1990年代是個關鍵的年代,大規模群眾運動興起,作為小市民的我身歷其境,躬逢 其盛,對於我撰寫博士論文有很大的刺激,於是構想撰寫有關明清城市民變的研究。我嘗試擺脫過去馬克思史觀,而用社會心理學的角度來分析。我也因此被歸為 「右派」!那就改研究別的方向吧!我選擇與日常生活最接近的課題,那就是消費與物質文化。雖然又常被視為不正經的研究,但是在研究過程中,卻可以疏解不少 壓力。最近總覺得自己不像晚明的文人士大夫那樣重視品味,反而比較像清代的士大夫喜歡吊書袋。
1990s was a crucial year, with the stirring of large-scale mass movements, and as I was a citizen I was right in the thick of it. Those events were a huge stimulus for my doctoral dissertation and I came up with the idea of writing about the collective protests the urban people went through in the Ming and Qing dynasties. I attempted to throw off the recent Marxist views of history, and analyze the events from the aspect of social psychology. For this reason I was branded as a “rightist”! So I changed the direction of my research! I chose a topic closest to everyday life, namely consumption and material culture. Although my research continued to be regarded as not serious, nevertheless, in the process of research this actually took a lot of the pressure off me. Recently I have felt that I resemble not so much the serious a late Ming literati who attaches importance to taste, but rather a Qing scholar-official who likes to flaunt his knowledge of the classics.
近代中國自從19世紀中葉以後陸續出現城市指南的手冊書籍,過去這類文本也未受到史學家的重視。中央研究院近代史研究所自從成立的「城市史研究群」之後,致力於近代中國城市史的研究與史料開發,同仁深覺城市... more 近代中國自從19世紀中葉以後陸續出現城市指南的手冊書籍,過去這類文本也未受到史學家的重視。中央研究院近代史研究所自從成立的「城市史研究群」之後,致力於近代中國城市史的研究與史料開發,同仁深覺城市指南對解讀近代中國城市演變具有重要的史料價值,於是建置有「近代中國城市」資料庫,收錄五十多種城市指南。此外,城市史研究群也在2014年近代史研究所舉辦之「全球視野下的中國近代史研究」國際學術會議中,邀請同仁與海內外多位學者共同撰文探討城市指南的相關問題,本論文集即是該次會議的結晶。以下筆者嘗試整合本論文集之論文成幾個不同的主題作介紹。
本書透過蘇州的菜館、茶館、旅館,與煙館等四種休閑行業的研究,呈現淪陷時期蘇州「畸形繁榮」的城市生活,翻轉過去對抗戰時期淪陷區城市經濟凋敝、工商與金融萎縮、城市建設遭受破壞嚴重等既定印象。蘇州此現... more 本書透過蘇州的菜館、茶館、旅館,與煙館等四種休閑行業的研究,呈現淪陷時期蘇州「畸形繁榮」的城市生活,翻轉過去對抗戰時期淪陷區城市經濟凋敝、工商與金融萎縮、城市建設遭受破壞嚴重等既定印象。蘇州此現象從社會結構的變遷與社會心理的角度來解釋,在於淪陷後成為偽政權轄下的江蘇省省會,吸納大量的流動人口,特別是公務員與來自上海、紹興的群體,再加上當時普遍瀰漫對未來的不確定感與逃避現實的心理,帶動蘇州的休閑產業的消費。但其社會的另一面,卻是謀生不易、自殺率增高、暴力充斥、勞資糾紛持續、物化女性,以及貧富兩極化等現象。再由下而上的角度,來重新評估偽政權的性質,蘇州例子顯示偽政權的統治較諸戰前更深入城市生活中,包括實施保甲制與通行管制之外,還有嚴格控管城市衛生、公共休閒空間,以及調控市場物價與實施消費配給等。而休閑產業者為了生存,在日常生活中,透過消極不配合以及黑市與茶會等管道,反抗政府的各種剝削與管制政策。淪陷時期的蘇州正體現了歷史上戰爭影響城市的另一種型態,筆者稱之為「戰爭下的繁榮城市」。
Wu Jen-shu, “Heaven” after the Catastrophe: Urban Life in Suzhou under Japanese Occupation. Taipei: National Taiwan University Press, 2017.
