This article examines the writings on China and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) by the late Shinichiro Sato (佐藤慎一郎; 19051999). His works are of great interest to historians in large part because of his unique experiences. Prior to and during the Second Sino-Japanese War, Sato served, in turn, as an official of the Manchurian Ministry of Civil Affairs, an instructor at the Tatung Academy, and a counselor of the Department of General Affairs. He left Manchuria and returned to Japan in 1947, following Japan’s surrender at the end of the war. In 1959, after assuming a teaching position at Takushoku University, Sato began writing a series of essays known as the CCP Observations. The old China hand had now become a staunch anti-communist. Beginning in 1967, in his role as professor of Takushoku University, Sato visited Hong Kong for three consecutive years, where he interviewed refugees from mainland China. When the Joint Communique of the Government of Japan and the Government of the People’s Republic of China was signed on September 1972, Sato was openly critical of the pro-communist stance of the Tanaka cabinet in Japan.
I argue in this paper that to understand Sato’s works written at the height of the Cold War, including his critiques of China’s agricultural collectivization efforts and its people’s communes, we must also look at his writings from prior to the Cold War, for there is a great deal of continuity in his thought. He was sharply critical of traditional China, and his criticisms of Cold War China were an extension of his former views. According to Sato, traditional Chinese culture was embodied in Taiwan after the Kuomintang (KMT) government relocated to the island; hence, he was critical of aspects of Taiwan as well.
Keywords: Hong Kong, Japan, Sino-Japanese relationships after World War II, Cultural Cold War, Shinichiro Sato
近代中國結束帝制政治體制之後,各種社會、思想和文化隨之產生轉變,歷史學也是值得觀察的一處面向。原來的王朝循環史觀已經無法再繼續發展,取而代之地是全面發展學習西方有關進化、直線觀點的史學研究;同時... more 近代中國結束帝制政治體制之後,各種社會、思想和文化隨之產生轉變,歷史學也是值得觀察的一處面向。原來的王朝循環史觀已經無法再繼續發展,取而代之地是全面發展學習西方有關進化、直線觀點的史學研究;同時受到政黨政治、時勢變遷及教育普及的影響,帶有目的性、功能性的史學也逐漸改變了人們既有的歷史記憶與認識。 本文嘗試檢討1930-1940年代中國史學思維的變遷。在此之前,中國史學界一度以邁向「科學化」為目標,因此特別著重於窮盡史料、不講求有意義的史學。然而,受到「國難」與中日戰爭的影響之下,民族主義史學風潮重新燃起,再度吸引了人們的目光;它不但對於如何建立國家的形象深具意義,也被挖掘來充當「文化戰」或「思想戰」的利器,並深入民心。當史學以工具的面貌來進行解釋「過去」之際,也不免帶來若干的紛爭及議論,尤其是左翼人士與日本學者的挑戰。這裡討論所舉的是錢穆《國史大綱》、呂思勉《中國民族史》和金毓黻《東北通史》等代表,包括這些著作針對的目標及引發爭議進行討論,還有當時不同地區人們對上述史學作品的理解。
摘要
滿洲國如何控制地方社會,並樹立統治基礎?本文從三方面檢視政權合法性確立的過程,闡明其中治理政策之轉向。首先,利用大同學院的「見學旅行」報告書,觀察調查工作如何深化殖民者對... more 摘要
滿洲國如何控制地方社會,並樹立統治基礎?本文從三方面檢視政權合法性確立的過程,闡明其中治理政策之轉向。首先,利用大同學院的「見學旅行」報告書,觀察調查工作如何深化殖民者對縣政的認識。這些資料除了代表考察地方時所積累的「知識生產」外,也呈現新政權面臨的統治難題。對殖民當局來說,調查活動猶如對地方行政的再確認,並運用統計方法增進治理效能。其次將焦點放在滿洲國重建農村的政策上。當官方實施各項產業開發與經濟統制活動之際,影響範圍更擴及農村,1934年大同學院的地方調查即為此一體現。通過重建農村、建立理想社會的宣傳,殖民者同時向民眾訴求「現代性」的統治理念。為了釐清滿洲國怎樣達成合法性統治,本文最後則以模範村風潮和推動「教化講演」為例,觀察日本的殖民策略。1934年起,奉天省分別於瀋陽、蓋平、海龍、梨樹等地開啟「實驗村計畫」,一方面符合不同產業的需求,另一方面移入日本居民,以期強化統治。此外,以「報國」為名的宗教結社,配合戰爭需求向社會民眾徵求動員。這些運用普世價值以美化侵略之舉,形成滿洲國與殖民當局所謂「道德門面」,也成為日本帝國主義發展的特徵。
關鍵詞:滿洲國、日本帝國主義、社會調查、模範村、教化
Abstract
Concerning how Manchukuo controlled local society and instituted the basis for its rule, the present article examines the processes by which the state established legitimacy and expounds the shifts in its governance policies from three dimensions. First, the “travel study” reports of Datong Academy (Daidō gakuin 大同学院) are used to analyze how the colonizers employed social surveys to deepen their understanding of county administration, materials which both represent the “knowledge production” accumulated during investigations into local areas and reveal the challenges faced by the regime concerning governance. For the colonizers, moreover, this investigation work resembled a reaffirmation of local administration, one which used statistics to enhance governance effectiveness. Second, the author focuses on rural reconstruction policies. When carrying out industrial development and economic control policies, colonial authorities expanded their influence into the vast rural hinterland, exemplified by Datong Academy’s investigations in 1934. Manchukuo then used rural reconstruction and the establishment of an ideal society as propaganda, while appealing for “modernity” as a governing ideal. Finally, this article takes the construction of model villages and promotion of “civilizing lectures” to elucidate how Manchukuo realized legitimacy and Japanese colonial strategies. In 1934, Fengtian province implemented the “Experimental Village Plan” in Shenyang, Gaiping, Hailong, Lishu, and elsewhere, both meeting the needs of different industries and drawing in Japanese immigrants to strengthen colonial rule. In addition, the activities of religious associations, in the name of “serving the country,” aligned themselves with war needs and mobilized the public. Such use of universal values to beautify aggression thereby constituted a “moral façade,” characteristic of Japanese imperialism.
Keywords: Manchukuo, Japanese imperialism, social surveys, model villages, civilizing
The “Tulongshan Incident” broke out in Yilan (依蘭) county on March 10, 1934. Driven by local discontent with the Japanese colonial authorities’ land expropriations and confiscation of weapons, Bahuli village chief Xie Wendong (謝文東) organized the “People’s National Salvation Army” to resist. This armed uprising during the Manchukuo period (1932-1945) lasted for several months and had far-reaching consequences. Not merely a “popular uprising,” the Incident revealed contradictions between the Japanese and Manchukuo authorities over the principles of colonial rule, and also foreshadowed the later role of the Communist Party of China in the politics of northeastern China.
This essay clarifies several issues concerning how the Incident unfolded and its significance. First, immigration became subject to challenge by the colonists themselves. Setbacks experienced by the Kwantung Army caused Japanese in Manchukuo to question colonial policy, with the most notable instance being the resignation of seven Japanese county councilors to publicly oppose what they viewed as violations of the spirit of “ethnic harmony.” Second, voices of opposition and discontent within Manchukuo led to the establishment of a government “Colonization Section” in April 1935 to jointly participate in colonial activities with Japan. Subsequently, Manchukuo authorities sought to actively coordinate with Japan and formulated the “Basic Outline for the Development of Manchukuo” in Tokyo. Third, what was an anti-Japanese movement launched by local farmers opened up a field of ideological contestation. Under the banner of the “United Front,” the CCP absorbed Xie Wendong’s forces, which became known as the “Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army,” while the Manchukuo state adopted bandit suppression/anti-Communism as a political objective, which Xie Wendong also promoted in newspapers and magazines after his surrender. Finally, the article examines how the Tulongshan Incident was recounted overseas, and what this legend reveals.
Keywords: Tulongshan Incident, Manchukuo, Japanese imperialism, colonialism, Xie Wendong
This article examines the predicament of Manchukuo’s “Concordia of Nationalities” doctrine as it was practiced. Japanese ethnology/folklore studies were initially intended to develop an understanding of the Japanese nation itself and to cast off the dominant Western perspective for interpreting other cultures, but with Japanese imperial expansion and the acquisition of colonies, ethnology and folklore studies began to change. Faced with Manchukuo’s diverse ethnic composition, Japanese colonial officials coined the slogan of a “Concordia of Nationalities” in hopes of diluting Han Chinese historical and cultural influence. Ethnology/folklore studies then became a tool for putting this doctrine into practice. In the various Japanese surveys of old myths and legends, of which investigations into the Oroqen are the most representative, Manchuria is shown to be non-Han in nature, with efforts made to draw links to Japan. Despite this, the Japanese in Manchuria changed their views on the “Concordia of Nationalities” and began reflecting on the validity of colonial policy. This study reveals a divergent sense of nationality between Manchukuo and Japan, as seen in the experiences of Omachi Tokuzo and Fujiyama Kazuo, as well as in the literary works of other Japanese in Manchuria. In short, despite initial intentions, these types of folklore studies and the “Concordia of Nationalities” formed a double-edged sword that exposed the predicament of the empire’s mythos of a unitary nation and also prompted Japan to take up “regionalism” and other ideologies in an effort to recalibrate its aggressive and expansionist activities.
大同學院是滿洲國成立後為了培養高等官僚人才而建立的機構。當戰爭結束以後,參與過此一機構的人們,在冷戰期間為了進行救難扶助、聯繫感情而建立同窗會。本文嘗試討論大同學院同窗會的性質、如何塑造對戰爭的... more 大同學院是滿洲國成立後為了培養高等官僚人才而建立的機構。當戰爭結束以後,參與過此一機構的人們,在冷戰期間為了進行救難扶助、聯繫感情而建立同窗會。本文嘗試討論大同學院同窗會的性質、如何塑造對戰爭的記憶,以及冷戰體制下對東亞地區國際社會的影響。作者並以臺灣同窗會的梁肅戎為例,探討他在戰後扮演的角色。簡單地說,大同學院同窗會刊行會報及各種回憶錄,除了喚醒同窗的「滿洲記憶」外,還藉此繼續保有社會地位。當冷戰發生國際情勢變化時,學院同窗會的「反共」情感則延續了戰前的樣貌,並促成外交關係。吾人思考冷戰體制與國際外交,必須留意到歷史的延續性及其殖民影響。
Focusing on the case of Nishimoto Shōzō, a Japanese who lived in Shanghai in the late Qing and early Republican era, this article analyzes the interactions between the politics of the early Republic of China and the East Asian environment. Nishimoto not only had been a student of the Tōa Dōbun Shoin (東亞同文書院), but also an advocate of Pan-Asianism. During the late Qing period, he shaped the public opinion in the media and played a vital role in cultural transmission between China and Japan. Due to his personal political tendencies, Nishimoto maintained close relationships with Zheng Xiaoxu, Shen Zengzhi, and other Qing loyalists. In several books published in the 1920s, Nishimoto Shōzō promoted the restoration of Qing dynasty. He often narrated anecdotes of the past in alluding to the present to describe the current situation in the Republic of China, and he promoted the “righteousness theory” as the basis of East Asian international diplomatic standards.
