Teaching Associate in Early Medieval English History at the University of Nottingham. I completed my PhD in Medieval Studies at the University of Toronto in 2023. I previously completed an MPhil in Anglo-Saxon, Norse and Celtic at Cambridge, and undergraduate degrees in History and Classics at the University of Melbourne and Monash University.
The Old English quasi-legal text Be wifmannes beweddunge (‘On the betrothal of a woman’) is a key... more The Old English quasi-legal text Be wifmannes beweddunge (‘On the betrothal of a woman’) is a key source for understanding how marriages were contracted in late Anglo-Saxon England. This paper will use the nine clauses of Be wifmannes beweddunge as a window into a broader discussion of the Anglo-Saxon betrothal and wedding process. It will consider in turn the issue of licit and illicit unions, the economic and legal terms of the betrothal agreement, and the development of Christian wedding rites. It will argue that Be wifmannes beweddunge is fundamentally concerned with the legal, financial, physical and social protection of women within marriage. Moreover, it will argue that this text offers evidence for a gradual Christianisation of betrothal and wedding customs in late Anglo-Saxon England.
This essay contributes to our understanding of the intellectual contexts of the Orrmulum, a twelf... more This essay contributes to our understanding of the intellectual contexts of the Orrmulum, a twelfth-century collection of verse homilies by the Augustinian canon Orrm. In three passages of the Orrmulum (those discussing Luke 2, John 2:20, and John 3:16), the poet made reference to Greek words and concepts. Although there is no evidence that he knew Greek himself, these references open a window onto Orrm's intellectual background. Through source analysis of these relatively brief passages, this essay demonstrates Orrm's sophistication and selectivity as an exegete. In his use of the Glossa ordinaria, Orrm aligned himself with the theological 'modernists' of his era. His independent use of Eriugena's commentary on John placed him closer to the avant-garde. This analysis contributes to ongoing reassessments of an underappreciated and often patronised author, whose work is of more than philological interest.
The late-seventh/eighth-century Anglo-Saxon authors Aldhelm, Bede, Boniface and Alcuin all compos... more The late-seventh/eighth-century Anglo-Saxon authors Aldhelm, Bede, Boniface and Alcuin all composed letters to contemporary kings. These authors used three main rhetorical strategies to direct their royal correspondents towards a more virtuous life. The first of these was advice, the (seemingly) straightforward offering of (ostensibly) judgement-free moral guidance. Secondly, there was admonition, where the author overtly and vigorously confronted specific sins. Finally, there were examples, exempla, drawn from both biblical and contemporary history, which the authors employed, with or without editorial comment, either to inspire or to deter. It is argued that these letters were principally motivated by moral or pastoral concern, rather than any desire to establish an abstract kingship ideology.
Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association (JAEMA), Nov 2015
This article investigates the representation of the Anglo-Saxons as a ‘chosen people’ in Bede’s H... more This article investigates the representation of the Anglo-Saxons as a ‘chosen people’ in Bede’s Historia ecclesiastica. Although Bede rarely makes the connection between the gens Anglorum and the people of Israel explicit, I argue that he was continuing and reinventing a tradition in Christian historiography, which represented individual Christian nations after patterns established by Old Testament authors. I argue that appreciating the centrality of this biblical motif is crucial for our understanding of Historia ecclesiastica and consequently for our understanding of how national identity developed in Anglo-Saxon England.
This article discusses names for God in the corpus of Old English poetry. I begin by considering ... more This article discusses names for God in the corpus of Old English poetry. I begin by considering the problem of naming God, as defined by patristic authors and recognised by several Anglo-Saxon poets (Cynewulf and the author of the OE 'Exodus'). I then discuss the poetics of naming in OE, before considering analogues in Latin and Old Norse literature. Finally, I consider the problem of naming God from a Trinitarian perspective, looking at the ways in which OE poets distinguished (or seemingly failed to distinguish) between the members of the Trinity.