Using local newspapers, travel guide books, dairies, travel logs, oral history and archival documents, this study depicts the leisure life of Suzhou after the city was occupied by the Japanese during the Sino-Japanese War in 1937–1945, and reveals a complicated picture of the urban life in occupied Suzhou, with a focus on four leisure industries, tea houses, restaurants, hotels, and opium dens. As demonstrated by these four industries, the leisure life in Suzhou was far from being sluggish under the Wang Jingwei regime, but had been blossoming once the social order was recovered. This work shows that the change of the social structure and wartime social mentality were the main factors for “Suzhou splendor”. After Suzhou was made the capital of Jiangsu province under the puppet regime, the influx of war refugees and civil servants serving the new regime contributed greatly to the leisure industry. Furthermore, the carpe diem spirit that prevailed during the wartime was another major reason for the blooming of the consumer culture. While mainly focusing on the abnormally bustling leisure industry, this book depicts a more complicated picture of Suzhou’s urban life: the subsistence living the vast majority facing, high suicide rate, prevailing social violence, frequent conflicts between the employers and employees, objectified women, and the widening gap between the rich and the poor. This book also examines the relations between state and society in Suzhou under the Wang Jingwei puppet regime. From a bottom up approach, this study finds that the penetration of the puppet regime was deeper than that of the previous governments. Many aspects demonstrate the tighter grip of the puppet state on the society, such as the neighbourhood administrative system (pao-chia) and travel bans, strict control on urban hygiene and public leisure space, market price regulation and consumption ration system. Under the dominance of the state, owners of the leisure industry had been adopting several measures to resist the controls imposed by the state. Such measures include passive cooperation, black market trade, and Teahouse Trade Association, to serve as what James Scott called the “weapons of the weak.” This monograph makes good contribution to the history of consumption as well as studies of China during the occupation period. Currently research on occupied China has been focusing mainly on Shanghai, whereas the author channels our attention to Suzhou. While the collective memory of the cities under Japanese occupation has been dominated by the massive war atrocities such as “the rape of Nanjing,” this study uses Suzhou as a case study to echo the new scholarship on the multi-layered effects the War had on Chinese cities.
"當代的中國大陸已成為全球的消費大國,各個大城市裡名牌店林立。然而早在三、四百年前江南的大城市裡,已經可以看到休閑消費的繁榮現象。休閑消費如何改變了城市的空間?店舖為因應消費需求如何改造其空間配... more "當代的中國大陸已成為全球的消費大國,各個大城市裡名牌店林立。然而早在三、四百年前江南的大城市裡,已經可以看到休閑消費的繁榮現象。休閑消費如何改變了城市的空間?店舖為因應消費需求如何改造其空間配置?休閑的空間如何擴大與分化?私人性質的休閑空間為何走向公共化?男性與女性在消費空間上有何差異?本書嘗試將「空間」的觀念帶入到消費研究的領域,探討明清城市內休閑消費活動如何改變了空間結構,進而分析現象背後所反映的社會關係與權力糾結。
本書分成三篇,各篇有兩章,分別從六個面向來探析。上篇從休閑與購物兩方面來探討明清城市的消費性格與消費的動力。中篇兩章則是以城市休閑消費所反映的社會空間為主題,分別以蘇州的園林與旅遊為例。下篇的兩章主要是關於兩性購物消費的議題。透過上述各章的分析與討論,作者在結論裡分析明清城市消費空間變遷所具有的三層意義。作者總結指出「消費」就是城市性格的重要特徵,同時也以休閑消費的吸引力來解釋明清鄉紳逐漸城居化的原因,並說明十八世紀江南官紳對休閑消費的觀念有去道德化與去政治化的可能性。
My previous monograph, Luxurious Taste: Consumer Society and Literati during the Late Ming (2007) discussed the formation of a so-called consumer society during the Ming Dynasty, a society that had its foundations in urban environments. My new work, Urban Pleasures: Leisure Consumption and Spatial Transformation in Jiangnan Cities during the Ming-Qing Period, focuses on the diversity of leisure and shopping activities and spaces that marked lifestyles and life experiences in cities from the mid-Ming to the mid-Qing period. I consider the concept of “space” in the field of consumption research, argue for the effects of consumption on changing spatial configurations, and explore the social relations and political negotiations behind the changes in the major cities of the Ming and the Qing.