Overall, Nishimoto believed that the communist ideology and student movements would eventually become a source of chaos in China. He cited the slogan of the “revival of Asia” and sought to restore Chinese traditional morality. Through the position, activities, and interpersonal network of Nishimoto Shōzō, we can explore two questions: How did the revolutionary 1910s in China impact Japanese? And when the social reality produced “conceptual transformation,” why did the supporters of Pan-Asianism embark on the path of military aggression?
Keywords: Nishimoto Shōzō, politics in the early Republic of China, relation of sovereign and subject, Pan-Asianism, Shanghai Japanese residents
本文從「自治」口號來看日本如何掌控中國東北基層社會,並建立傀儡政權。過去的研究都是以「支配」和「抵抗」來理解滿洲國歷史,作者則檢視這些軍事、政治行動背後的思想因素。簡單地說,推動建立滿洲傀儡政權... more 本文從「自治」口號來看日本如何掌控中國東北基層社會,並建立傀儡政權。過去的研究都是以「支配」和「抵抗」來理解滿洲國歷史,作者則檢視這些軍事、政治行動背後的思想因素。簡單地說,推動建立滿洲傀儡政權其實來自於一群在滿日人的理念;他們不只為了維護自身利益而已,還藉此反對財閥壟斷及共產思想,並將不滿日本國內的想法投射至建設滿洲新天地上。關東軍配合這些在滿日人所提出的「自治」與地方分權等主張,決定佔領及侵略方針。不過,日本殖民當局內部實際上也出現矛盾,後來設立的協和會與大同學院,就是解決其中衝突的結果。此外,進行地方宣撫工作同時,大同學院從而累積了大量的調查報告書。這一連串的活動模式,更帶給後來日本發動軍事侵略時若干啟示。換言之,滿洲(國)不獨是新天地而已,還提供帝國日本對外擴張的實驗場所;而當中所遇到滲透農村基層的困境,也成為在其他中國淪陷區時共同面臨的難題。
Due to the lack of supporting historical documents, historians frequently turn to oral history to reconstruct the past. This paper explores the increasingly popular type of research and examines the value of oral documents and the inherent relationship between history and reality through case-studies from Northeastern China after the World War II. In general, the occasion of initial recording by interviewers needs to be considered since oral interviews combine individual memories and specific narratives. As the case of post-war Manchuria indicates, the authentication of oral histories was uncertain due to a series of conflicts between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party. To understand the constraints and advantages of oral history by analyzing confessions from different groups, this paper argues that unlike traditional archives, these confessions provide a peculiar way to understand historical contexts, especially when reviewing the history of Northeastern China after the Nationalist takeover, the visual images, materials in different languages, various ideas, and the “local consciousness” of the narratives are all worth examining.
摘要
滿洲國的各種文化活動如何協助日本殖民工作,並在第二次世界大戰結束後繼續保留下來?本文以古物調查工作為例,探討滿洲國在日本帝國殖民史上的角色,並勾勒帝國主義與知識之間的關係。由於1930年... more 摘要
滿洲國的各種文化活動如何協助日本殖民工作,並在第二次世界大戰結束後繼續保留下來?本文以古物調查工作為例,探討滿洲國在日本帝國殖民史上的角色,並勾勒帝國主義與知識之間的關係。由於1930年代東亞民族與國家主權意識的高漲,滿洲國訂立有關保存古物的法律,並與日本進行「合作」之學術調查。雖然調查工作本身有其軍事和政治之目的,可是它們卻符合滿洲國與日本雙方各自需求。「日滿文化協會」不但是進行這方面調查的半官方組織,也是解決古物所有權的辦法之一。通過調查古物,日本探詢各項經濟、自然資源,又藉此肅清各地抗日勢力,同時反思自身學術發展;滿洲國則確立自己繼承清朝的淵源,尋求立國的合法性基礎。一方面,古物調查從歷史裡打造「東亞共榮」傳統外,另一方面則吸引了中國「協力者」的參與。歷經數次不同政權的統治,這些「協力者」以地方意識為訴求,繼續發展有關「滿洲」的學術與知識。
關鍵詞:滿洲國、古物調查、殖民帝國主義、知識生產、日滿文化協會
Abstract
How did various cultural activities sponsored in Manchukuo help the Japanese colonial regime work, and how did they continue even after the end of World War II? Taking the case of antiquities surveys, this article explores the role of Manchukuo in the colonial history of the Japanese Empire, highlighting the relationship between imperialism and knowledge. Given the rising awareness of national sovereignty across East Asia the 1930s, Manchukuo promulgated laws relating to preservation of antiquities and began a “cooperative” project with Japan to conduct academic surveys. Although surveys had their military and political purposes, they also corresponded with the needs of Manchukuo and Japan. The Cultural Association of Japan and Manchukuo was a semi-official organization that carried surveys and also helped resolve the ownership of antiquities. Japan could also search for Chinese economic and natural resources, and even eliminate anti-Japanese forces. In addition, Manchukuo established its origins in the Qing Dynasty, strengthening its legitimacy as heir to the Qing. The investigation of antiquities was designed to create an “East Asia Co-Prosperity” tradition and attract Chinese collaborators’ participation in the development of “Manchurian” academic research and knowledge.
Keywords: Manchukuo, antiquities surveys, colonial imperialism, knowledge production, the Cultural Association of Japan and Manchukuo
所謂「遺華日僑」係指二次大戰後因各種因素被遺留在中國的日本僑民,其中又以留在東北地區者最多。在國共內戰時期,他們歷經了生死關頭,改變身分而成為中國人;直到1970年代日本與中共恢復外交之際,這群... more 所謂「遺華日僑」係指二次大戰後因各種因素被遺留在中國的日本僑民,其中又以留在東北地區者最多。在國共內戰時期,他們歷經了生死關頭,改變身分而成為中國人;直到1970年代日本與中共恢復外交之際,這群人才恢復身分返回日本,成為「兩個祖國」的邊緣人。本文從戰爭、記憶與性別等角度探索「遺華日僑」的身分認同。在第一部分,筆者嘗試釐清戰爭記憶本身的意義。簡言之,「遺華日僑」不僅是冷戰時期兩國外交「戰爭」下的棋子,而且他們的「滿洲經驗」也變成追索戰爭責任的場域。第二部分是分析這些「記憶」的各種體驗,包括他們身為社會底層的無奈,還有戰爭結束之際生離死別的過程,乃至有關恐懼的「滿洲經驗」。最後,對於未來的選擇上,性別差異也是造成他們做出不同決定的重要因素。無論如何,身為邊緣人的「遺華日僑」,無疑是戰爭悲劇下特定時空的產物,具有複雜的身分認同。
關鍵詞:「遺華日僑」、滿洲記憶、遣返、口述史、身分認同
The term “abandoned Japanese” refers to those Japanese left in China for various reasons in the wake of World War II. Most lived in Manchuria, and during the Chinese civil war they experienced life and death situations and many changed their identities to become Chinese. In the 1970s, when Japan and the Chinese Communist Party restored diplomatic relations, some of the “abandoned Japanese” reclaimed their original identities and returned to Japan, becoming marginal people of “two motherlands.” This article explores the identity of “abandoned Japanese” from the perspectives of war, memory, and gender. The first part of this article analyzes the meaning of war memory itself. The “abandoned Japanese” not only became a pawn in the Cold War era of diplomatic “war” but also their “Manchurian experience” became a site of the search for war responsibility. The second part analyzes their memories of a variety of experiences, including the frustration they felt at the bottom of society, as well as the terror of the “Manchurian experience” as they faced life and death situations at the conclusion of the war. Finally, gender differences played an important role in determining their choices about their future plans. It is clear that “abandoned Japanese” as marginal people produced by a particular time and place reflect the tragedy of war and possess complex identities.
1933年5月2日,日本組織一支前往熱河的「滿蒙學術調查研究團」,展開約八十天的調查工作。後來調查團共出版了六冊報告書,還有隨行記者的報導文字,加上中、日兩國報刊評論。本文以這些史料為基礎,探討... more 1933年5月2日,日本組織一支前往熱河的「滿蒙學術調查研究團」,展開約八十天的調查工作。後來調查團共出版了六冊報告書,還有隨行記者的報導文字,加上中、日兩國報刊評論。本文以這些史料為基礎,探討三項問題。第一,熱河為什麼成為滿洲建國初期選擇的調查範圍,說明政治上呈現的意義。第二,科學探險活動不僅聯繫帝國和知識之間,也宣揚了「殖民現代性」訊息。第三,對「滿蒙」地理知識來說,科學探險也是中、日兩國「文化戰」裏一種權力的競逐。
關鍵詞:滿蒙學術調查研究團 滿洲國 日本 熱河 殖民現代性
On 2 May 1933, Japan established the “First Scientific Expedition to Manchukuo”(滿蒙學術調查研究團), which began an investigation that would last about 80 days in Jehol(熱河). The mission published a total of six reports, including reports from accompanying journalists, as well as commentaries from newspapers in China and Japan. This article, discusses three issues raised by these historical documents. The first part deals with the expedition’s decision to visit Jehol and the political significance of this decision. Second, the expedition not only linked the Japanese Empire and knowledge, but also propagated the message of “colonial modernity.” Third, in pursuing geographical knowledge of Manchuria and Mongolia, the expedition was also part of a power struggle or “cultural war” between China and Japan.
