I received my BA from Galatasaray University in 2010 in International Relations and my MSc from University College London in Development Planning as a European Union Jean Monnet scholar. I am currently a Visiting Scholar at Northeastern University and a Ph.D. candidate in International Relations and Political Science at Koç University. My research interests include citizenship, gender studies, women's movements, Middle Eastern studies and political development in the developing countries. Supervisors: Ozlem Altan-Olcay and Valentine Moghadam
Özet: Sivil Toplum Kuruluşları olarak kadın hakları örgütleri, hakların devlet tarafından tam anl... more Özet: Sivil Toplum Kuruluşları olarak kadın hakları örgütleri, hakların devlet tarafından tam anlamıyla garanti altına alınmadığı koşullarda savunuculuk anlamında çok önemli roller üstlenmektedirler. Bu örgütlerin kamu kuruluşlarıyla olan ilişkileri, bu kuruluşlardan biri olarak siyasi partiler hakkındaki görüşleri de bu bağlamda önem taşımaktadır. Tunus ve Türkiye'deki kadın hareketleri örnekleri üzerinden Ortadoğu bölgesi özelinde bir analize yer veren bu makalede kadın örgütlerinin siyasi partiler karşısında özerkliklerine önem verdikleri, laik veya İslamcı olsun, siyasi partilere feminist politika üretme konusunda güvenmedikleri ortaya çıkmaktadır. Tarihsel olarak baktığımızda ise partilerin iktidarı paylaştıkları durumlarda kadın örgütlerinin daha güçlü olduğunu söyleyebiliriz.
This study aims to contribute to the debates of women and citizenship rights in Turkey and Tunisi... more This study aims to contribute to the debates of women and citizenship rights in Turkey and Tunisia by aiming to understand how the autonomous feminist movements in both countries influenced the gendered citizenship regimes starting from 1980's. Through such analysis, this paper will explore the reasons why Turkey and Tunisia's gendered citizenship regimes and women's movements' trajectories show striking similarities even though the two countries have rather different experiences with democratization, modernization and economic development which are typically seen as enablers of full citizenship rights. It will argue that the legacy of modernization and post-modernism understood and practiced in its specificity in both countries have direct consequences on the way they set their agenda's and the way in which different groups mobilize. More so, this broader context defines the circumstances, spaces and the possibilities of strategies available to women. The research is based on primary and secondary literature as well as semi-structured interviews with forty-five grassroots and
The 'gender paradox' argument contends that women get marginalized from politics once a regime tr... more The 'gender paradox' argument contends that women get marginalized from politics once a regime transition period is complete, despite their political participation. I would like to contribute to this argument by adding another dimension: women's issues become instrumentalized during the struggle over power following a transition, and it is during these times when we see legal reforms in women's rights. Once the ruling party consolidates its power, the need to make women's reforms subsides. I will demonstrate this argument from numerous observations from the cases of Tunisia and Turkey. The analyses is based on different periods of rupture in terms of political regimes and gender regimes: in 1956, 1987 and post-2011 in Tunisia which were all followed by reforms in women's rights. As in the case of Turkey, the 1923-1935, and the 1987-2011 period mark similar important waves in gender regimes. Each rupture has been followed by a period of authoritarian grab which curbed women's movements and end of reforms on women's rights.
Özet: Sivil Toplum Kuruluşları olarak kadın hakları örgütleri, hakların devlet tarafından tam anl... more Özet: Sivil Toplum Kuruluşları olarak kadın hakları örgütleri, hakların devlet tarafından tam anlamıyla garanti altına alınmadığı koşullarda savunuculuk anlamında çok önemli roller üstlenmektedirler. Bu örgütlerin kamu kuruluşlarıyla olan ilişkileri, bu kuruluşlardan biri olarak siyasi partiler hakkındaki görüşleri de bu bağlamda önem taşımaktadır. Tunus ve Türkiye'deki kadın hareketleri örnekleri üzerinden Ortadoğu bölgesi özelinde bir analize yer veren bu makalede kadın örgütlerinin siyasi partiler karşısında özerkliklerine önem verdikleri, laik veya İslamcı olsun, siyasi partilere feminist politika üretme konusunda güvenmedikleri ortaya çıkmaktadır. Tarihsel olarak baktığımızda ise partilerin iktidarı paylaştıkları durumlarda kadın örgütlerinin daha güçlü olduğunu söyleyebiliriz.
This study aims to contribute to the debates of women and citizenship rights in Turkey and Tunisi... more This study aims to contribute to the debates of women and citizenship rights in Turkey and Tunisia by aiming to understand how the autonomous feminist movements in both countries influenced the gendered citizenship regimes starting from 1980's. Through such analysis, this paper will explore the reasons why Turkey and Tunisia's gendered citizenship regimes and women's movements' trajectories show striking similarities even though the two countries have rather different experiences with democratization, modernization and economic development which are typically seen as enablers of full citizenship rights. It will argue that the legacy of modernization and post-modernism understood and practiced in its specificity in both countries have direct consequences on the way they set their agenda's and the way in which different groups mobilize. More so, this broader context defines the circumstances, spaces and the possibilities of strategies available to women. The research is based on primary and secondary literature as well as semi-structured interviews with forty-five grassroots and
The 'gender paradox' argument contends that women get marginalized from politics once a regime tr... more The 'gender paradox' argument contends that women get marginalized from politics once a regime transition period is complete, despite their political participation. I would like to contribute to this argument by adding another dimension: women's issues become instrumentalized during the struggle over power following a transition, and it is during these times when we see legal reforms in women's rights. Once the ruling party consolidates its power, the need to make women's reforms subsides. I will demonstrate this argument from numerous observations from the cases of Tunisia and Turkey. The analyses is based on different periods of rupture in terms of political regimes and gender regimes: in 1956, 1987 and post-2011 in Tunisia which were all followed by reforms in women's rights. As in the case of Turkey, the 1923-1935, and the 1987-2011 period mark similar important waves in gender regimes. Each rupture has been followed by a period of authoritarian grab which curbed women's movements and end of reforms on women's rights.
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