Urban Pleasures is divided into three sections, each consisting of two chapters, which collectively explore the subject from six aspects. Part One focuses on the characteristics and incentives of consumption in Ming and Qing cities through aspects of leisure and shopping. The two chapters in Part Two explore mainly the social space reflected in urban leisure consumption. These two chapters use Suzhou as a case study to show how urban gardens were converted from private leisure spaces to public spaces and explore the evolution of tourism space from the Ming to Qing periods. The two chapters in the last part of the book center on the issue of gender and consumption. Based on the analysis and discussion throughout these chapters, the conclusion explores the significance of variations in urban consumer space in the Ming and Qing on three levels, namely: the spatial practice of consumption, the social production of consumer space, and the political negotiation of urban spaces. “Consumerism” was an integral part of the characteristics of “urbanity” during the Ming and Qing dynasties. The appeal of leisure consumption helps explain why the gentry often moved their residences from the country to the city from the mid-Ming period on. As well, the literati conception of leisure consumption was potentially de-moralized and de-politicized during the eighteenth century.
本書以明末清初的城市群眾集體行動,即所謂“民變”為研究對象。以史籍記載為基礎,借鑒西方新文化史、歷史社會學、社會心理學諸學科的理論進行闡釋,應用量化分析、集體心理分析等研究方法,對明清城市民變的... more 本書以明末清初的城市群眾集體行動,即所謂“民變”為研究對象。以史籍記載為基礎,借鑒西方新文化史、歷史社會學、社會心理學諸學科的理論進行闡釋,應用量化分析、集體心理分析等研究方法,對明清城市民變的歷史背景、領導人與參與者、行動模式及城市民變的各種不同類型進行丁深入分析。從而從各個方面,對城市民變這一“老課題”得出了較為全面和新穎的認識.
本書簡介:
在中國近現代歷史的演變歷程中,城市無疑地扮演了重要的角色。尤其是現代性的特徵在城市裡表現特別明顯,而城市化又是現代性的一部分。本書透過城市來探討現代性的問題,最重要的目的,就是嘗試... more 本書簡介:
在中國近現代歷史的演變歷程中,城市無疑地扮演了重要的角色。尤其是現代性的特徵在城市裡表現特別明顯,而城市化又是現代性的一部分。本書透過城市來探討現代性的問題,最重要的目的,就是嘗試突破現代化或西化的框架,擴大視野與議題到其它的面向,並且將近現代城市史研究的縱深,延伸到明清時期。本書的14篇論文大致分為兩類,第一類是關於城市生活與文化的面向,第二類則是涉及到城市內群己關係的重新調整。本文為該書之〈導論〉部分。
Cities have played a crucial role throughout the course of modern Chinese history. Numerous aspects of Chinese modernity manifested themselves most clearly in urban settings, with urbanization constituting an essential component of modernity. This book explores the relationship between Chinese cities and modernity, its main goals being to challenge Western models of modernization, broaden scholarly perspectives on these issues by considering a wide range of phenomena, and extend the temporal scope of research on Chinese modernity to the Ming-Qing era. The 14 articles presented in this book can be divided into two types: the first treats facets of urban culture and daily life, while the second examines new forms of interaction between individuals and communities in urban settings.