Keywords: First Scientific Expedition to Manchukuo, Manchukuo, Japan, Jehol, colonial modernity
This article examines the writings on China and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) by the late Shinichiro Sato (佐藤慎一郎; 19051999). His works are of great interest to historians in large part because of his unique experiences. Prior to and during the Second Sino-Japanese War, Sato served, in turn, as an official of the Manchurian Ministry of Civil Affairs, an instructor at the Tatung Academy, and a counselor of the Department of General Affairs. He left Manchuria and returned to Japan in 1947, following Japan’s surrender at the end of the war. In 1959, after assuming a teaching position at Takushoku University, Sato began writing a series of essays known as the CCP Observations. The old China hand had now become a staunch anti-communist. Beginning in 1967, in his role as professor of Takushoku University, Sato visited Hong Kong for three consecutive years, where he interviewed refugees from mainland China. When the Joint Communique of the Government of Japan and the Government of the People’s Republic of China was signed on September 1972, Sato was openly critical of the pro-communist stance of the Tanaka cabinet in Japan.
I argue in this paper that to understand Sato’s works written at the height of the Cold War, including his critiques of China’s agricultural collectivization efforts and its people’s communes, we must also look at his writings from prior to the Cold War, for there is a great deal of continuity in his thought. He was sharply critical of traditional China, and his criticisms of Cold War China were an extension of his former views. According to Sato, traditional Chinese culture was embodied in Taiwan after the Kuomintang (KMT) government relocated to the island; hence, he was critical of aspects of Taiwan as well.
Keywords: Hong Kong, Japan, Sino-Japanese relationships after World War II, Cultural Cold War, Shinichiro Sato
近代中國結束帝制政治體制之後,各種社會、思想和文化隨之產生轉變,歷史學也是值得觀察的一處面向。原來的王朝循環史觀已經無法再繼續發展,取而代之地是全面發展學習西方有關進化、直線觀點的史學研究;同時... more 近代中國結束帝制政治體制之後,各種社會、思想和文化隨之產生轉變,歷史學也是值得觀察的一處面向。原來的王朝循環史觀已經無法再繼續發展,取而代之地是全面發展學習西方有關進化、直線觀點的史學研究;同時受到政黨政治、時勢變遷及教育普及的影響,帶有目的性、功能性的史學也逐漸改變了人們既有的歷史記憶與認識。 本文嘗試檢討1930-1940年代中國史學思維的變遷。在此之前,中國史學界一度以邁向「科學化」為目標,因此特別著重於窮盡史料、不講求有意義的史學。然而,受到「國難」與中日戰爭的影響之下,民族主義史學風潮重新燃起,再度吸引了人們的目光;它不但對於如何建立國家的形象深具意義,也被挖掘來充當「文化戰」或「思想戰」的利器,並深入民心。當史學以工具的面貌來進行解釋「過去」之際,也不免帶來若干的紛爭及議論,尤其是左翼人士與日本學者的挑戰。這裡討論所舉的是錢穆《國史大綱》、呂思勉《中國民族史》和金毓黻《東北通史》等代表,包括這些著作針對的目標及引發爭議進行討論,還有當時不同地區人們對上述史學作品的理解。
摘要
滿洲國如何控制地方社會,並樹立統治基礎?本文從三方面檢視政權合法性確立的過程,闡明其中治理政策之轉向。首先,利用大同學院的「見學旅行」報告書,觀察調查工作如何深化殖民者對... more 摘要
滿洲國如何控制地方社會,並樹立統治基礎?本文從三方面檢視政權合法性確立的過程,闡明其中治理政策之轉向。首先,利用大同學院的「見學旅行」報告書,觀察調查工作如何深化殖民者對縣政的認識。這些資料除了代表考察地方時所積累的「知識生產」外,也呈現新政權面臨的統治難題。對殖民當局來說,調查活動猶如對地方行政的再確認,並運用統計方法增進治理效能。其次將焦點放在滿洲國重建農村的政策上。當官方實施各項產業開發與經濟統制活動之際,影響範圍更擴及農村,1934年大同學院的地方調查即為此一體現。通過重建農村、建立理想社會的宣傳,殖民者同時向民眾訴求「現代性」的統治理念。為了釐清滿洲國怎樣達成合法性統治,本文最後則以模範村風潮和推動「教化講演」為例,觀察日本的殖民策略。1934年起,奉天省分別於瀋陽、蓋平、海龍、梨樹等地開啟「實驗村計畫」,一方面符合不同產業的需求,另一方面移入日本居民,以期強化統治。此外,以「報國」為名的宗教結社,配合戰爭需求向社會民眾徵求動員。這些運用普世價值以美化侵略之舉,形成滿洲國與殖民當局所謂「道德門面」,也成為日本帝國主義發展的特徵。
關鍵詞:滿洲國、日本帝國主義、社會調查、模範村、教化
Abstract
Concerning how Manchukuo controlled local society and instituted the basis for its rule, the present article examines the processes by which the state established legitimacy and expounds the shifts in its governance policies from three dimensions. First, the “travel study” reports of Datong Academy (Daidō gakuin 大同学院) are used to analyze how the colonizers employed social surveys to deepen their understanding of county administration, materials which both represent the “knowledge production” accumulated during investigations into local areas and reveal the challenges faced by the regime concerning governance. For the colonizers, moreover, this investigation work resembled a reaffirmation of local administration, one which used statistics to enhance governance effectiveness. Second, the author focuses on rural reconstruction policies. When carrying out industrial development and economic control policies, colonial authorities expanded their influence into the vast rural hinterland, exemplified by Datong Academy’s investigations in 1934. Manchukuo then used rural reconstruction and the establishment of an ideal society as propaganda, while appealing for “modernity” as a governing ideal. Finally, this article takes the construction of model villages and promotion of “civilizing lectures” to elucidate how Manchukuo realized legitimacy and Japanese colonial strategies. In 1934, Fengtian province implemented the “Experimental Village Plan” in Shenyang, Gaiping, Hailong, Lishu, and elsewhere, both meeting the needs of different industries and drawing in Japanese immigrants to strengthen colonial rule. In addition, the activities of religious associations, in the name of “serving the country,” aligned themselves with war needs and mobilized the public. Such use of universal values to beautify aggression thereby constituted a “moral façade,” characteristic of Japanese imperialism.
Keywords: Manchukuo, Japanese imperialism, social surveys, model villages, civilizing
The “Tulongshan Incident” broke out in Yilan (依蘭) county on March 10, 1934. Driven by local discontent with the Japanese colonial authorities’ land expropriations and confiscation of weapons, Bahuli village chief Xie Wendong (謝文東) organized the “People’s National Salvation Army” to resist. This armed uprising during the Manchukuo period (1932-1945) lasted for several months and had far-reaching consequences. Not merely a “popular uprising,” the Incident revealed contradictions between the Japanese and Manchukuo authorities over the principles of colonial rule, and also foreshadowed the later role of the Communist Party of China in the politics of northeastern China.
This essay clarifies several issues concerning how the Incident unfolded and its significance. First, immigration became subject to challenge by the colonists themselves. Setbacks experienced by the Kwantung Army caused Japanese in Manchukuo to question colonial policy, with the most notable instance being the resignation of seven Japanese county councilors to publicly oppose what they viewed as violations of the spirit of “ethnic harmony.” Second, voices of opposition and discontent within Manchukuo led to the establishment of a government “Colonization Section” in April 1935 to jointly participate in colonial activities with Japan. Subsequently, Manchukuo authorities sought to actively coordinate with Japan and formulated the “Basic Outline for the Development of Manchukuo” in Tokyo. Third, what was an anti-Japanese movement launched by local farmers opened up a field of ideological contestation. Under the banner of the “United Front,” the CCP absorbed Xie Wendong’s forces, which became known as the “Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army,” while the Manchukuo state adopted bandit suppression/anti-Communism as a political objective, which Xie Wendong also promoted in newspapers and magazines after his surrender. Finally, the article examines how the Tulongshan Incident was recounted overseas, and what this legend reveals.
Keywords: Tulongshan Incident, Manchukuo, Japanese imperialism, colonialism, Xie Wendong
This article examines the predicament of Manchukuo’s “Concordia of Nationalities” doctrine as it was practiced. Japanese ethnology/folklore studies were initially intended to develop an understanding of the Japanese nation itself and to cast off the dominant Western perspective for interpreting other cultures, but with Japanese imperial expansion and the acquisition of colonies, ethnology and folklore studies began to change. Faced with Manchukuo’s diverse ethnic composition, Japanese colonial officials coined the slogan of a “Concordia of Nationalities” in hopes of diluting Han Chinese historical and cultural influence. Ethnology/folklore studies then became a tool for putting this doctrine into practice. In the various Japanese surveys of old myths and legends, of which investigations into the Oroqen are the most representative, Manchuria is shown to be non-Han in nature, with efforts made to draw links to Japan. Despite this, the Japanese in Manchuria changed their views on the “Concordia of Nationalities” and began reflecting on the validity of colonial policy. This study reveals a divergent sense of nationality between Manchukuo and Japan, as seen in the experiences of Omachi Tokuzo and Fujiyama Kazuo, as well as in the literary works of other Japanese in Manchuria. In short, despite initial intentions, these types of folklore studies and the “Concordia of Nationalities” formed a double-edged sword that exposed the predicament of the empire’s mythos of a unitary nation and also prompted Japan to take up “regionalism” and other ideologies in an effort to recalibrate its aggressive and expansionist activities.
大同學院是滿洲國成立後為了培養高等官僚人才而建立的機構。當戰爭結束以後,參與過此一機構的人們,在冷戰期間為了進行救難扶助、聯繫感情而建立同窗會。本文嘗試討論大同學院同窗會的性質、如何塑造對戰爭的... more 大同學院是滿洲國成立後為了培養高等官僚人才而建立的機構。當戰爭結束以後,參與過此一機構的人們,在冷戰期間為了進行救難扶助、聯繫感情而建立同窗會。本文嘗試討論大同學院同窗會的性質、如何塑造對戰爭的記憶,以及冷戰體制下對東亞地區國際社會的影響。作者並以臺灣同窗會的梁肅戎為例,探討他在戰後扮演的角色。簡單地說,大同學院同窗會刊行會報及各種回憶錄,除了喚醒同窗的「滿洲記憶」外,還藉此繼續保有社會地位。當冷戰發生國際情勢變化時,學院同窗會的「反共」情感則延續了戰前的樣貌,並促成外交關係。吾人思考冷戰體制與國際外交,必須留意到歷史的延續性及其殖民影響。
Focusing on the case of Nishimoto Shōzō, a Japanese who lived in Shanghai in the late Qing and early Republican era, this article analyzes the interactions between the politics of the early Republic of China and the East Asian environment. Nishimoto not only had been a student of the Tōa Dōbun Shoin (東亞同文書院), but also an advocate of Pan-Asianism. During the late Qing period, he shaped the public opinion in the media and played a vital role in cultural transmission between China and Japan. Due to his personal political tendencies, Nishimoto maintained close relationships with Zheng Xiaoxu, Shen Zengzhi, and other Qing loyalists. In several books published in the 1920s, Nishimoto Shōzō promoted the restoration of Qing dynasty. He often narrated anecdotes of the past in alluding to the present to describe the current situation in the Republic of China, and he promoted the “righteousness theory” as the basis of East Asian international diplomatic standards.
