I am a PhD student at the University of Oxford. I earned my Bachelor Degree in Japanese language and literature as well as a Master Degree in General linguistics from the Saint Petersburg State University (Russia). My academic interests include Japanese, historical and typological linguistics. Supervisors: Bjarke Frellesvig Address: Oxford
Kuznetsov, Artemii (2021). From perfect to modal past: distinguishing between two usages of the Old Japanese suffix -kyer-. In: 162nd LSJ Meeting Handbook. Tokyo: The Linguistic Society of Japan, 282-288.
It has been repeadetly pointed out in the literature that the Old Japanese suffix -kyer- appears ... more It has been repeadetly pointed out in the literature that the Old Japanese suffix -kyer- appears to be used both as a perfect and modal (past) marker in the Man'yōshū (Frellesvig 2010: 75-76; Vovin 2020: 879). Assuming that these usages represent different stages of the same grammaticalization path, I suggest several diagnostic environments which allow to distinguish between the two. Thus, I demonstrate that -kyer- preceded by perfective or stative markers as well as verbs of translocative motion can only be interpreted as a modal (past) marker. I also demonstrate that the less grammaticalized perfect -k-yer- tends to be spelled logographically, whereas for the more grammaticalized modal (past) -kyer- phonographic spelling is dominant.
Kuznetsov, Artemii (2020). Grammaticalization of motion verbs in Japanese: iku and kuru revisited. In: 161st LSJ Meeting Handbook. Tokyo: The Linguistic Society of Japan, 223-229, 2020
As a result of grammaticalization two Japanese constructions containing a ventive (kuru) or an an... more As a result of grammaticalization two Japanese constructions containing a ventive (kuru) or an andative (iku) auxiliary verb have developed a wide range of usage types. The goal is to test a hypothesis that the more grammaticalized usage types appeared in the language earlier than the less grammaticalized ones. The results of a questionnaire survey and diachronic corpus analysis show that as far as each verb is considered separately the most grammaticalized usage types are the newest ones; however, if the two verbs are put into the same category the diachronic hypothesis does not hold. This indicates that the two verbs must have developed independently despite the fact that in certain usage types they can be viewed as members of a paradigmatic opposition in contemporary Japanese.
As a result of grammaticalization two Japanese constructions containing a ventive (kuru) or an an... more As a result of grammaticalization two Japanese constructions containing a ventive (kuru) or an andative (iku) auxiliary verb have developed a wide range of usage types. The goal is to test a hypothesis that the more grammaticalized usage types appeared in the language earlier than the less grammaticalized ones. To test the hypothesis the following steps have been taken.
Firstly, I conducted a synchronic analysis of the two constructions in Modern Japanese, which consisted in 1) creating a classification of their usage types and 2) determining the degree of grammaticalization for each usage type. In order to do the latter, I explored the acceptability of -(r)are honorification of the two auxiliaries using a questionnaire survey. The experimental results indicate that the most grammaticalized usage type among those of kuru is the inverse type, while the most grammaticalized usage type of iku is the distributive. Also, the inverse type demonstrates a higher degree of grammaticalization than the distributive type.
Secondly, I compared these constructions with diachronically related constructions in Old (700–800 AD), Early Middle (800–1200 AD), Late Middle (LMJ, 1200–1600) and Modern (NJ, 1600–) Japanese. The data was collected from the Corpus of Historical Japanese (CHJ) and earlier studies on the subject matter (Inoue 1962; Kojima 1998). Examples of the inverse usage type appear later in the corpus than any other usage type of kuru and the same holds for the distributive usage of iku. Crucially, the inverse type appears in the language earlier than the distributive type.
The results of the questionnaire survey and corpus analysis partially corroborate the diachronic hypothesis: as far as each verb is considered separately the most grammaticalized usage types prove to be the newest ones (the “inverse” usage for kuru and the distributive usage for iku). However, if the two verbs are put into the same category the diachronic hypothesis does not hold: the inverse usage type, which is the most grammaticalized among all, seems to have developed at an earlier stage than the distributive type, which is synchronically less grammaticalized. This indicates that the two constructions must have developed independently despite the fact that in some usages they can be viewed as members of a single grammatical category in Modern Japanese. Following (Shimizu 2010), I also hypothesize that the inverse type might have developed from the inchoative type.
