The focus of this research is to recover the experience of Black British women during 1960-1985. ... more The focus of this research is to recover the experience of Black British women during 1960-1985. It is by no means exhaustive however the author hopes that it will add to the growing body of literature that is imperative to our understanding of British history. The first chapter is titled ‘Black Women and Education’. Its aim is to outline the racist nature of the British education system. This is achieved through exploring how the State employed racist practices in order to subjugate Black children, harking back to colonial assumptions regarding intellectual inferiority. It will then demonstrate the organised responses undertaken by Black women to combat this, highlighting their resoluteness in opposition to these practices. The second chapter, ‘Black Women in Britain Speak Out’, aims to provide an overview of Black women’s organising. It will first outline the context of Black Power as instrumental in providing both the inspiration and the motivation for Black women’s groups. Against the backdrop of Black Power, it will then discuss two Black women’s groups: the Brixton Black Women’s Group, and the Organisation for Women of African and Asian Descent. It is important to note that although this chapter is focused on London-based organisations, there existed Black women’s groups across Britain. Many organisations have been lost due to poor archiving. Those with written records have taken the fore in ‘documented Black women’s histories’, and these have tended to be London-based organisations. The final chapter of this research, ‘To be Black, British and Female’, is focused on the creation of a new Black, British and female aesthetic. It will analyse the importance of hair and grooming rituals within the Black community as a means of resisting racist attitudes. In particular, the Afro and the headtie will be analysed as sites of resistance, demonstrating Black women’s resistance to oppression through clothing and style. Furthermore, it will highlight the centrality of Black women to the redefinition of Blackness through their skilful blending of diasporic influences. It will argue that this reclamation of Blackness as beautiful is the baton to be handed down to the next generation.
This thesis was submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in the Honours School of Politics and Modern History at the University of Manchester. It received a first-class mark of 76.
In 1993, Stephen Lawrence was killed at the hands of the Metropolitan Police. This led to the Mac... more In 1993, Stephen Lawrence was killed at the hands of the Metropolitan Police. This led to the Macpherson Report (1999) which exposed institutionalised racism within the police force. Racial minorities did not need the Report to tell them that the police were institutionally racist; this was their lived experience. The tragic tale of Stephen’s murder was just one instance of police brutality which had existed for decades, and still remains prevalent to this day.
However, the institutionalised nature of racism within the police had not gone unnoticed before this. A pivotal point in UK Black History was the case of The Mangrove Nine. This was significant as it was the first time the judiciary recognised evidence of racial hatred within the police force towards the black communities of London. Yet like much of Black British History, this case is not often talked about, despite how instrumental it is in understanding the history of the black experience in Britain today.
This is an article written and published online for the University of Manchester History Department's public history blog. It received a first-class mark of 72.
The Dalit Panthers were formed on May 29, 1972 during a time of mass social movements across the ... more The Dalit Panthers were formed on May 29, 1972 during a time of mass social movements across the world. The Civil Rights Movement had petered out, spawning a new era of Black Power in both the United States and Britain. It was this doctrine of Black Power which influenced a group of writers and poets in Mumbai to put theory into practice. However, the Dalit Panthers were not the first political Dalit movement to exist. In the first half of the twentieth century, B.R. Ambedkar led a relatively successful movement that was focused on securing political rights and recognition for Dalits. The key difference between the Panthers and earlier Ambedkarite movement was the sphere in which they operated. Ambedkarites wanted to achieve change through the apparatus of legislation; the Panthers wanted to achieve change through revolution. Even so, there are clear parallels to be drawn between each movement. This means that in spite of the differences they were more like two sides of the same coin.
This is an article written and published online for the University of Manchester History Department's public history blog. It received a first-class mark of 76.
‘All around me the white man. Above the sky tears at its navel. The earth rasps under my feet. An... more ‘All around me the white man. Above the sky tears at its navel. The earth rasps under my feet. And there is a white song, a white song. All around me a whiteness that burns.’ (Frantz Fanon, BSWM 2008: p.86).
Writing in the mid-twentieth century, Frantz Fanon talks of a ‘whiteness that burns.’ This burning imagery is a metaphor for whiteness as all-encompassing and destructive, like the spreading of wildfire. Fanon’s analysis of whiteness is critical in both a historical and contemporary sense. Whiteness as a universally destructive force can be traced back to the creation of racial hierarchies during the Enlightenment. Scientific racism was rife; it was believed that the human race could be divided into superior and inferior races and that skin colour was a defining factor.