Overall, Nishimoto believed that the communist ideology and student movements would eventually become a source of chaos in China. He cited the slogan of the “revival of Asia” and sought to restore Chinese traditional morality. Through the position, activities, and interpersonal network of Nishimoto Shōzō, we can explore two questions: How did the revolutionary 1910s in China impact Japanese? And when the social reality produced “conceptual transformation,” why did the supporters of Pan-Asianism embark on the path of military aggression?
Keywords: Nishimoto Shōzō, politics in the early Republic of China, relation of sovereign and subject, Pan-Asianism, Shanghai Japanese residents
本文從「自治」口號來看日本如何掌控中國東北基層社會,並建立傀儡政權。過去的研究都是以「支配」和「抵抗」來理解滿洲國歷史,作者則檢視這些軍事、政治行動背後的思想因素。簡單地說,推動建立滿洲傀儡政權... more 本文從「自治」口號來看日本如何掌控中國東北基層社會,並建立傀儡政權。過去的研究都是以「支配」和「抵抗」來理解滿洲國歷史,作者則檢視這些軍事、政治行動背後的思想因素。簡單地說,推動建立滿洲傀儡政權其實來自於一群在滿日人的理念;他們不只為了維護自身利益而已,還藉此反對財閥壟斷及共產思想,並將不滿日本國內的想法投射至建設滿洲新天地上。關東軍配合這些在滿日人所提出的「自治」與地方分權等主張,決定佔領及侵略方針。不過,日本殖民當局內部實際上也出現矛盾,後來設立的協和會與大同學院,就是解決其中衝突的結果。此外,進行地方宣撫工作同時,大同學院從而累積了大量的調查報告書。這一連串的活動模式,更帶給後來日本發動軍事侵略時若干啟示。換言之,滿洲(國)不獨是新天地而已,還提供帝國日本對外擴張的實驗場所;而當中所遇到滲透農村基層的困境,也成為在其他中國淪陷區時共同面臨的難題。
Due to the lack of supporting historical documents, historians frequently turn to oral history to reconstruct the past. This paper explores the increasingly popular type of research and examines the value of oral documents and the inherent relationship between history and reality through case-studies from Northeastern China after the World War II. In general, the occasion of initial recording by interviewers needs to be considered since oral interviews combine individual memories and specific narratives. As the case of post-war Manchuria indicates, the authentication of oral histories was uncertain due to a series of conflicts between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party. To understand the constraints and advantages of oral history by analyzing confessions from different groups, this paper argues that unlike traditional archives, these confessions provide a peculiar way to understand historical contexts, especially when reviewing the history of Northeastern China after the Nationalist takeover, the visual images, materials in different languages, various ideas, and the “local consciousness” of the narratives are all worth examining.
摘要
滿洲國的各種文化活動如何協助日本殖民工作,並在第二次世界大戰結束後繼續保留下來?本文以古物調查工作為例,探討滿洲國在日本帝國殖民史上的角色,並勾勒帝國主義與知識之間的關係。由於1930年... more 摘要
滿洲國的各種文化活動如何協助日本殖民工作,並在第二次世界大戰結束後繼續保留下來?本文以古物調查工作為例,探討滿洲國在日本帝國殖民史上的角色,並勾勒帝國主義與知識之間的關係。由於1930年代東亞民族與國家主權意識的高漲,滿洲國訂立有關保存古物的法律,並與日本進行「合作」之學術調查。雖然調查工作本身有其軍事和政治之目的,可是它們卻符合滿洲國與日本雙方各自需求。「日滿文化協會」不但是進行這方面調查的半官方組織,也是解決古物所有權的辦法之一。通過調查古物,日本探詢各項經濟、自然資源,又藉此肅清各地抗日勢力,同時反思自身學術發展;滿洲國則確立自己繼承清朝的淵源,尋求立國的合法性基礎。一方面,古物調查從歷史裡打造「東亞共榮」傳統外,另一方面則吸引了中國「協力者」的參與。歷經數次不同政權的統治,這些「協力者」以地方意識為訴求,繼續發展有關「滿洲」的學術與知識。
關鍵詞:滿洲國、古物調查、殖民帝國主義、知識生產、日滿文化協會
Abstract
How did various cultural activities sponsored in Manchukuo help the Japanese colonial regime work, and how did they continue even after the end of World War II? Taking the case of antiquities surveys, this article explores the role of Manchukuo in the colonial history of the Japanese Empire, highlighting the relationship between imperialism and knowledge. Given the rising awareness of national sovereignty across East Asia the 1930s, Manchukuo promulgated laws relating to preservation of antiquities and began a “cooperative” project with Japan to conduct academic surveys. Although surveys had their military and political purposes, they also corresponded with the needs of Manchukuo and Japan. The Cultural Association of Japan and Manchukuo was a semi-official organization that carried surveys and also helped resolve the ownership of antiquities. Japan could also search for Chinese economic and natural resources, and even eliminate anti-Japanese forces. In addition, Manchukuo established its origins in the Qing Dynasty, strengthening its legitimacy as heir to the Qing. The investigation of antiquities was designed to create an “East Asia Co-Prosperity” tradition and attract Chinese collaborators’ participation in the development of “Manchurian” academic research and knowledge.
Keywords: Manchukuo, antiquities surveys, colonial imperialism, knowledge production, the Cultural Association of Japan and Manchukuo
所謂「遺華日僑」係指二次大戰後因各種因素被遺留在中國的日本僑民,其中又以留在東北地區者最多。在國共內戰時期,他們歷經了生死關頭,改變身分而成為中國人;直到1970年代日本與中共恢復外交之際,這群... more 所謂「遺華日僑」係指二次大戰後因各種因素被遺留在中國的日本僑民,其中又以留在東北地區者最多。在國共內戰時期,他們歷經了生死關頭,改變身分而成為中國人;直到1970年代日本與中共恢復外交之際,這群人才恢復身分返回日本,成為「兩個祖國」的邊緣人。本文從戰爭、記憶與性別等角度探索「遺華日僑」的身分認同。在第一部分,筆者嘗試釐清戰爭記憶本身的意義。簡言之,「遺華日僑」不僅是冷戰時期兩國外交「戰爭」下的棋子,而且他們的「滿洲經驗」也變成追索戰爭責任的場域。第二部分是分析這些「記憶」的各種體驗,包括他們身為社會底層的無奈,還有戰爭結束之際生離死別的過程,乃至有關恐懼的「滿洲經驗」。最後,對於未來的選擇上,性別差異也是造成他們做出不同決定的重要因素。無論如何,身為邊緣人的「遺華日僑」,無疑是戰爭悲劇下特定時空的產物,具有複雜的身分認同。
關鍵詞:「遺華日僑」、滿洲記憶、遣返、口述史、身分認同
The term “abandoned Japanese” refers to those Japanese left in China for various reasons in the wake of World War II. Most lived in Manchuria, and during the Chinese civil war they experienced life and death situations and many changed their identities to become Chinese. In the 1970s, when Japan and the Chinese Communist Party restored diplomatic relations, some of the “abandoned Japanese” reclaimed their original identities and returned to Japan, becoming marginal people of “two motherlands.” This article explores the identity of “abandoned Japanese” from the perspectives of war, memory, and gender. The first part of this article analyzes the meaning of war memory itself. The “abandoned Japanese” not only became a pawn in the Cold War era of diplomatic “war” but also their “Manchurian experience” became a site of the search for war responsibility. The second part analyzes their memories of a variety of experiences, including the frustration they felt at the bottom of society, as well as the terror of the “Manchurian experience” as they faced life and death situations at the conclusion of the war. Finally, gender differences played an important role in determining their choices about their future plans. It is clear that “abandoned Japanese” as marginal people produced by a particular time and place reflect the tragedy of war and possess complex identities.
1933年5月2日,日本組織一支前往熱河的「滿蒙學術調查研究團」,展開約八十天的調查工作。後來調查團共出版了六冊報告書,還有隨行記者的報導文字,加上中、日兩國報刊評論。本文以這些史料為基礎,探討... more 1933年5月2日,日本組織一支前往熱河的「滿蒙學術調查研究團」,展開約八十天的調查工作。後來調查團共出版了六冊報告書,還有隨行記者的報導文字,加上中、日兩國報刊評論。本文以這些史料為基礎,探討三項問題。第一,熱河為什麼成為滿洲建國初期選擇的調查範圍,說明政治上呈現的意義。第二,科學探險活動不僅聯繫帝國和知識之間,也宣揚了「殖民現代性」訊息。第三,對「滿蒙」地理知識來說,科學探險也是中、日兩國「文化戰」裏一種權力的競逐。
關鍵詞:滿蒙學術調查研究團 滿洲國 日本 熱河 殖民現代性
On 2 May 1933, Japan established the “First Scientific Expedition to Manchukuo”(滿蒙學術調查研究團), which began an investigation that would last about 80 days in Jehol(熱河). The mission published a total of six reports, including reports from accompanying journalists, as well as commentaries from newspapers in China and Japan. This article, discusses three issues raised by these historical documents. The first part deals with the expedition’s decision to visit Jehol and the political significance of this decision. Second, the expedition not only linked the Japanese Empire and knowledge, but also propagated the message of “colonial modernity.” Third, in pursuing geographical knowledge of Manchuria and Mongolia, the expedition was also part of a power struggle or “cultural war” between China and Japan.