Originated by the British in the 19th century, modern tourism developed into a great symbol of mo... more Originated by the British in the 19th century, modern tourism developed into a great symbol of modern society and life. Tourism was actually implanted on the historical and cultural background, thought and social economy in the early modern period. However, there were tourist activities of many kinds in China since late Ming to mid Qing period. Part one of this book describes mass tourism activities on one hand, and probes into the gradual marketing of tourist activities on the other hand, including the commercialization of tourist handbooks, accommodation, food and transport. Compared to the Western European countries of the same period, the facilities of Chinese tourism, from the 16th to the 18th century, went on declining from a leading to a lagging position.
Since travel culture is an important aspect of the literati’s culture of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, specific attention is given to how the literati moulded the culture of travelling. Part two of this book deals with the tourist activities of the literati. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties there were periods when the zest for traveling diminished, yet travel remained an important activity of the literati all the time. The literati's diaries during the Ming and Qing Dynasties show the real day-to-day practices of travel and prove that the mainstream preference at that time was for short distance journeys. The diaries also indicate that the literati thought highly of comfort and leisure while they were touring and that one of the functions of traveling was also social intercourse.
Part three of this book discusses how the literati built their travel culture. Besides introducing the relevant texts that the they wrote, this part focuses on the evolution of narrative and writing styles that took place especially from the late Ming to the mid Qing periods. Mainly through the analysis of the travel notes, we probe into the literati’s self-consciousness of their social status, and their tendency to change their writing styles in order to raise their social profile. We also present another point of view which refers to the impressions and attitudes of Chinese travelers − such as special envoys, intellectuals, overseas students and migrants, etc. − who traveled to the West or came in contact with Westerners in the late Qing period.
Finally, we discuss the representation of the tourist landscapes through three cultural forms. First, the literati’s typical landscape impressions and how the Jiangnan mountains and rivers influenced their traveling choices. Secondly, we show that building tourist landscapes also related to politics, as it was the case with the emperors who produced new sceneries during the Qing Dynasty. Finally, we will take Suzhou as an example of how the tourist landscapes developed in the Ming and Qing periods to become historic sites in the 20th century as well as the scenic spots of modern tourism.
品味奢華:晚明的消費社會與士大夫
摘要:
本書透過具體而細緻的實證研究,探討晚明的消費社會與士大夫的消費文化。作者希冀呈現晚明消費史的多元面向,豐富這段歷史。全書的兩大主軸,其一是嘗試把近代... more 品味奢華:晚明的消費社會與士大夫
摘要:
本書透過具體而細緻的實證研究,探討晚明的消費社會與士大夫的消費文化。作者希冀呈現晚明消費史的多元面向,豐富這段歷史。全書的兩大主軸,其一是嘗試把近代早期中國的消費史,放在世界史的脈絡下,突顯晚明時期的重要性。作者指出晚明已形成「消費社會」的現象,以修正英國史學家關於「消費革命」的歷史解釋。本書另一個主軸是士大夫的消費文化。從消費文化的角度,一方面可以看到晚明社會結構的變動,特別是士、商關係的變化;另一方面士大夫也透過消費文化,塑造消費品味與流行時尚,來重新建構他們的身分地位。
Elegant Taste: Consumer Society and the Literati in the Late Ming
Wu Jen-shu
This book explores the formation and elaboration of consumer society in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century China. With concrete and detailed empirical research, this book not only vividly illustrates Chinese literati’s material life in the late Ming, but also challenges previous works on the “consumer revolution.” Scholars have argued for the emergence of the consumer revolution in eighteenth-century Britain and its contribution to the subsequent industrial revolution. This book shows that a similar change in consumer culture occurred in China even earlier than in Britain while it did not necessarily lead to the same outcome. In addition, this book demonstrates social mobility between literati and merchants. Facing competition from the “vulgar” merchants, the late Ming literati reclaimed its class identity and dignity by forging a “taste of elegance.”