In this paper, I will argue that moral and pastoral concern motivated the vast majority of writin... more In this paper, I will argue that moral and pastoral concern motivated the vast majority of writing addressed to kings in the late-seventh and eighth centuries. My sources will be primarily epistolary, including Aldhelm’s letters to Aldfrith of Northumbria and Geraint of Dumnonia, Bede’s prefatory letter to Ceolwulf as well as the Historia Ecclesiastica as a whole, Boniface’s letter to Æthelbald of Mercia, and Alcuin’s letters to various kings. I will structure my analysis around the different rhetorical strategies employed by these authors to direct their royal correspondents towards a more virtuous life. The first of these is ‘advice’, the (seemingly) straight-forward offering of (ostensibly) judgement-free moral guidance. Secondly, there is ‘admonition’, where the author overtly and vigorously confronts specific sins. Finally, there are the ‘examples’ drawn from both biblical and contemporary history, which the authors employ, with or without editorial comment, either to inspire or to deter. Within this framework, I will also consider whether there is any noticeable shift in how and why these rhetorical devices are deployed over the course of the period; I would tentatively suggest that authors were increasingly emboldened in their interactions with royalty as the eighth century wore on, perhaps because of their own increasing authority or the kings’ perceived increasing immorality.
Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica represents the English, and the Northumbrians in particular, as a ‘... more Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica represents the English, and the Northumbrians in particular, as a ‘chosen people’ among the nations of Britain, ‘foreknown’ not only to salvation but also to pre-eminence. If this is the case, what was Bede to make of the three narratives of Northumbrian defeat that seem to intrude on this providential scheme? The first Christian king of Northumbria, Edwin, was defeated and killed by pagan Mercians and heretical Britons at the Battle of Hatfield Chase; only eight years later, his successor St. Oswald was destroyed by the same pagan king (Penda of Mercia) at Maserfield. Then, after a period of peace and prosperity, King Ecgfrith’s army was annihilated by the Picts at Nechtansmere (Dun Nechtain).
While Nechtansmere is overtly represented as a case of divine punishment for Ecgfrith’s hubris and war-mongering, Hatfield Chase and Maserfield are more problematic. Bede provides no overt explanation or theodicy for either event (in contrast to the later Historia Brittonum which attributes Oswald’s defeat to ‘diabolical agency’). Oswald is represented as a saint and martyr, dying for the faith in battle against the pagans, but Edwin receives no such posthumous acclamation. This paper will attempt to reconcile these narratives of defeat with the overall historical, literary and theological framework of the Historia Ecclesiastica.
The Journal of Australian Early Medieval Association, 2015
Review(s) of: Old English literature and the old testament, by Fox, Michael and Sharma, Manish (e... more Review(s) of: Old English literature and the old testament, by Fox, Michael and Sharma, Manish (eds), (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2012) hardcover, 400 pages, RRP $83.00, ISBN 9780802098542.
The Journal of Australian Early Medieval Association, 2015
Review(s) of: Prophecy and Kingship in Adomnan's 'Life of Saint Columba', by Enright,... more Review(s) of: Prophecy and Kingship in Adomnan's 'Life of Saint Columba', by Enright, Michael J., (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2013) hardcover, 202 pages, RRP 55.00, ISBN 9781846823824.
Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association, 2015
This article investigates the representation of the Anglo-Saxons as a ''chosen people'... more This article investigates the representation of the Anglo-Saxons as a ''chosen people' in Bede's 'Historia ecclesiastica'. Although Bede rarely makes the connection between the 'gens Anglorum' and the people of Israel explicit, I argue that he was continuing and reinventing a tradition in Christian historiography, which represented individual Christian nations after patterns established by Old Testament authors. I argue that appreciating the centrality of this biblical motif is crucial for our understanding of 'Historia ecclesiastica' and consequently for our understanding of how national identity developed in Anglo-Saxon England.
The Old English quasi-legal text Be wifmannes beweddunge (‘On the betrothal of a woman’) is a key... more The Old English quasi-legal text Be wifmannes beweddunge (‘On the betrothal of a woman’) is a key source for understanding how marriages were contracted in late Anglo-Saxon England. This paper will use the nine clauses of Be wifmannes beweddunge as a window into a broader discussion of the Anglo-Saxon betrothal and wedding process. It will consider in turn the issue of licit and illicit unions, the economic and legal terms of the betrothal agreement, and the development of Christian wedding rites. It will argue that Be wifmannes beweddunge is fundamentally concerned with the legal, financial, physical and social protection of women within marriage. Moreover, it will argue that this text offers evidence for a gradual Christianisation of betrothal and wedding customs in late Anglo-Saxon England.