Keywords: First Scientific Expedition to Manchukuo, Manchukuo, Japan, Jehol, colonial modernity
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Papers by Chih-hung Lin 林志宏
本文以佐藤慎一郎為個案,探討日本在冷戰時期的「中共觀察」。佐藤的經歷相當特別。戰爭結束前他具有「中國經驗」,擔任過滿洲國民政部文書科屬官、大同學院教官,後來成為總務廳參事官,敗戰後於1947年歸返日本。1959年,佐藤在拓殖大學任教,開始一連串地「中共觀察」。這位昔日的「支那通」貫穿戰前與戰後,成為「中國問題研究家」,也是日本有關「反共」言論的代表。1967 年的香港左派騷動結束,他以拓大教授名義,連續三年前往香港訪問中國內地逃脫的難民;此外,當「日中邦交正常化」時, 還公然抨擊日本田中內閣的親共外交。出版多本有關分析中共農業集體化及人民公社著作的佐藤,甚至主張中國的文化正統在臺灣。要理解冷戰時期佐藤慎一郎的言論,吾人似乎無法迴避其思想延續性,包括他戰前對華有關農村破產與再建的思考。因此,藉由佐藤之例,本文希望增添文化冷戰的一頁新史。
關鍵詞: 香港、 日本、 戰後中日關係、 文化冷戰、 佐藤慎一郎
Abstract
This article examines the writings on China and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) by the late Shinichiro Sato (佐藤慎一郎; 19051999). His works are of great interest to historians in large part because of his unique experiences. Prior to and during the Second Sino-Japanese War, Sato served, in turn, as an official of the Manchurian Ministry of Civil Affairs, an instructor at the Tatung Academy, and a counselor of the Department of General Affairs. He left Manchuria and returned to Japan in 1947, following Japan’s surrender at the end of the war. In 1959, after assuming a teaching position at Takushoku University, Sato began writing a series of essays known as the CCP Observations. The old China hand had now become a staunch anti-communist. Beginning in 1967, in his role as professor of Takushoku University, Sato visited Hong Kong for three consecutive years, where he interviewed refugees from mainland China. When the Joint Communique of the Government of Japan and the Government of the People’s Republic of China was signed on September 1972, Sato was openly critical of the pro-communist stance of the Tanaka cabinet in Japan.
I argue in this paper that to understand Sato’s works written at the height of the Cold War, including his critiques of China’s agricultural collectivization efforts and its people’s communes, we must also look at his writings from prior to the Cold War, for there is a great deal of continuity in his thought. He was sharply critical of traditional China, and his criticisms of Cold War China were an extension of his former views. According to Sato, traditional Chinese culture was embodied in Taiwan after the Kuomintang (KMT) government relocated to the island; hence, he was critical of aspects of Taiwan as well.
Keywords: Hong Kong, Japan, Sino-Japanese relationships after World War II, Cultural Cold War, Shinichiro Sato
本文嘗試檢討1930-1940年代中國史學思維的變遷。在此之前,中國史學界一度以邁向「科學化」為目標,因此特別著重於窮盡史料、不講求有意義的史學。然而,受到「國難」與中日戰爭的影響之下,民族主義史學風潮重新燃起,再度吸引了人們的目光;它不但對於如何建立國家的形象深具意義,也被挖掘來充當「文化戰」或「思想戰」的利器,並深入民心。當史學以工具的面貌來進行解釋「過去」之際,也不免帶來若干的紛爭及議論,尤其是左翼人士與日本學者的挑戰。這裡討論所舉的是錢穆《國史大綱》、呂思勉《中國民族史》和金毓黻《東北通史》等代表,包括這些著作針對的目標及引發爭議進行討論,還有當時不同地區人們對上述史學作品的理解。
關鍵詞:歷史學、民族主義、民族英雄、漢奸、史學史
滿洲國如何控制地方社會,並樹立統治基礎?本文從三方面檢視政權合法性確立的過程,闡明其中治理政策之轉向。首先,利用大同學院的「見學旅行」報告書,觀察調查工作如何深化殖民者對縣政的認識。這些資料除了代表考察地方時所積累的「知識生產」外,也呈現新政權面臨的統治難題。對殖民當局來說,調查活動猶如對地方行政的再確認,並運用統計方法增進治理效能。其次將焦點放在滿洲國重建農村的政策上。當官方實施各項產業開發與經濟統制活動之際,影響範圍更擴及農村,1934年大同學院的地方調查即為此一體現。通過重建農村、建立理想社會的宣傳,殖民者同時向民眾訴求「現代性」的統治理念。為了釐清滿洲國怎樣達成合法性統治,本文最後則以模範村風潮和推動「教化講演」為例,觀察日本的殖民策略。1934年起,奉天省分別於瀋陽、蓋平、海龍、梨樹等地開啟「實驗村計畫」,一方面符合不同產業的需求,另一方面移入日本居民,以期強化統治。此外,以「報國」為名的宗教結社,配合戰爭需求向社會民眾徵求動員。這些運用普世價值以美化侵略之舉,形成滿洲國與殖民當局所謂「道德門面」,也成為日本帝國主義發展的特徵。
關鍵詞:滿洲國、日本帝國主義、社會調查、模範村、教化
Abstract
Concerning how Manchukuo controlled local society and instituted the basis for its rule, the present article examines the processes by which the state established legitimacy and expounds the shifts in its governance policies from three dimensions. First, the “travel study” reports of Datong Academy (Daidō gakuin 大同学院) are used to analyze how the colonizers employed social surveys to deepen their understanding of county administration, materials which both represent the “knowledge production” accumulated during investigations into local areas and reveal the challenges faced by the regime concerning governance. For the colonizers, moreover, this investigation work resembled a reaffirmation of local administration, one which used statistics to enhance governance effectiveness. Second, the author focuses on rural reconstruction policies. When carrying out industrial development and economic control policies, colonial authorities expanded their influence into the vast rural hinterland, exemplified by Datong Academy’s investigations in 1934. Manchukuo then used rural reconstruction and the establishment of an ideal society as propaganda, while appealing for “modernity” as a governing ideal. Finally, this article takes the construction of model villages and promotion of “civilizing lectures” to elucidate how Manchukuo realized legitimacy and Japanese colonial strategies. In 1934, Fengtian province implemented the “Experimental Village Plan” in Shenyang, Gaiping, Hailong, Lishu, and elsewhere, both meeting the needs of different industries and drawing in Japanese immigrants to strengthen colonial rule. In addition, the activities of religious associations, in the name of “serving the country,” aligned themselves with war needs and mobilized the public. Such use of universal values to beautify aggression thereby constituted a “moral façade,” characteristic of Japanese imperialism.
Keywords: Manchukuo, Japanese imperialism, social surveys, model villages, civilizing
1934年3月10日在黑龍江省依蘭縣爆發「土龍山事件」,肇因於民眾不滿日本殖民當局強徵土地和沒收武器,以致有八虎力屯第五保保董謝文東組織「民眾救國軍」的反抗之舉。這場發生在滿洲國時期的武裝衝突,歷時數月,帶來深遠的影響,它不獨為一場單純的「民眾暴動」,更凸顯了日、滿雙方對殖民統治方針上的矛盾,也預示日後中國共產黨對東北政局的衝擊。
筆者從以下幾點釐清事件的始末及定位。首先,移民活動得到來自殖民者內部的挑戰。日本關東軍的試驗遭逢挫折,引發不少在滿日人的質疑。最具體之證例乃導致七名日系縣參事官不滿,認為與「民族協和」精神相違,於是公開反對和集體請辭。其次,滿洲國方面也有若干反彈聲浪,使日方終於在1935年4月設立「拓政科」,共同參與開拓殖民活動。後來滿方又積極爭取協調,在東京訂定「滿洲開拓基本要綱」。復次,一場由地方農民展開的抗日活動,轉為充滿意識形態的場域。中共打出「統一戰線」口號,吸收謝文東部隊成為「東北抗日聯軍」。滿洲國以掃蕩匪賊∕中國共產黨為訴求,進行軍事討伐,更在謝文東投降後予以大肆宣揚。戰爭結束後,謝文東卻因親近國民黨而遭共產黨活捉和處決。最後本文將檢視土龍山軼事於境外流傳情況,並探討其中代表的意涵。
關鍵詞:土龍山事件 謝文東 滿洲國 日本帝國主義 殖民統治
Abstract
The “Tulongshan Incident” broke out in Yilan (依蘭) county on March 10, 1934. Driven by local discontent with the Japanese colonial authorities’ land expropriations and confiscation of weapons, Bahuli village chief Xie Wendong (謝文東) organized the “People’s National Salvation Army” to resist. This armed uprising during the Manchukuo period (1932-1945) lasted for several months and had far-reaching consequences. Not merely a “popular uprising,” the Incident revealed contradictions between the Japanese and Manchukuo authorities over the principles of colonial rule, and also foreshadowed the later role of the Communist Party of China in the politics of northeastern China.
This essay clarifies several issues concerning how the Incident unfolded and its significance. First, immigration became subject to challenge by the colonists themselves. Setbacks experienced by the Kwantung Army caused Japanese in Manchukuo to question colonial policy, with the most notable instance being the resignation of seven Japanese county councilors to publicly oppose what they viewed as violations of the spirit of “ethnic harmony.” Second, voices of opposition and discontent within Manchukuo led to the establishment of a government “Colonization Section” in April 1935 to jointly participate in colonial activities with Japan. Subsequently, Manchukuo authorities sought to actively coordinate with Japan and formulated the “Basic Outline for the Development of Manchukuo” in Tokyo. Third, what was an anti-Japanese movement launched by local farmers opened up a field of ideological contestation. Under the banner of the “United Front,” the CCP absorbed Xie Wendong’s forces, which became known as the “Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army,” while the Manchukuo state adopted bandit suppression/anti-Communism as a political objective, which Xie Wendong also promoted in newspapers and magazines after his surrender. Finally, the article examines how the Tulongshan Incident was recounted overseas, and what this legend reveals.
