa a la consolidation des classes sociales.
In this article, the author examines the roles of women during the second civil war of South Suda... more In this article, the author examines the roles of women during the second civil war of South Sudan (1983–2005) and how their contribution to the liberation struggle led by the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) is advertised by the new state in the postwar era. Pinaud analyzes the reasons behind the promotion of the women's battalion's history in the postwar era by the state, in contrast with its disregard for camp followers. Highlighting the different categories and socioethnic origins of female actors in the war, she subscribes to the idea developed by other authors that advertised myths and official state history are the products of an ideological selection operated by the group dominating the state. This article illustrates how, by silencing the history of the camp followers (particularly in the Equatorian region), the state effectively censors the wartime experiences of an entire segment of the population. The state fails to engage a negotiation of beliefs, which is formative of a collective memory that shapes a group's sense of shared experience and identity. The article thus brings new material to reflect on the social and political dynamics behind the formation of state history, collective memory and nationhood in South Sudan, a relatively new stream of research.
This article analyses marital practices in South Sudan’s second civil war and its aftermath. It f... more This article analyses marital practices in South Sudan’s second civil war and its aftermath. It focuses on inter-ethnic kinship military ties sealed through the patronage of marriage and through inter-ethnic marriages. It argues that the marriage market became part of the broader circuit of predation by different armed groups. Inter-ethnic marriages varied between different ethnic groups and served different goals. They were symptomatic of changing and deteriorating ethnic dynamics within the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and with the local population. Ordinary civilians attempted to resist increased inequalities on the marriage market, used by the military elite as a tool for class consolidation.
This article addresses the social and political implications of wartime and postwar resource capt... more This article addresses the social and political implications of wartime and postwar resource capture in South Sudan. It argues that predation by armed groups during the second civil war (1983–2005) initiated a process of dominant class formation, and demonstrates how, through various strategies of resource capture and kinship networks, commanders from the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) and other factions formed a new aristocracy – a " dominant class " that thinks of itself as " the best ". Drawing on Marcel Mauss's analysis of 'gifts', it describes how commanders, through gifts of bridewealth and wives to their subordinates, formed a lower stratum of followers that strengthened their position. After the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the military elite in power has maintained this lower stratum through the deployment of nepotistic and cliente-list networks. The article discusses three modes through which the elite has sought to distinguish itself, showing how the elite has used the lower stratum to demonstrate its prestige and influence in the postwar period, and how the elite's ostentation and widespread corruption have triggered popular resentment in which old ethnic enmities sometimes resurface.
AVERTISSEMENT : Les propos énoncés dans les études et Observatoires commandés et pilotés par la D... more AVERTISSEMENT : Les propos énoncés dans les études et Observatoires commandés et pilotés par la Direction Générale des Relations Internationales et de la Stratégie ne sauraient engager sa responsabilité, pas plus qu'ils ne reflètent une prise de position officielle du ministère de la Défense. Et le soutien de En collaboration avec
Cette these montre que la violence a suivi une geographie et un calendrier particuliers au cours ... more Cette these montre que la violence a suivi une geographie et un calendrier particuliers au cours de la deuxieme guerre civile au Sud Soudan. Elle n'a par consequent pas affecte les Sud Soudanais de maniere uniforme, en particulier les femmes. Dans les zones controlees par le SPLA (Sudan People 's Liberation Army), la guerilla entretenait une relation essentiellement extractive avec les civils, en particulier avec les femmes. Meme si la guerilla essaya de limiter les violations des droits de l'homme, elle instrumentalisa et marchandisa neanmoins les femmes pour soutenir sa lutte. Elle crea aussi, a terme, de nouvelles classes sociales, grâce a l'expansion des liens de parente. L'inclusion des femmes au sein du SPLM/A confirma la marchandisation des femmes et la formation de nouvelles classes sociales. Le SPLA ne remit pas en cause les structures sociales du Sud Soudan, et les femmes participerent a la lutte essentiellement dans des roles de soutien au combat. Neanmoins, la guerilla crea une elite feminine a travers les liens de parente. Cette nouvelle elite feminine agrandit son statut au milieu des annees 1990 grâce a la democratisation du mouvement, a son acces aux arenes internationales favorables au SPLA, et a l'expansion du role des femmes dans les processus de paix. Apres la guerre, les differences sociales entre les femmes furent amplifiees par la constitution de l'Etat semi-autonome. Le comportement des troupes du SPLA pendant la guerre influenca par la suite les nouvelles structures de pouvoir et, combine a l'acces nouveau aux ressources de l'Etat, il participa a la consolidation des classes sociales.
In this article, the author examines the roles of women during the second civil war of South Suda... more In this article, the author examines the roles of women during the second civil war of South Sudan (1983–2005) and how their contribution to the liberation struggle led by the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) is advertised by the new state in the postwar era. Pinaud analyzes the reasons behind the promotion of the women's battalion's history in the postwar era by the state, in contrast with its disregard for camp followers. Highlighting the different categories and socioethnic origins of female actors in the war, she subscribes to the idea developed by other authors that advertised myths and official state history are the products of an ideological selection operated by the group dominating the state. This article illustrates how, by silencing the history of the camp followers (particularly in the Equatorian region), the state effectively censors the wartime experiences of an entire segment of the population. The state fails to engage a negotiation of beliefs, which is formative of a collective memory that shapes a group's sense of shared experience and identity. The article thus brings new material to reflect on the social and political dynamics behind the formation of state history, collective memory and nationhood in South Sudan, a relatively new stream of research.
This article analyses marital practices in South Sudan’s second civil war and its aftermath. It f... more This article analyses marital practices in South Sudan’s second civil war and its aftermath. It focuses on inter-ethnic kinship military ties sealed through the patronage of marriage and through inter-ethnic marriages. It argues that the marriage market became part of the broader circuit of predation by different armed groups. Inter-ethnic marriages varied between different ethnic groups and served different goals. They were symptomatic of changing and deteriorating ethnic dynamics within the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and with the local population. Ordinary civilians attempted to resist increased inequalities on the marriage market, used by the military elite as a tool for class consolidation.
This article addresses the social and political implications of wartime and postwar resource capt... more This article addresses the social and political implications of wartime and postwar resource capture in South Sudan. It argues that predation by armed groups during the second civil war (1983–2005) initiated a process of dominant class formation, and demonstrates how, through various strategies of resource capture and kinship networks, commanders from the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) and other factions formed a new aristocracy – a " dominant class " that thinks of itself as " the best ". Drawing on Marcel Mauss's analysis of 'gifts', it describes how commanders, through gifts of bridewealth and wives to their subordinates, formed a lower stratum of followers that strengthened their position. After the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the military elite in power has maintained this lower stratum through the deployment of nepotistic and cliente-list networks. The article discusses three modes through which the elite has sought to distinguish itself, showing how the elite has used the lower stratum to demonstrate its prestige and influence in the postwar period, and how the elite's ostentation and widespread corruption have triggered popular resentment in which old ethnic enmities sometimes resurface.
AVERTISSEMENT : Les propos énoncés dans les études et Observatoires commandés et pilotés par la D... more AVERTISSEMENT : Les propos énoncés dans les études et Observatoires commandés et pilotés par la Direction Générale des Relations Internationales et de la Stratégie ne sauraient engager sa responsabilité, pas plus qu'ils ne reflètent une prise de position officielle du ministère de la Défense. Et le soutien de En collaboration avec
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