In a contemporary sense, this means that whiteness has now become the baseline against which people are measured against. In other words, whiteness has become normative. White normativity has been defined by Michael Morris as follows:
white people are people, and the members of other racial groups are people to the extent they resemble white people … Whiteness defines the normal or accepted range of conduct and characteristics, and all other racial categories are contrasted with whiteness as deviations from the norm.
This normativity is highly problematic. It has created unrealistic expectations which non-white folk are constantly expected to conform to. These expectations have permeated every layer of society, from economics to interpersonal relationships. Crucially, it has impacted our understanding of gender. Gender exists as a spectrum but with the added dimension of whiteness it operates in a different way. The aim of this essay is to analyse how this intersection of gender and white normativity is embodied within contemporary society. It will do this by focusing on three sections: black masculinity, veiled women and colourism. It will then conclude by showing how each issue and its implications reflect how whiteness continues to be relevant for our understanding of gender in today’s society.
The focus of this research is to recover the experience of Black British women during 1960-1985. ... more The focus of this research is to recover the experience of Black British women during 1960-1985. It is by no means exhaustive however the author hopes that it will add to the growing body of literature that is imperative to our understanding of British history. The first chapter is titled ‘Black Women and Education’. Its aim is to outline the racist nature of the British education system. This is achieved through exploring how the State employed racist practices in order to subjugate Black children, harking back to colonial assumptions regarding intellectual inferiority. It will then demonstrate the organised responses undertaken by Black women to combat this, highlighting their resoluteness in opposition to these practices. The second chapter, ‘Black Women in Britain Speak Out’, aims to provide an overview of Black women’s organising. It will first outline the context of Black Power as instrumental in providing both the inspiration and the motivation for Black women’s groups. Against the backdrop of Black Power, it will then discuss two Black women’s groups: the Brixton Black Women’s Group, and the Organisation for Women of African and Asian Descent. It is important to note that although this chapter is focused on London-based organisations, there existed Black women’s groups across Britain. Many organisations have been lost due to poor archiving. Those with written records have taken the fore in ‘documented Black women’s histories’, and these have tended to be London-based organisations. The final chapter of this research, ‘To be Black, British and Female’, is focused on the creation of a new Black, British and female aesthetic. It will analyse the importance of hair and grooming rituals within the Black community as a means of resisting racist attitudes. In particular, the Afro and the headtie will be analysed as sites of resistance, demonstrating Black women’s resistance to oppression through clothing and style. Furthermore, it will highlight the centrality of Black women to the redefinition of Blackness through their skilful blending of diasporic influences. It will argue that this reclamation of Blackness as beautiful is the baton to be handed down to the next generation.
This thesis was submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in the Honours School of Politics and Modern History at the University of Manchester. It received a first-class mark of 76.
In 1993, Stephen Lawrence was killed at the hands of the Metropolitan Police. This led to the Mac... more In 1993, Stephen Lawrence was killed at the hands of the Metropolitan Police. This led to the Macpherson Report (1999) which exposed institutionalised racism within the police force. Racial minorities did not need the Report to tell them that the police were institutionally racist; this was their lived experience. The tragic tale of Stephen’s murder was just one instance of police brutality which had existed for decades, and still remains prevalent to this day.
However, the institutionalised nature of racism within the police had not gone unnoticed before this. A pivotal point in UK Black History was the case of The Mangrove Nine. This was significant as it was the first time the judiciary recognised evidence of racial hatred within the police force towards the black communities of London. Yet like much of Black British History, this case is not often talked about, despite how instrumental it is in understanding the history of the black experience in Britain today.
This is an article written and published online for the University of Manchester History Department's public history blog. It received a first-class mark of 72.
The Dalit Panthers were formed on May 29, 1972 during a time of mass social movements across the ... more The Dalit Panthers were formed on May 29, 1972 during a time of mass social movements across the world. The Civil Rights Movement had petered out, spawning a new era of Black Power in both the United States and Britain. It was this doctrine of Black Power which influenced a group of writers and poets in Mumbai to put theory into practice. However, the Dalit Panthers were not the first political Dalit movement to exist. In the first half of the twentieth century, B.R. Ambedkar led a relatively successful movement that was focused on securing political rights and recognition for Dalits. The key difference between the Panthers and earlier Ambedkarite movement was the sphere in which they operated. Ambedkarites wanted to achieve change through the apparatus of legislation; the Panthers wanted to achieve change through revolution. Even so, there are clear parallels to be drawn between each movement. This means that in spite of the differences they were more like two sides of the same coin.
This is an article written and published online for the University of Manchester History Department's public history blog. It received a first-class mark of 76.