Keywords: Tulongshan Incident, Manchukuo, Japanese imperialism, colonialism, Xie Wendong
本文揭示滿洲國「民族協和」理念的實踐及其困境。日本民族學∕民俗學原先目的在於理解日本民族自身,並且擺脫以西方觀點詮釋其他文明的單一視角,惟在日本帝國擴張並領有殖民地後,民族學∕民俗學研究也產生變化。在滿洲,多元民族的構成使得殖民當局提出了「民族協和」的口號,希望沖淡漢族的歷史文化影響,民俗學∕民族學研究則成為實踐其理念的工具。當中各式各樣舊慣與傳說的調查裡,對鄂倫春族的調查工作是最具代表性之活動。筆者也透過大間知篤三及藤山一雄的經歷,以及其他在滿日人的文學作品為例,探討滿洲國與日本在民族觀點上的歧異。簡言之,與最初目標不同,這樣的民俗研究與民族協和理念形成一把雙刃劍,凸顯出帝國單一民族神話的困境,也促使日本以「地域主義」或其他意識形態重整其擴張與侵略活動。
Abstract
This article examines the predicament of Manchukuo’s “Concordia of Nationalities” doctrine as it was practiced. Japanese ethnology/folklore studies were initially intended to develop an understanding of the Japanese nation itself and to cast off the dominant Western perspective for interpreting other cultures, but with Japanese imperial expansion and the acquisition of colonies, ethnology and folklore studies began to change. Faced with Manchukuo’s diverse ethnic composition, Japanese colonial officials coined the slogan of a “Concordia of Nationalities” in hopes of diluting Han Chinese historical and cultural influence. Ethnology/folklore studies then became a tool for putting this doctrine into practice. In the various Japanese surveys of old myths and legends, of which investigations into the Oroqen are the most representative, Manchuria is shown to be non-Han in nature, with efforts made to draw links to Japan. Despite this, the Japanese in Manchuria changed their views on the “Concordia of Nationalities” and began reflecting on the validity of colonial policy. This study reveals a divergent sense of nationality between Manchukuo and Japan, as seen in the experiences of Omachi Tokuzo and Fujiyama Kazuo, as well as in the literary works of other Japanese in Manchuria. In short, despite initial intentions, these types of folklore studies and the “Concordia of Nationalities” formed a double-edged sword that exposed the predicament of the empire’s mythos of a unitary nation and also prompted Japan to take up “regionalism” and other ideologies in an effort to recalibrate its aggressive and expansionist activities.
本文以一位僑居中國上海的日本人──西本省三為例,分析民初思想與東亞環境的互動。曾是南京「東亞同文書院」學生的西本,是主張「興亞論」的人物之一。他在清末時經營報刊和媒體輿論,扮演中日兩國間文化的中介地位;民國建立後,由於個人的政治傾向,又與鄭孝胥、沈曾植等清遺民的關係相當密切。在1920年代出版的幾本著作中,西本省三堅持復辟的態度,通過「以古喻今」為策略來描述民國現況,並提倡「大義名分論」做為維護東亞地區國際外交的準繩。
總結來說,西本認為共產思想和學生運動終將成為中國的亂源;他以「復興亞洲」為口號,強調應該積極恢復中國固有的道德。從西本省三的立場、活動與人際網絡來看,我們可以想像:1910年代中國發生革命之際,究竟帶給鄰近國家日本何種衝擊?當社會現實產生「概念轉型」後,為什麼那些「興亞論」者會走上戰爭侵略之道路?
關鍵詞:西本省三、民初政治、大義名分、興亞論、上海日僑
Abstract
Focusing on the case of Nishimoto Shōzō, a Japanese who lived in Shanghai in the late Qing and early Republican era, this article analyzes the interactions between the politics of the early Republic of China and the East Asian environment. Nishimoto not only had been a student of the Tōa Dōbun Shoin (東亞同文書院), but also an advocate of Pan-Asianism. During the late Qing period, he shaped the public opinion in the media and played a vital role in cultural transmission between China and Japan. Due to his personal political tendencies, Nishimoto maintained close relationships with Zheng Xiaoxu, Shen Zengzhi, and other Qing loyalists. In several books published in the 1920s, Nishimoto Shōzō promoted the restoration of Qing dynasty. He often narrated anecdotes of the past in alluding to the present to describe the current situation in the Republic of China, and he promoted the “righteousness theory” as the basis of East Asian international diplomatic standards.
Overall, Nishimoto believed that the communist ideology and student movements would eventually become a source of chaos in China. He cited the slogan of the “revival of Asia” and sought to restore Chinese traditional morality. Through the position, activities, and interpersonal network of Nishimoto Shōzō, we can explore two questions: How did the revolutionary 1910s in China impact Japanese? And when the social reality produced “conceptual transformation,” why did the supporters of Pan-Asianism embark on the path of military aggression?
Keywords: Nishimoto Shōzō, politics in the early Republic of China, relation of sovereign and subject, Pan-Asianism, Shanghai Japanese residents
歷史研究經常缺乏文獻的佐證,使得真相難以究明。為了解決相關問題,口述訪談於是成為史家重建史實的工具。本文以戰後接收東北的經驗為例,探討口述資料之價值,以及史實與現實的關係。一般說來,口述訪問是一種結合個人記憶與特定敘事的資料,有時研究者必須考慮到紀錄者採訪的時機。如同戰後滿洲的個案所示,因為國共內戰的問題複雜,導致相關口述呈現各說各話的情況。為了釐清口述方法的優劣所在,作者嘗試分析來自不同群體的自白,認為它們有別於檔案,提供理解史實的其他管道。當我們回顧戰後中國東北史之際,應該留心到多元的聲音及其「地方性思維」的意義。此外,要關切視覺圖像或其他語言史料,以豐富其中的歷史過程。
關鍵詞:口述歷史、中國東北、滿洲、接收、記憶
Abstract
Due to the lack of supporting historical documents, historians frequently turn to oral history to reconstruct the past. This paper explores the increasingly popular type of research and examines the value of oral documents and the inherent relationship between history and reality through case-studies from Northeastern China after the World War II.
In general, the occasion of initial recording by interviewers needs to be considered since oral interviews combine individual memories and specific narratives. As the case of post-war Manchuria indicates, the authentication of oral histories was uncertain due to a series of conflicts between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party. To understand the constraints and advantages of oral history by analyzing confessions from different groups, this paper argues that unlike traditional archives, these confessions provide a peculiar way to understand historical contexts, especially when reviewing the history of Northeastern China after the Nationalist takeover, the visual images, materials in different languages, various ideas, and the “local consciousness” of the narratives are all worth examining.
Keywords: oral history, Northeast China, Manchuria, takeover, memory
滿洲國的各種文化活動如何協助日本殖民工作,並在第二次世界大戰結束後繼續保留下來?本文以古物調查工作為例,探討滿洲國在日本帝國殖民史上的角色,並勾勒帝國主義與知識之間的關係。由於1930年代東亞民族與國家主權意識的高漲,滿洲國訂立有關保存古物的法律,並與日本進行「合作」之學術調查。雖然調查工作本身有其軍事和政治之目的,可是它們卻符合滿洲國與日本雙方各自需求。「日滿文化協會」不但是進行這方面調查的半官方組織,也是解決古物所有權的辦法之一。通過調查古物,日本探詢各項經濟、自然資源,又藉此肅清各地抗日勢力,同時反思自身學術發展;滿洲國則確立自己繼承清朝的淵源,尋求立國的合法性基礎。一方面,古物調查從歷史裡打造「東亞共榮」傳統外,另一方面則吸引了中國「協力者」的參與。歷經數次不同政權的統治,這些「協力者」以地方意識為訴求,繼續發展有關「滿洲」的學術與知識。
關鍵詞:滿洲國、古物調查、殖民帝國主義、知識生產、日滿文化協會
Abstract
How did various cultural activities sponsored in Manchukuo help the Japanese colonial regime work, and how did they continue even after the end of World War II? Taking the case of antiquities surveys, this article explores the role of Manchukuo in the colonial history of the Japanese Empire, highlighting the relationship between imperialism and knowledge. Given the rising awareness of national sovereignty across East Asia the 1930s, Manchukuo promulgated laws relating to preservation of antiquities and began a “cooperative” project with Japan to conduct academic surveys. Although surveys had their military and political purposes, they also corresponded with the needs of Manchukuo and Japan. The Cultural Association of Japan and Manchukuo was a semi-official organization that carried surveys and also helped resolve the ownership of antiquities. Japan could also search for Chinese economic and natural resources, and even eliminate anti-Japanese forces. In addition, Manchukuo established its origins in the Qing Dynasty, strengthening its legitimacy as heir to the Qing. The investigation of antiquities was designed to create an “East Asia Co-Prosperity” tradition and attract Chinese collaborators’ participation in the development of “Manchurian” academic research and knowledge.
Keywords: Manchukuo, antiquities surveys, colonial imperialism, knowledge production, the Cultural Association of Japan and Manchukuo
關鍵詞:「遺華日僑」、滿洲記憶、遣返、口述史、身分認同
The term “abandoned Japanese” refers to those Japanese left in China for various reasons in the wake of World War II. Most lived in Manchuria, and during the Chinese civil war they experienced life and death situations and many changed their identities to become Chinese. In the 1970s, when Japan and the Chinese Communist Party restored diplomatic relations, some of the “abandoned Japanese” reclaimed their original identities and returned to Japan, becoming marginal people of “two motherlands.” This article explores the identity of “abandoned Japanese” from the perspectives of war, memory, and gender. The first part of this article analyzes the meaning of war memory itself. The “abandoned Japanese” not only became a pawn in the Cold War era of diplomatic “war” but also their “Manchurian experience” became a site of the search for war responsibility. The second part analyzes their memories of a variety of experiences, including the frustration they felt at the bottom of society, as well as the terror of the “Manchurian experience” as they faced life and death situations at the conclusion of the war. Finally, gender differences played an important role in determining their choices about their future plans. It is clear that “abandoned Japanese” as marginal people produced by a particular time and place reflect the tragedy of war and possess complex identities.
Key Words: “abandoned Japanese,” Manchurian experience, repatriation, oral history, identity
關鍵詞:滿蒙學術調查研究團 滿洲國 日本 熱河 殖民現代性
On 2 May 1933, Japan established the “First Scientific Expedition to Manchukuo”(滿蒙學術調查研究團), which began an investigation that would last about 80 days in Jehol(熱河). The mission published a total of six reports, including reports from accompanying journalists, as well as commentaries from newspapers in China and Japan. This article, discusses three issues raised by these historical documents. The first part deals with the expedition’s decision to visit Jehol and the political significance of this decision. Second, the expedition not only linked the Japanese Empire and knowledge, but also propagated the message of “colonial modernity.” Third, in pursuing geographical knowledge of Manchuria and Mongolia, the expedition was also part of a power struggle or “cultural war” between China and Japan.