Kuznetsov, Artemii (2022). Once Again on the Two -k(-)yer- in Old Japanese: Distribution, Semantics, Spelling. In Japanese/Korean Linguistics. Vol. 29, ed. Kaoru Horie, Kimi Akita, Yusuke Kubota, David Y. Oshima, and Akira Utsugi. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications, 83-97, 2022
It has been repeatedly pointed out in the literature that the Old Japanese modal (past) auxiliary... more It has been repeatedly pointed out in the literature that the Old Japanese modal (past) auxiliary -kyer- has a ‘perfect’ homonym -k-yer-, which is a contraction of the auxiliary verb -ko- ‘come’ in the infinitive form followed by the stative auxiliary verb -ar- (-ki-ar- > -k-yer-) (Kinoshita et al. 2003: 259; Frellesvig 2010: 75–6; Vovin 2020: 879). As I have argued elsewhere (Kuznetsov 2021: 282–3), the two entities are in fact different stages of the same grammaticalisation path, with the ‘perfect’ usage diachronically preceding the modal (past) one. In this study, I examine how the two -k(-)yer- are used in the Man’yōshū and propose diagnostic environments where the modal (past) -kyer- can be distinguished from the ‘perfect’ -k-yer- (Section 2) and vice versa (Section 3). I also demonstrate that what has been previously referred to as the ‘perfect’ -k-yer- is actually a cluster of at least three different functions. In Section 4, I argue for a statistically significant correlation between the degree of grammaticalisation of a linguistic unit and the way it is spelt in the Man’yōshū. In Section 5, the results of this research are considered from a typological perspective.
* This research was supported by a grant from the Japan-Russia Youth Exchange Center (https://www.jrex.or.jp/).
А.А. Кузнецов. Грамматикализация конструкций с вентивом и андативом в японском языке // Acta Linguistica Petropolitana. Труды Института лингвистических исследований РАН. Том XVII (2). 2021, P. 103-144. DOI 10.30842/alp23065737172103144, 2021
В статье рассматриваются конструкции с вентивом и андативом в японском языке. Проверяется гипотез... more В статье рассматриваются конструкции с вентивом и андативом в японском языке. Проверяется гипотеза о том, что функции, в которых конструкции обнаруживают наибольшую степень грамматикализации, развились в языке позже тех, в которых степень грамматикализации ниже. Сопоставление результатов эксперимента и диахронического анализа показывает, что гипотеза подтверждается только в рамках вентива и андатива как отдельно взятых показателей. Вместе с тем в ряде функций они могут рассматриваться как члены грамматической оппозиции в современном японском языке. Это свидетельствует о том, что грамматикализованность отдельно взятых единиц в синхронии, измеренная квантитативно, отражает закономерности их исторического развития, однако наличие парадигматических отношений между этими единицами в синхронии не означает параллелизма в их диахронической грамматикализации.
Kuznetsov, Artemii (2021). From perfect to modal past: distinguishing between two usages of the Old Japanese suffix -kyer-. In: 162nd LSJ Meeting Handbook. Tokyo: The Linguistic Society of Japan, 282-288.
It has been repeadetly pointed out in the literature that the Old Japanese suffix -kyer- appears ... more It has been repeadetly pointed out in the literature that the Old Japanese suffix -kyer- appears to be used both as a perfect and modal (past) marker in the Man'yōshū (Frellesvig 2010: 75-76; Vovin 2020: 879). Assuming that these usages represent different stages of the same grammaticalization path, I suggest several diagnostic environments which allow to distinguish between the two. Thus, I demonstrate that -kyer- preceded by perfective or stative markers as well as verbs of translocative motion can only be interpreted as a modal (past) marker. I also demonstrate that the less grammaticalized perfect -k-yer- tends to be spelled logographically, whereas for the more grammaticalized modal (past) -kyer- phonographic spelling is dominant.
Kuznetsov, Artemii (2020). Grammaticalization of motion verbs in Japanese: iku and kuru revisited. In: 161st LSJ Meeting Handbook. Tokyo: The Linguistic Society of Japan, 223-229, 2020
As a result of grammaticalization two Japanese constructions containing a ventive (kuru) or an an... more As a result of grammaticalization two Japanese constructions containing a ventive (kuru) or an andative (iku) auxiliary verb have developed a wide range of usage types. The goal is to test a hypothesis that the more grammaticalized usage types appeared in the language earlier than the less grammaticalized ones. The results of a questionnaire survey and diachronic corpus analysis show that as far as each verb is considered separately the most grammaticalized usage types are the newest ones; however, if the two verbs are put into the same category the diachronic hypothesis does not hold. This indicates that the two verbs must have developed independently despite the fact that in certain usage types they can be viewed as members of a paradigmatic opposition in contemporary Japanese.
