Proceedings of the 4th Conference on Central Asian Languages and Linguistics, 2021
This paper aims to give an overview of the Pashto ablative case from a diachronic and synchronic ... more This paper aims to give an overview of the Pashto ablative case from a diachronic and synchronic perspective. The existence of an ablative in Pashto is not a new idea; however, it is not accepted in every analysis of the language, and much of the attention focuses on the ablative singular morpheme-a which is characteristic of (many) masculine noun classes. Because the ablative is formally identical with the oblique in most feminine noun classes and always in the plural, the ablative is considered a "minor" case. However, this formal identity should not prevent us from analyzing forms which previously have been thought as oblique (feminine-e, plural-o) as partially ablative. In the second part of the paper, I focus on a historical analysis and show that the ablative-a has cognates in other Iranian languages, and that it goes back to the Old Iranian ablative and instrumental singulars of the a-stem nouns. Likewise, the formal identity of the ablative with other cases is nothing unique to Pashto, and is in fact in many noun classes inherited from Old and Middle Iranian.
Proceedings of the Workshop on Turkic and Languages in Contact with Turkic 6., 2021
In this paper, I argue that three morphological (morphosyntactic) features in Udmurt, Komi, Volga... more In this paper, I argue that three morphological (morphosyntactic) features in Udmurt, Komi, Volga Bulgarian and Chuvash show mutual influence between the Proto-Permic and Volga Bulgarian languages in the Volga-Kama area in the late first millennium CE: First, the formal identity of the Permic accusative and 3sg possessive suffixes which does not have parallels in Uralic but in Turkic. Second, the Volga Bulgarian and Chuvash plural marker-sem, which is unknown from other Turkic languages. Third, the prohibitive particle an in Chuvash, which does not have cognates in Turkic and is loaned from Proto-Permic.
This contribution deals with the etymology of the Pashto word zérma preparation; stockpiling, res... more This contribution deals with the etymology of the Pashto word zérma preparation; stockpiling, reserve. So far, an etymology for this word has not been found but the author strongly believes that zérma can be connected to two Avestan compounds as well as examples from Indo-Aryan. Its cognates reveal that the original meaning of zérma must have been (some kind of) houses, or huts, and that it developed its contemporary sense through an older storehouse.
It is a well-known fact that Pashto belongs to those Eastern Iranian languages which show lambdac... more It is a well-known fact that Pashto belongs to those Eastern Iranian languages which show lambdacism. While similarities exist with Bactrian and Munji-Yidgha, which also underwent lambdacism, the situation in Pashto is not exactly the same, and is in any case far more complicated. Especially interesting is in this respect the development of Old Iranian *t, which is sometimes shifted to l in Pashto proper and y in Waneci, sometimes yields the voiced dental d, or, as a third outcome, disappears in all varieties. In this paper, it is argued that the first lambdacism of (Old Iranian *d >) *δ > l, in the early first millennium CE, spread from Bactrian, the prestigious lingua franca of the Kushan and subsequent Empires, into the contemporary ancestors of Munji(-Yidgha), Pashto and Prasun. Almost a millennium later, there was another, geographically far more limited lambdacism. This time, one subgroup of Pashto, from which all Pashto proper dialects would emerge, changed, at least in certain environments, (Old Iranian *t >) *d > *δ to l, while it was changed to a palatal glide in Waneci. In other phonological environments, *d had disappeared before it could be shifted to l and y, respectively, and left no traces in contemporary dialects. In those cases where *t corresponds to d in all contemporary varieties of Pashto, we are dealing with a secondary restoration of the dental or sandhi which lead to a voicing of initial *t.
Proceedings of the 4th Conference on Central Asian Languages and Linguistics, 2021
This paper aims to give an overview of the Pashto ablative case from a diachronic and synchronic ... more This paper aims to give an overview of the Pashto ablative case from a diachronic and synchronic perspective. The existence of an ablative in Pashto is not a new idea; however, it is not accepted in every analysis of the language, and much of the attention focuses on the ablative singular morpheme-a which is characteristic of (many) masculine noun classes. Because the ablative is formally identical with the oblique in most feminine noun classes and always in the plural, the ablative is considered a "minor" case. However, this formal identity should not prevent us from analyzing forms which previously have been thought as oblique (feminine-e, plural-o) as partially ablative. In the second part of the paper, I focus on a historical analysis and show that the ablative-a has cognates in other Iranian languages, and that it goes back to the Old Iranian ablative and instrumental singulars of the a-stem nouns. Likewise, the formal identity of the ablative with other cases is nothing unique to Pashto, and is in fact in many noun classes inherited from Old and Middle Iranian.
Proceedings of the Workshop on Turkic and Languages in Contact with Turkic 6., 2021
In this paper, I argue that three morphological (morphosyntactic) features in Udmurt, Komi, Volga... more In this paper, I argue that three morphological (morphosyntactic) features in Udmurt, Komi, Volga Bulgarian and Chuvash show mutual influence between the Proto-Permic and Volga Bulgarian languages in the Volga-Kama area in the late first millennium CE: First, the formal identity of the Permic accusative and 3sg possessive suffixes which does not have parallels in Uralic but in Turkic. Second, the Volga Bulgarian and Chuvash plural marker-sem, which is unknown from other Turkic languages. Third, the prohibitive particle an in Chuvash, which does not have cognates in Turkic and is loaned from Proto-Permic.
This contribution deals with the etymology of the Pashto word zérma preparation; stockpiling, res... more This contribution deals with the etymology of the Pashto word zérma preparation; stockpiling, reserve. So far, an etymology for this word has not been found but the author strongly believes that zérma can be connected to two Avestan compounds as well as examples from Indo-Aryan. Its cognates reveal that the original meaning of zérma must have been (some kind of) houses, or huts, and that it developed its contemporary sense through an older storehouse.
It is a well-known fact that Pashto belongs to those Eastern Iranian languages which show lambdac... more It is a well-known fact that Pashto belongs to those Eastern Iranian languages which show lambdacism. While similarities exist with Bactrian and Munji-Yidgha, which also underwent lambdacism, the situation in Pashto is not exactly the same, and is in any case far more complicated. Especially interesting is in this respect the development of Old Iranian *t, which is sometimes shifted to l in Pashto proper and y in Waneci, sometimes yields the voiced dental d, or, as a third outcome, disappears in all varieties. In this paper, it is argued that the first lambdacism of (Old Iranian *d >) *δ > l, in the early first millennium CE, spread from Bactrian, the prestigious lingua franca of the Kushan and subsequent Empires, into the contemporary ancestors of Munji(-Yidgha), Pashto and Prasun. Almost a millennium later, there was another, geographically far more limited lambdacism. This time, one subgroup of Pashto, from which all Pashto proper dialects would emerge, changed, at least in certain environments, (Old Iranian *t >) *d > *δ to l, while it was changed to a palatal glide in Waneci. In other phonological environments, *d had disappeared before it could be shifted to l and y, respectively, and left no traces in contemporary dialects. In those cases where *t corresponds to d in all contemporary varieties of Pashto, we are dealing with a secondary restoration of the dental or sandhi which lead to a voicing of initial *t.
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Papers by Julian Kreidl