Keywords: First Scientific Expedition to Manchukuo, Manchukuo, Japan, Jehol, colonial modernity
本文以佐藤慎一郎為個案,探討日本在冷戰時期的「中共觀察」。佐藤的經歷相當特別。戰爭結束前他具有「中國經驗」,擔任過滿洲國民政部文書科屬官、大同學院教官,後來成為總務廳參事官,敗戰後於1947年歸返日本。1959年,佐藤在拓殖大學任教,開始一連串地「中共觀察」。這位昔日的「支那通」貫穿戰前與戰後,成為「中國問題研究家」,也是日本有關「反共」言論的代表。1967 年的香港左派騷動結束,他以拓大教授名義,連續三年前往香港訪問中國內地逃脫的難民;此外,當「日中邦交正常化」時, 還公然抨擊日本田中內閣的親共外交。出版多本有關分析中共農業集體化及人民公社著作的佐藤,甚至主張中國的文化正統在臺灣。要理解冷戰時期佐藤慎一郎的言論,吾人似乎無法迴避其思想延續性,包括他戰前對華有關農村破產與再建的思考。因此,藉由佐藤之例,本文希望增添文化冷戰的一頁新史。
關鍵詞: 香港、 日本、 戰後中日關係、 文化冷戰、 佐藤慎一郎
Abstract
This article examines the writings on China and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) by the late Shinichiro Sato (佐藤慎一郎; 19051999). His works are of great interest to historians in large part because of his unique experiences. Prior to and during the Second Sino-Japanese War, Sato served, in turn, as an official of the Manchurian Ministry of Civil Affairs, an instructor at the Tatung Academy, and a counselor of the Department of General Affairs. He left Manchuria and returned to Japan in 1947, following Japan’s surrender at the end of the war. In 1959, after assuming a teaching position at Takushoku University, Sato began writing a series of essays known as the CCP Observations. The old China hand had now become a staunch anti-communist. Beginning in 1967, in his role as professor of Takushoku University, Sato visited Hong Kong for three consecutive years, where he interviewed refugees from mainland China. When the Joint Communique of the Government of Japan and the Government of the People’s Republic of China was signed on September 1972, Sato was openly critical of the pro-communist stance of the Tanaka cabinet in Japan.
I argue in this paper that to understand Sato’s works written at the height of the Cold War, including his critiques of China’s agricultural collectivization efforts and its people’s communes, we must also look at his writings from prior to the Cold War, for there is a great deal of continuity in his thought. He was sharply critical of traditional China, and his criticisms of Cold War China were an extension of his former views. According to Sato, traditional Chinese culture was embodied in Taiwan after the Kuomintang (KMT) government relocated to the island; hence, he was critical of aspects of Taiwan as well.
Keywords: Hong Kong, Japan, Sino-Japanese relationships after World War II, Cultural Cold War, Shinichiro Sato
本文嘗試檢討1930-1940年代中國史學思維的變遷。在此之前,中國史學界一度以邁向「科學化」為目標,因此特別著重於窮盡史料、不講求有意義的史學。然而,受到「國難」與中日戰爭的影響之下,民族主義史學風潮重新燃起,再度吸引了人們的目光;它不但對於如何建立國家的形象深具意義,也被挖掘來充當「文化戰」或「思想戰」的利器,並深入民心。當史學以工具的面貌來進行解釋「過去」之際,也不免帶來若干的紛爭及議論,尤其是左翼人士與日本學者的挑戰。這裡討論所舉的是錢穆《國史大綱》、呂思勉《中國民族史》和金毓黻《東北通史》等代表,包括這些著作針對的目標及引發爭議進行討論,還有當時不同地區人們對上述史學作品的理解。
關鍵詞:歷史學、民族主義、民族英雄、漢奸、史學史
滿洲國如何控制地方社會,並樹立統治基礎?本文從三方面檢視政權合法性確立的過程,闡明其中治理政策之轉向。首先,利用大同學院的「見學旅行」報告書,觀察調查工作如何深化殖民者對縣政的認識。這些資料除了代表考察地方時所積累的「知識生產」外,也呈現新政權面臨的統治難題。對殖民當局來說,調查活動猶如對地方行政的再確認,並運用統計方法增進治理效能。其次將焦點放在滿洲國重建農村的政策上。當官方實施各項產業開發與經濟統制活動之際,影響範圍更擴及農村,1934年大同學院的地方調查即為此一體現。通過重建農村、建立理想社會的宣傳,殖民者同時向民眾訴求「現代性」的統治理念。為了釐清滿洲國怎樣達成合法性統治,本文最後則以模範村風潮和推動「教化講演」為例,觀察日本的殖民策略。1934年起,奉天省分別於瀋陽、蓋平、海龍、梨樹等地開啟「實驗村計畫」,一方面符合不同產業的需求,另一方面移入日本居民,以期強化統治。此外,以「報國」為名的宗教結社,配合戰爭需求向社會民眾徵求動員。這些運用普世價值以美化侵略之舉,形成滿洲國與殖民當局所謂「道德門面」,也成為日本帝國主義發展的特徵。
關鍵詞:滿洲國、日本帝國主義、社會調查、模範村、教化
Abstract
Concerning how Manchukuo controlled local society and instituted the basis for its rule, the present article examines the processes by which the state established legitimacy and expounds the shifts in its governance policies from three dimensions. First, the “travel study” reports of Datong Academy (Daidō gakuin 大同学院) are used to analyze how the colonizers employed social surveys to deepen their understanding of county administration, materials which both represent the “knowledge production” accumulated during investigations into local areas and reveal the challenges faced by the regime concerning governance. For the colonizers, moreover, this investigation work resembled a reaffirmation of local administration, one which used statistics to enhance governance effectiveness. Second, the author focuses on rural reconstruction policies. When carrying out industrial development and economic control policies, colonial authorities expanded their influence into the vast rural hinterland, exemplified by Datong Academy’s investigations in 1934. Manchukuo then used rural reconstruction and the establishment of an ideal society as propaganda, while appealing for “modernity” as a governing ideal. Finally, this article takes the construction of model villages and promotion of “civilizing lectures” to elucidate how Manchukuo realized legitimacy and Japanese colonial strategies. In 1934, Fengtian province implemented the “Experimental Village Plan” in Shenyang, Gaiping, Hailong, Lishu, and elsewhere, both meeting the needs of different industries and drawing in Japanese immigrants to strengthen colonial rule. In addition, the activities of religious associations, in the name of “serving the country,” aligned themselves with war needs and mobilized the public. Such use of universal values to beautify aggression thereby constituted a “moral façade,” characteristic of Japanese imperialism.
Keywords: Manchukuo, Japanese imperialism, social surveys, model villages, civilizing
1934年3月10日在黑龍江省依蘭縣爆發「土龍山事件」,肇因於民眾不滿日本殖民當局強徵土地和沒收武器,以致有八虎力屯第五保保董謝文東組織「民眾救國軍」的反抗之舉。這場發生在滿洲國時期的武裝衝突,歷時數月,帶來深遠的影響,它不獨為一場單純的「民眾暴動」,更凸顯了日、滿雙方對殖民統治方針上的矛盾,也預示日後中國共產黨對東北政局的衝擊。
筆者從以下幾點釐清事件的始末及定位。首先,移民活動得到來自殖民者內部的挑戰。日本關東軍的試驗遭逢挫折,引發不少在滿日人的質疑。最具體之證例乃導致七名日系縣參事官不滿,認為與「民族協和」精神相違,於是公開反對和集體請辭。其次,滿洲國方面也有若干反彈聲浪,使日方終於在1935年4月設立「拓政科」,共同參與開拓殖民活動。後來滿方又積極爭取協調,在東京訂定「滿洲開拓基本要綱」。復次,一場由地方農民展開的抗日活動,轉為充滿意識形態的場域。中共打出「統一戰線」口號,吸收謝文東部隊成為「東北抗日聯軍」。滿洲國以掃蕩匪賊∕中國共產黨為訴求,進行軍事討伐,更在謝文東投降後予以大肆宣揚。戰爭結束後,謝文東卻因親近國民黨而遭共產黨活捉和處決。最後本文將檢視土龍山軼事於境外流傳情況,並探討其中代表的意涵。
關鍵詞:土龍山事件 謝文東 滿洲國 日本帝國主義 殖民統治
Abstract
The “Tulongshan Incident” broke out in Yilan (依蘭) county on March 10, 1934. Driven by local discontent with the Japanese colonial authorities’ land expropriations and confiscation of weapons, Bahuli village chief Xie Wendong (謝文東) organized the “People’s National Salvation Army” to resist. This armed uprising during the Manchukuo period (1932-1945) lasted for several months and had far-reaching consequences. Not merely a “popular uprising,” the Incident revealed contradictions between the Japanese and Manchukuo authorities over the principles of colonial rule, and also foreshadowed the later role of the Communist Party of China in the politics of northeastern China.
This essay clarifies several issues concerning how the Incident unfolded and its significance. First, immigration became subject to challenge by the colonists themselves. Setbacks experienced by the Kwantung Army caused Japanese in Manchukuo to question colonial policy, with the most notable instance being the resignation of seven Japanese county councilors to publicly oppose what they viewed as violations of the spirit of “ethnic harmony.” Second, voices of opposition and discontent within Manchukuo led to the establishment of a government “Colonization Section” in April 1935 to jointly participate in colonial activities with Japan. Subsequently, Manchukuo authorities sought to actively coordinate with Japan and formulated the “Basic Outline for the Development of Manchukuo” in Tokyo. Third, what was an anti-Japanese movement launched by local farmers opened up a field of ideological contestation. Under the banner of the “United Front,” the CCP absorbed Xie Wendong’s forces, which became known as the “Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army,” while the Manchukuo state adopted bandit suppression/anti-Communism as a political objective, which Xie Wendong also promoted in newspapers and magazines after his surrender. Finally, the article examines how the Tulongshan Incident was recounted overseas, and what this legend reveals.