This essay contributes to our understanding of the intellectual contexts of the Orrmulum, a twelf... more This essay contributes to our understanding of the intellectual contexts of the Orrmulum, a twelfth-century collection of verse homilies by the Augustinian canon Orrm. In three passages of the Orrmulum (those discussing Luke 2, John 2:20, and John 3:16), the poet made reference to Greek words and concepts. Although there is no evidence that he knew Greek himself, these references open a window onto Orrm's intellectual background. Through source analysis of these relatively brief passages, this essay demonstrates Orrm's sophistication and selectivity as an exegete. In his use of the Glossa ordinaria, Orrm aligned himself with the theological 'modernists' of his era. His independent use of Eriugena's commentary on John placed him closer to the avant-garde. This analysis contributes to ongoing reassessments of an underappreciated and often patronised author, whose work is of more than philological interest.
The late-seventh/eighth-century Anglo-Saxon authors Aldhelm, Bede, Boniface and Alcuin all compos... more The late-seventh/eighth-century Anglo-Saxon authors Aldhelm, Bede, Boniface and Alcuin all composed letters to contemporary kings. These authors used three main rhetorical strategies to direct their royal correspondents towards a more virtuous life. The first of these was advice, the (seemingly) straightforward offering of (ostensibly) judgement-free moral guidance. Secondly, there was admonition, where the author overtly and vigorously confronted specific sins. Finally, there were examples, exempla, drawn from both biblical and contemporary history, which the authors employed, with or without editorial comment, either to inspire or to deter. It is argued that these letters were principally motivated by moral or pastoral concern, rather than any desire to establish an abstract kingship ideology.
Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association (JAEMA), Nov 2015
This article investigates the representation of the Anglo-Saxons as a ‘chosen people’ in Bede’s H... more This article investigates the representation of the Anglo-Saxons as a ‘chosen people’ in Bede’s Historia ecclesiastica. Although Bede rarely makes the connection between the gens Anglorum and the people of Israel explicit, I argue that he was continuing and reinventing a tradition in Christian historiography, which represented individual Christian nations after patterns established by Old Testament authors. I argue that appreciating the centrality of this biblical motif is crucial for our understanding of Historia ecclesiastica and consequently for our understanding of how national identity developed in Anglo-Saxon England.
This article discusses names for God in the corpus of Old English poetry. I begin by considering ... more This article discusses names for God in the corpus of Old English poetry. I begin by considering the problem of naming God, as defined by patristic authors and recognised by several Anglo-Saxon poets (Cynewulf and the author of the OE 'Exodus'). I then discuss the poetics of naming in OE, before considering analogues in Latin and Old Norse literature. Finally, I consider the problem of naming God from a Trinitarian perspective, looking at the ways in which OE poets distinguished (or seemingly failed to distinguish) between the members of the Trinity.
In this paper, I will argue that moral and pastoral concern motivated the vast majority of writin... more In this paper, I will argue that moral and pastoral concern motivated the vast majority of writing addressed to kings in the late-seventh and eighth centuries. My sources will be primarily epistolary, including Aldhelm’s letters to Aldfrith of Northumbria and Geraint of Dumnonia, Bede’s prefatory letter to Ceolwulf as well as the Historia Ecclesiastica as a whole, Boniface’s letter to Æthelbald of Mercia, and Alcuin’s letters to various kings. I will structure my analysis around the different rhetorical strategies employed by these authors to direct their royal correspondents towards a more virtuous life. The first of these is ‘advice’, the (seemingly) straight-forward offering of (ostensibly) judgement-free moral guidance. Secondly, there is ‘admonition’, where the author overtly and vigorously confronts specific sins. Finally, there are the ‘examples’ drawn from both biblical and contemporary history, which the authors employ, with or without editorial comment, either to inspire or to deter. Within this framework, I will also consider whether there is any noticeable shift in how and why these rhetorical devices are deployed over the course of the period; I would tentatively suggest that authors were increasingly emboldened in their interactions with royalty as the eighth century wore on, perhaps because of their own increasing authority or the kings’ perceived increasing immorality.
Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica represents the English, and the Northumbrians in particular, as a ‘... more Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica represents the English, and the Northumbrians in particular, as a ‘chosen people’ among the nations of Britain, ‘foreknown’ not only to salvation but also to pre-eminence. If this is the case, what was Bede to make of the three narratives of Northumbrian defeat that seem to intrude on this providential scheme? The first Christian king of Northumbria, Edwin, was defeated and killed by pagan Mercians and heretical Britons at the Battle of Hatfield Chase; only eight years later, his successor St. Oswald was destroyed by the same pagan king (Penda of Mercia) at Maserfield. Then, after a period of peace and prosperity, King Ecgfrith’s army was annihilated by the Picts at Nechtansmere (Dun Nechtain).
While Nechtansmere is overtly represented as a case of divine punishment for Ecgfrith’s hubris and war-mongering, Hatfield Chase and Maserfield are more problematic. Bede provides no overt explanation or theodicy for either event (in contrast to the later Historia Brittonum which attributes Oswald’s defeat to ‘diabolical agency’). Oswald is represented as a saint and martyr, dying for the faith in battle against the pagans, but Edwin receives no such posthumous acclamation. This paper will attempt to reconcile these narratives of defeat with the overall historical, literary and theological framework of the Historia Ecclesiastica.
The Journal of Australian Early Medieval Association, 2015
Review(s) of: Old English literature and the old testament, by Fox, Michael and Sharma, Manish (e... more Review(s) of: Old English literature and the old testament, by Fox, Michael and Sharma, Manish (eds), (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2012) hardcover, 400 pages, RRP $83.00, ISBN 9780802098542.
The Journal of Australian Early Medieval Association, 2015
Review(s) of: Prophecy and Kingship in Adomnan's 'Life of Saint Columba', by Enright,... more Review(s) of: Prophecy and Kingship in Adomnan's 'Life of Saint Columba', by Enright, Michael J., (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2013) hardcover, 202 pages, RRP 55.00, ISBN 9781846823824.
Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association, 2015
This article investigates the representation of the Anglo-Saxons as a ''chosen people'... more This article investigates the representation of the Anglo-Saxons as a ''chosen people' in Bede's 'Historia ecclesiastica'. Although Bede rarely makes the connection between the 'gens Anglorum' and the people of Israel explicit, I argue that he was continuing and reinventing a tradition in Christian historiography, which represented individual Christian nations after patterns established by Old Testament authors. I argue that appreciating the centrality of this biblical motif is crucial for our understanding of 'Historia ecclesiastica' and consequently for our understanding of how national identity developed in Anglo-Saxon England.
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While Nechtansmere is overtly represented as a case of divine punishment for Ecgfrith’s hubris and war-mongering, Hatfield Chase and Maserfield are more problematic. Bede provides no overt explanation or theodicy for either event (in contrast to the later Historia Brittonum which attributes Oswald’s defeat to ‘diabolical agency’). Oswald is represented as a saint and martyr, dying for the faith in battle against the pagans, but Edwin receives no such posthumous acclamation. This paper will attempt to reconcile these narratives of defeat with the overall historical, literary and theological framework of the Historia Ecclesiastica.
While Nechtansmere is overtly represented as a case of divine punishment for Ecgfrith’s hubris and war-mongering, Hatfield Chase and Maserfield are more problematic. Bede provides no overt explanation or theodicy for either event (in contrast to the later Historia Brittonum which attributes Oswald’s defeat to ‘diabolical agency’). Oswald is represented as a saint and martyr, dying for the faith in battle against the pagans, but Edwin receives no such posthumous acclamation. This paper will attempt to reconcile these narratives of defeat with the overall historical, literary and theological framework of the Historia Ecclesiastica.