As a result of grammaticalization two Japanese constructions containing a ventive (kuru) or an an... more As a result of grammaticalization two Japanese constructions containing a ventive (kuru) or an andative (iku) auxiliary verb have developed a wide range of usage types. The goal is to test a hypothesis that the more grammaticalized usage types appeared in the language earlier than the less grammaticalized ones. To test the hypothesis the following steps have been taken.
Firstly, I conducted a synchronic analysis of the two constructions in Modern Japanese, which consisted in 1) creating a classification of their usage types and 2) determining the degree of grammaticalization for each usage type. In order to do the latter, I explored the acceptability of -(r)are honorification of the two auxiliaries using a questionnaire survey. The experimental results indicate that the most grammaticalized usage type among those of kuru is the inverse type, while the most grammaticalized usage type of iku is the distributive. Also, the inverse type demonstrates a higher degree of grammaticalization than the distributive type.
Secondly, I compared these constructions with diachronically related constructions in Old (700–800 AD), Early Middle (800–1200 AD), Late Middle (LMJ, 1200–1600) and Modern (NJ, 1600–) Japanese. The data was collected from the Corpus of Historical Japanese (CHJ) and earlier studies on the subject matter (Inoue 1962; Kojima 1998). Examples of the inverse usage type appear later in the corpus than any other usage type of kuru and the same holds for the distributive usage of iku. Crucially, the inverse type appears in the language earlier than the distributive type.
The results of the questionnaire survey and corpus analysis partially corroborate the diachronic hypothesis: as far as each verb is considered separately the most grammaticalized usage types prove to be the newest ones (the “inverse” usage for kuru and the distributive usage for iku). However, if the two verbs are put into the same category the diachronic hypothesis does not hold: the inverse usage type, which is the most grammaticalized among all, seems to have developed at an earlier stage than the distributive type, which is synchronically less grammaticalized. This indicates that the two constructions must have developed independently despite the fact that in some usages they can be viewed as members of a single grammatical category in Modern Japanese. Following (Shimizu 2010), I also hypothesize that the inverse type might have developed from the inchoative type.
Kuznetsov, Artemii (2022). Once Again on the Two -k(-)yer- in Old Japanese: Distribution, Semantics, Spelling. In Japanese/Korean Linguistics. Vol. 29, ed. Kaoru Horie, Kimi Akita, Yusuke Kubota, David Y. Oshima, and Akira Utsugi. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications, 83-97, 2022
It has been repeatedly pointed out in the literature that the Old Japanese modal (past) auxiliary... more It has been repeatedly pointed out in the literature that the Old Japanese modal (past) auxiliary -kyer- has a ‘perfect’ homonym -k-yer-, which is a contraction of the auxiliary verb -ko- ‘come’ in the infinitive form followed by the stative auxiliary verb -ar- (-ki-ar- > -k-yer-) (Kinoshita et al. 2003: 259; Frellesvig 2010: 75–6; Vovin 2020: 879). As I have argued elsewhere (Kuznetsov 2021: 282–3), the two entities are in fact different stages of the same grammaticalisation path, with the ‘perfect’ usage diachronically preceding the modal (past) one. In this study, I examine how the two -k(-)yer- are used in the Man’yōshū and propose diagnostic environments where the modal (past) -kyer- can be distinguished from the ‘perfect’ -k-yer- (Section 2) and vice versa (Section 3). I also demonstrate that what has been previously referred to as the ‘perfect’ -k-yer- is actually a cluster of at least three different functions. In Section 4, I argue for a statistically significant correlation between the degree of grammaticalisation of a linguistic unit and the way it is spelt in the Man’yōshū. In Section 5, the results of this research are considered from a typological perspective.
* This research was supported by a grant from the Japan-Russia Youth Exchange Center (https://www.jrex.or.jp/).