Keywords: Tulongshan Incident, Manchukuo, Japanese imperialism, colonialism, Xie Wendong
本文揭示滿洲國「民族協和」理念的實踐及其困境。日本民族學∕民俗學原先目的在於理解日本民族自身,並且擺脫以西方觀點詮釋其他文明的單一視角,惟在日本帝國擴張並領有殖民地後,民族學∕民俗學研究也產生變化。在滿洲,多元民族的構成使得殖民當局提出了「民族協和」的口號,希望沖淡漢族的歷史文化影響,民俗學∕民族學研究則成為實踐其理念的工具。當中各式各樣舊慣與傳說的調查裡,對鄂倫春族的調查工作是最具代表性之活動。筆者也透過大間知篤三及藤山一雄的經歷,以及其他在滿日人的文學作品為例,探討滿洲國與日本在民族觀點上的歧異。簡言之,與最初目標不同,這樣的民俗研究與民族協和理念形成一把雙刃劍,凸顯出帝國單一民族神話的困境,也促使日本以「地域主義」或其他意識形態重整其擴張與侵略活動。
Abstract
This article examines the predicament of Manchukuo’s “Concordia of Nationalities” doctrine as it was practiced. Japanese ethnology/folklore studies were initially intended to develop an understanding of the Japanese nation itself and to cast off the dominant Western perspective for interpreting other cultures, but with Japanese imperial expansion and the acquisition of colonies, ethnology and folklore studies began to change. Faced with Manchukuo’s diverse ethnic composition, Japanese colonial officials coined the slogan of a “Concordia of Nationalities” in hopes of diluting Han Chinese historical and cultural influence. Ethnology/folklore studies then became a tool for putting this doctrine into practice. In the various Japanese surveys of old myths and legends, of which investigations into the Oroqen are the most representative, Manchuria is shown to be non-Han in nature, with efforts made to draw links to Japan. Despite this, the Japanese in Manchuria changed their views on the “Concordia of Nationalities” and began reflecting on the validity of colonial policy. This study reveals a divergent sense of nationality between Manchukuo and Japan, as seen in the experiences of Omachi Tokuzo and Fujiyama Kazuo, as well as in the literary works of other Japanese in Manchuria. In short, despite initial intentions, these types of folklore studies and the “Concordia of Nationalities” formed a double-edged sword that exposed the predicament of the empire’s mythos of a unitary nation and also prompted Japan to take up “regionalism” and other ideologies in an effort to recalibrate its aggressive and expansionist activities.
本文以一位僑居中國上海的日本人──西本省三為例,分析民初思想與東亞環境的互動。曾是南京「東亞同文書院」學生的西本,是主張「興亞論」的人物之一。他在清末時經營報刊和媒體輿論,扮演中日兩國間文化的中介地位;民國建立後,由於個人的政治傾向,又與鄭孝胥、沈曾植等清遺民的關係相當密切。在1920年代出版的幾本著作中,西本省三堅持復辟的態度,通過「以古喻今」為策略來描述民國現況,並提倡「大義名分論」做為維護東亞地區國際外交的準繩。
總結來說,西本認為共產思想和學生運動終將成為中國的亂源;他以「復興亞洲」為口號,強調應該積極恢復中國固有的道德。從西本省三的立場、活動與人際網絡來看,我們可以想像:1910年代中國發生革命之際,究竟帶給鄰近國家日本何種衝擊?當社會現實產生「概念轉型」後,為什麼那些「興亞論」者會走上戰爭侵略之道路?
關鍵詞:西本省三、民初政治、大義名分、興亞論、上海日僑
Abstract
Focusing on the case of Nishimoto Shōzō, a Japanese who lived in Shanghai in the late Qing and early Republican era, this article analyzes the interactions between the politics of the early Republic of China and the East Asian environment. Nishimoto not only had been a student of the Tōa Dōbun Shoin (東亞同文書院), but also an advocate of Pan-Asianism. During the late Qing period, he shaped the public opinion in the media and played a vital role in cultural transmission between China and Japan. Due to his personal political tendencies, Nishimoto maintained close relationships with Zheng Xiaoxu, Shen Zengzhi, and other Qing loyalists. In several books published in the 1920s, Nishimoto Shōzō promoted the restoration of Qing dynasty. He often narrated anecdotes of the past in alluding to the present to describe the current situation in the Republic of China, and he promoted the “righteousness theory” as the basis of East Asian international diplomatic standards.
Overall, Nishimoto believed that the communist ideology and student movements would eventually become a source of chaos in China. He cited the slogan of the “revival of Asia” and sought to restore Chinese traditional morality. Through the position, activities, and interpersonal network of Nishimoto Shōzō, we can explore two questions: How did the revolutionary 1910s in China impact Japanese? And when the social reality produced “conceptual transformation,” why did the supporters of Pan-Asianism embark on the path of military aggression?
Keywords: Nishimoto Shōzō, politics in the early Republic of China, relation of sovereign and subject, Pan-Asianism, Shanghai Japanese residents
歷史研究經常缺乏文獻的佐證,使得真相難以究明。為了解決相關問題,口述訪談於是成為史家重建史實的工具。本文以戰後接收東北的經驗為例,探討口述資料之價值,以及史實與現實的關係。一般說來,口述訪問是一種結合個人記憶與特定敘事的資料,有時研究者必須考慮到紀錄者採訪的時機。如同戰後滿洲的個案所示,因為國共內戰的問題複雜,導致相關口述呈現各說各話的情況。為了釐清口述方法的優劣所在,作者嘗試分析來自不同群體的自白,認為它們有別於檔案,提供理解史實的其他管道。當我們回顧戰後中國東北史之際,應該留心到多元的聲音及其「地方性思維」的意義。此外,要關切視覺圖像或其他語言史料,以豐富其中的歷史過程。
關鍵詞:口述歷史、中國東北、滿洲、接收、記憶
Abstract
Due to the lack of supporting historical documents, historians frequently turn to oral history to reconstruct the past. This paper explores the increasingly popular type of research and examines the value of oral documents and the inherent relationship between history and reality through case-studies from Northeastern China after the World War II.
In general, the occasion of initial recording by interviewers needs to be considered since oral interviews combine individual memories and specific narratives. As the case of post-war Manchuria indicates, the authentication of oral histories was uncertain due to a series of conflicts between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party. To understand the constraints and advantages of oral history by analyzing confessions from different groups, this paper argues that unlike traditional archives, these confessions provide a peculiar way to understand historical contexts, especially when reviewing the history of Northeastern China after the Nationalist takeover, the visual images, materials in different languages, various ideas, and the “local consciousness” of the narratives are all worth examining.
Keywords: oral history, Northeast China, Manchuria, takeover, memory
滿洲國的各種文化活動如何協助日本殖民工作,並在第二次世界大戰結束後繼續保留下來?本文以古物調查工作為例,探討滿洲國在日本帝國殖民史上的角色,並勾勒帝國主義與知識之間的關係。由於1930年代東亞民族與國家主權意識的高漲,滿洲國訂立有關保存古物的法律,並與日本進行「合作」之學術調查。雖然調查工作本身有其軍事和政治之目的,可是它們卻符合滿洲國與日本雙方各自需求。「日滿文化協會」不但是進行這方面調查的半官方組織,也是解決古物所有權的辦法之一。通過調查古物,日本探詢各項經濟、自然資源,又藉此肅清各地抗日勢力,同時反思自身學術發展;滿洲國則確立自己繼承清朝的淵源,尋求立國的合法性基礎。一方面,古物調查從歷史裡打造「東亞共榮」傳統外,另一方面則吸引了中國「協力者」的參與。歷經數次不同政權的統治,這些「協力者」以地方意識為訴求,繼續發展有關「滿洲」的學術與知識。
關鍵詞:滿洲國、古物調查、殖民帝國主義、知識生產、日滿文化協會
Abstract
How did various cultural activities sponsored in Manchukuo help the Japanese colonial regime work, and how did they continue even after the end of World War II? Taking the case of antiquities surveys, this article explores the role of Manchukuo in the colonial history of the Japanese Empire, highlighting the relationship between imperialism and knowledge. Given the rising awareness of national sovereignty across East Asia the 1930s, Manchukuo promulgated laws relating to preservation of antiquities and began a “cooperative” project with Japan to conduct academic surveys. Although surveys had their military and political purposes, they also corresponded with the needs of Manchukuo and Japan. The Cultural Association of Japan and Manchukuo was a semi-official organization that carried surveys and also helped resolve the ownership of antiquities. Japan could also search for Chinese economic and natural resources, and even eliminate anti-Japanese forces. In addition, Manchukuo established its origins in the Qing Dynasty, strengthening its legitimacy as heir to the Qing. The investigation of antiquities was designed to create an “East Asia Co-Prosperity” tradition and attract Chinese collaborators’ participation in the development of “Manchurian” academic research and knowledge.
Keywords: Manchukuo, antiquities surveys, colonial imperialism, knowledge production, the Cultural Association of Japan and Manchukuo
關鍵詞:「遺華日僑」、滿洲記憶、遣返、口述史、身分認同
The term “abandoned Japanese” refers to those Japanese left in China for various reasons in the wake of World War II. Most lived in Manchuria, and during the Chinese civil war they experienced life and death situations and many changed their identities to become Chinese. In the 1970s, when Japan and the Chinese Communist Party restored diplomatic relations, some of the “abandoned Japanese” reclaimed their original identities and returned to Japan, becoming marginal people of “two motherlands.” This article explores the identity of “abandoned Japanese” from the perspectives of war, memory, and gender. The first part of this article analyzes the meaning of war memory itself. The “abandoned Japanese” not only became a pawn in the Cold War era of diplomatic “war” but also their “Manchurian experience” became a site of the search for war responsibility. The second part analyzes their memories of a variety of experiences, including the frustration they felt at the bottom of society, as well as the terror of the “Manchurian experience” as they faced life and death situations at the conclusion of the war. Finally, gender differences played an important role in determining their choices about their future plans. It is clear that “abandoned Japanese” as marginal people produced by a particular time and place reflect the tragedy of war and possess complex identities.
Key Words: “abandoned Japanese,” Manchurian experience, repatriation, oral history, identity
關鍵詞:滿蒙學術調查研究團 滿洲國 日本 熱河 殖民現代性
On 2 May 1933, Japan established the “First Scientific Expedition to Manchukuo”(滿蒙學術調查研究團), which began an investigation that would last about 80 days in Jehol(熱河). The mission published a total of six reports, including reports from accompanying journalists, as well as commentaries from newspapers in China and Japan. This article, discusses three issues raised by these historical documents. The first part deals with the expedition’s decision to visit Jehol and the political significance of this decision. Second, the expedition not only linked the Japanese Empire and knowledge, but also propagated the message of “colonial modernity.” Third, in pursuing geographical knowledge of Manchuria and Mongolia, the expedition was also part of a power struggle or “cultural war” between China and Japan.
Keywords: First Scientific Expedition to Manchukuo, Manchukuo, Japan, Jehol, colonial modernity