‘All around me the white man. Above the sky tears at its navel. The earth rasps under my feet. An... more ‘All around me the white man. Above the sky tears at its navel. The earth rasps under my feet. And there is a white song, a white song. All around me a whiteness that burns.’ (Frantz Fanon, BSWM 2008: p.86).
Writing in the mid-twentieth century, Frantz Fanon talks of a ‘whiteness that burns.’ This burning imagery is a metaphor for whiteness as all-encompassing and destructive, like the spreading of wildfire. Fanon’s analysis of whiteness is critical in both a historical and contemporary sense. Whiteness as a universally destructive force can be traced back to the creation of racial hierarchies during the Enlightenment. Scientific racism was rife; it was believed that the human race could be divided into superior and inferior races and that skin colour was a defining factor.
In a contemporary sense, this means that whiteness has now become the baseline against which people are measured against. In other words, whiteness has become normative. White normativity has been defined by Michael Morris as follows:
white people are people, and the members of other racial groups are people to the extent they resemble white people … Whiteness defines the normal or accepted range of conduct and characteristics, and all other racial categories are contrasted with whiteness as deviations from the norm.
This normativity is highly problematic. It has created unrealistic expectations which non-white folk are constantly expected to conform to. These expectations have permeated every layer of society, from economics to interpersonal relationships. Crucially, it has impacted our understanding of gender. Gender exists as a spectrum but with the added dimension of whiteness it operates in a different way. The aim of this essay is to analyse how this intersection of gender and white normativity is embodied within contemporary society. It will do this by focusing on three sections: black masculinity, veiled women and colourism. It will then conclude by showing how each issue and its implications reflect how whiteness continues to be relevant for our understanding of gender in today’s society.
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The second chapter, ‘Black Women in Britain Speak Out’, aims to provide an overview of Black women’s organising. It will first outline the context of Black Power as instrumental in providing both the inspiration and the motivation for Black women’s groups. Against the backdrop of Black Power, it will then discuss two Black women’s groups: the Brixton Black Women’s Group, and the Organisation for Women of African and Asian Descent. It is important to note that although this chapter is focused on London-based organisations, there existed Black women’s groups across Britain. Many organisations have been lost due to poor archiving. Those with written records have taken the fore in ‘documented Black women’s histories’, and these have tended to be London-based organisations.
The final chapter of this research, ‘To be Black, British and Female’, is focused on the creation of a new Black, British and female aesthetic. It will analyse the importance of hair and grooming rituals within the Black community as a means of resisting racist attitudes. In particular, the Afro and the headtie will be analysed as sites of resistance, demonstrating Black women’s resistance to oppression through clothing and style. Furthermore, it will highlight the centrality of Black women to the redefinition of Blackness through their skilful blending of diasporic influences. It will argue that this reclamation of Blackness as beautiful is the baton to be handed down to the next generation.
This thesis was submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in the Honours School of Politics and Modern History at the University of Manchester. It received a first-class mark of 76.
However, the institutionalised nature of racism within the police had not gone unnoticed before this. A pivotal point in UK Black History was the case of The Mangrove Nine. This was significant as it was the first time the judiciary recognised evidence of racial hatred within the police force towards the black communities of London. Yet like much of Black British History, this case is not often talked about, despite how instrumental it is in understanding the history of the black experience in Britain today.
This is an article written and published online for the University of Manchester History Department's public history blog. It received a first-class mark of 72.
However, the Dalit Panthers were not the first political Dalit movement to exist. In the first half of the twentieth century, B.R. Ambedkar led a relatively successful movement that was focused on securing political rights and recognition for Dalits. The key difference between the Panthers and earlier Ambedkarite movement was the sphere in which they operated. Ambedkarites wanted to achieve change through the apparatus of legislation; the Panthers wanted to achieve change through revolution. Even so, there are clear parallels to be drawn between each movement. This means that in spite of the differences they were more like two sides of the same coin.
This is an article written and published online for the University of Manchester History Department's public history blog. It received a first-class mark of 76.
Writing in the mid-twentieth century, Frantz Fanon talks of a ‘whiteness that burns.’ This burning imagery is a metaphor for whiteness as all-encompassing and destructive, like the spreading of wildfire. Fanon’s analysis of whiteness is critical in both a historical and contemporary sense. Whiteness as a universally destructive force can be traced back to the creation of racial hierarchies during the Enlightenment. Scientific racism was rife; it was believed that the human race could be divided into superior and inferior races and that skin colour was a defining factor.