А.А. Кузнецов. Грамматикализация конструкций с вентивом и андативом в японском языке // Acta Linguistica Petropolitana. Труды Института лингвистических исследований РАН. Том XVII (2). 2021, P. 103-144. DOI 10.30842/alp23065737172103144, 2021
В статье рассматриваются конструкции с вентивом и андативом в японском языке. Проверяется гипотез... more В статье рассматриваются конструкции с вентивом и андативом в японском языке. Проверяется гипотеза о том, что функции, в которых конструкции обнаруживают наибольшую степень грамматикализации, развились в языке позже тех, в которых степень грамматикализации ниже. Сопоставление результатов эксперимента и диахронического анализа показывает, что гипотеза подтверждается только в рамках вентива и андатива как отдельно взятых показателей. Вместе с тем в ряде функций они могут рассматриваться как члены грамматической оппозиции в современном японском языке. Это свидетельствует о том, что грамматикализованность отдельно взятых единиц в синхронии, измеренная квантитативно, отражает закономерности их исторического развития, однако наличие парадигматических отношений между этими единицами в синхронии не означает параллелизма в их диахронической грамматикализации.
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Firstly, I conducted a synchronic analysis of the two constructions in Modern Japanese, which consisted in 1) creating a classification of their usage types and 2) determining the degree of grammaticalization for each usage type. In order to do the latter, I explored the acceptability of -(r)are honorification of the two auxiliaries using a questionnaire survey. The experimental results indicate that the most grammaticalized usage type among those of kuru is the inverse type, while the most grammaticalized usage type of iku is the distributive. Also, the inverse type demonstrates a higher degree of grammaticalization than the distributive type.
Secondly, I compared these constructions with diachronically related constructions in Old (700–800 AD), Early Middle (800–1200 AD), Late Middle (LMJ, 1200–1600) and Modern (NJ, 1600–) Japanese. The data was collected from the Corpus of Historical Japanese (CHJ) and earlier studies on the subject matter (Inoue 1962; Kojima 1998). Examples of the inverse usage type appear later in the corpus than any other usage type of kuru and the same holds for the distributive usage of iku. Crucially, the inverse type appears in the language earlier than the distributive type.
The results of the questionnaire survey and corpus analysis partially corroborate the diachronic hypothesis: as far as each verb is considered separately the most grammaticalized usage types prove to be the newest ones (the “inverse” usage for kuru and the distributive usage for iku). However, if the two verbs are put into the same category the diachronic hypothesis does not hold: the inverse usage type, which is the most grammaticalized among all, seems to have developed at an earlier stage than the distributive type, which is synchronically less grammaticalized. This indicates that the two constructions must have developed independently despite the fact that in some usages they can be viewed as members of a single grammatical category in Modern Japanese. Following (Shimizu 2010), I also hypothesize that the inverse type might have developed from the inchoative type.
* This research was supported by a grant from the Japan-Russia Youth Exchange Center (https://www.jrex.or.jp/).
Firstly, I conducted a synchronic analysis of the two constructions in Modern Japanese, which consisted in 1) creating a classification of their usage types and 2) determining the degree of grammaticalization for each usage type. In order to do the latter, I explored the acceptability of -(r)are honorification of the two auxiliaries using a questionnaire survey. The experimental results indicate that the most grammaticalized usage type among those of kuru is the inverse type, while the most grammaticalized usage type of iku is the distributive. Also, the inverse type demonstrates a higher degree of grammaticalization than the distributive type.
Secondly, I compared these constructions with diachronically related constructions in Old (700–800 AD), Early Middle (800–1200 AD), Late Middle (LMJ, 1200–1600) and Modern (NJ, 1600–) Japanese. The data was collected from the Corpus of Historical Japanese (CHJ) and earlier studies on the subject matter (Inoue 1962; Kojima 1998). Examples of the inverse usage type appear later in the corpus than any other usage type of kuru and the same holds for the distributive usage of iku. Crucially, the inverse type appears in the language earlier than the distributive type.
The results of the questionnaire survey and corpus analysis partially corroborate the diachronic hypothesis: as far as each verb is considered separately the most grammaticalized usage types prove to be the newest ones (the “inverse” usage for kuru and the distributive usage for iku). However, if the two verbs are put into the same category the diachronic hypothesis does not hold: the inverse usage type, which is the most grammaticalized among all, seems to have developed at an earlier stage than the distributive type, which is synchronically less grammaticalized. This indicates that the two constructions must have developed independently despite the fact that in some usages they can be viewed as members of a single grammatical category in Modern Japanese. Following (Shimizu 2010), I also hypothesize that the inverse type might have developed from the inchoative type.
* This research was supported by a grant from the Japan-Russia Youth Exchange Center (https://www.jrex.or.jp/).