In a contemporary sense, this means that whiteness has now become the baseline against which people are measured against. In other words, whiteness has become normative. White normativity has been defined by Michael Morris as follows:
white people are people, and the members of other racial groups are people to the
extent they resemble white people … Whiteness defines the normal or accepted range
of conduct and characteristics, and all other racial categories are contrasted with
whiteness as deviations from the norm.
This normativity is highly problematic. It has created unrealistic expectations which non-white folk are constantly expected to conform to. These expectations have permeated every layer of society, from economics to interpersonal relationships. Crucially, it has impacted our understanding of gender. Gender exists as a spectrum but with the added dimension of whiteness it operates in a different way. The aim of this essay is to analyse how this intersection of gender and white normativity is embodied within contemporary society. It will do this by focusing on three sections: black masculinity, veiled women and colourism. It will then conclude by showing how each issue and its implications reflect how whiteness continues to be relevant for our understanding of gender in today’s society.
This essay received a first-class mark of 82.
The second chapter, ‘Black Women in Britain Speak Out’, aims to provide an overview of Black women’s organising. It will first outline the context of Black Power as instrumental in providing both the inspiration and the motivation for Black women’s groups. Against the backdrop of Black Power, it will then discuss two Black women’s groups: the Brixton Black Women’s Group, and the Organisation for Women of African and Asian Descent. It is important to note that although this chapter is focused on London-based organisations, there existed Black women’s groups across Britain. Many organisations have been lost due to poor archiving. Those with written records have taken the fore in ‘documented Black women’s histories’, and these have tended to be London-based organisations.
The final chapter of this research, ‘To be Black, British and Female’, is focused on the creation of a new Black, British and female aesthetic. It will analyse the importance of hair and grooming rituals within the Black community as a means of resisting racist attitudes. In particular, the Afro and the headtie will be analysed as sites of resistance, demonstrating Black women’s resistance to oppression through clothing and style. Furthermore, it will highlight the centrality of Black women to the redefinition of Blackness through their skilful blending of diasporic influences. It will argue that this reclamation of Blackness as beautiful is the baton to be handed down to the next generation.
This thesis was submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in the Honours School of Politics and Modern History at the University of Manchester. It received a first-class mark of 76.
However, the institutionalised nature of racism within the police had not gone unnoticed before this. A pivotal point in UK Black History was the case of The Mangrove Nine. This was significant as it was the first time the judiciary recognised evidence of racial hatred within the police force towards the black communities of London. Yet like much of Black British History, this case is not often talked about, despite how instrumental it is in understanding the history of the black experience in Britain today.
This is an article written and published online for the University of Manchester History Department's public history blog. It received a first-class mark of 72.
However, the Dalit Panthers were not the first political Dalit movement to exist. In the first half of the twentieth century, B.R. Ambedkar led a relatively successful movement that was focused on securing political rights and recognition for Dalits. The key difference between the Panthers and earlier Ambedkarite movement was the sphere in which they operated. Ambedkarites wanted to achieve change through the apparatus of legislation; the Panthers wanted to achieve change through revolution. Even so, there are clear parallels to be drawn between each movement. This means that in spite of the differences they were more like two sides of the same coin.
This is an article written and published online for the University of Manchester History Department's public history blog. It received a first-class mark of 76.
Writing in the mid-twentieth century, Frantz Fanon talks of a ‘whiteness that burns.’ This burning imagery is a metaphor for whiteness as all-encompassing and destructive, like the spreading of wildfire. Fanon’s analysis of whiteness is critical in both a historical and contemporary sense. Whiteness as a universally destructive force can be traced back to the creation of racial hierarchies during the Enlightenment. Scientific racism was rife; it was believed that the human race could be divided into superior and inferior races and that skin colour was a defining factor.
In a contemporary sense, this means that whiteness has now become the baseline against which people are measured against. In other words, whiteness has become normative. White normativity has been defined by Michael Morris as follows:
white people are people, and the members of other racial groups are people to the
extent they resemble white people … Whiteness defines the normal or accepted range
of conduct and characteristics, and all other racial categories are contrasted with
whiteness as deviations from the norm.
This normativity is highly problematic. It has created unrealistic expectations which non-white folk are constantly expected to conform to. These expectations have permeated every layer of society, from economics to interpersonal relationships. Crucially, it has impacted our understanding of gender. Gender exists as a spectrum but with the added dimension of whiteness it operates in a different way. The aim of this essay is to analyse how this intersection of gender and white normativity is embodied within contemporary society. It will do this by focusing on three sections: black masculinity, veiled women and colourism. It will then conclude by showing how each issue and its implications reflect how whiteness continues to be relevant for our understanding of gender in today’s society.
This essay received a first-class mark of 82.