在傳統中國婦女受盡禮教欺壓的印象下,很難想像明清時期的婦女竟可過著奢侈的生活。無論是流行時尚的服飾妝扮、精緻可口的美味佳餚,甚至出外遊山玩水、廟會進香,都成為當時江南婦女生活中精采的一部份。不僅... more 在傳統中國婦女受盡禮教欺壓的印象下,很難想像明清時期的婦女竟可過著奢侈的生活。無論是流行時尚的服飾妝扮、精緻可口的美味佳餚,甚至出外遊山玩水、廟會進香,都成為當時江南婦女生活中精采的一部份。不僅限於富貴人家,中產之家也起而效尤,爭相比美。
婦女超越生理基本需求的消費,代表明清時期婦女收入和經濟力的提升,而晚明的情欲觀,正好提供人們追求感官欲望的合理化基礎與動力。情欲觀帶動情色產業的興盛,妓女成為流行時尚的代言人。婦女的奢侈消費也衝擊了兩性關係,明清的士大夫對此提出許多批評,其中夾雜著性別偏見,甚至以法令嚴格規範婦女奢侈的消費。本書從消費的角度,重新觀察明清婦女的生活、地位及其對當時產業的影響,期望能予讀者明清婦女另一面貌。
Women of luxury – Women’s Consumer Culture of the Jiangnan region (area south of the Yangtse) in the Ming-Qing period
Wu, Jen-shu
The influence of the May Fourth movement has given us a rigid impression that traditional Chinese women were oppressed by Confucian culture. Yet it is also true that women in the Ming and Qing also could live lives of luxury, not only pursuing popular styles of personal adornment, but also in traveling and enjoying natural landscapes. This was not confined to the rich; the middle classes also followed suit. Going beyond the basic physiological needs of consumption, this represented an increase in the income and economic power of women. Moreover, the concept of sexual passion that appeared in the late Ming provided people with the rational grounds and the motivation to satisfy their lust. The sex industry was flourishing, and the prostitute became the representative of fashion. Consumption of luxury goods by women had an impact on gender relations, and many scholars treated this with a mix of criticism and misogyny, even going so far as to promulgate laws restricting the consumption of luxury goods by women. This book reexamines the lives and status of women in the Ming and Qing periods, and their influence on production, from a consumer perspective. It is hoped that this book can acquaint readers with another aspect of women during the Ming and Qing.
本文企圖結合歷史學與犯罪學的研究方法,以同治朝巴縣檔案中的竊盜類案件為史料來研究犯罪的歷史。首先發現同治朝的三大重要歷史事件:同治元年太平軍殘餘勢力的騷擾、同治二年的真原堂教案,以及同治三年開始... more 本文企圖結合歷史學與犯罪學的研究方法,以同治朝巴縣檔案中的竊盜類案件為史料來研究犯罪的歷史。首先發現同治朝的三大重要歷史事件:同治元年太平軍殘餘勢力的騷擾、同治二年的真原堂教案,以及同治三年開始的米價陡升,都直接影響竊盜事件的發生。然而,個人的能動性不全然受歷史大事件的影響,由是本文第二節分析個人的犯罪動機。大多數被捕犯人的口供自陳犯罪的原因是貧窮,且多是下層的勞動階層。他們往往經過理性考量後,組織成竊盜集團,有計劃地犯案。然而並非貧窮者都可能成為罪犯,而是同時還要有合適的標的物出現與監控者不在場的情境下,才會發生偷竊行為,由此可見機會的出現相當重要。再者並不是所有竊犯都是貧窮者,而是有犯罪傾向者,在日常生活中碰到了誘惑的情境機會而引發偷竊的行為。第三節呈現犯罪的複雜過程。偷竊方式以破壞牆壁或門窗的方法為主,「飛賊」的例子不多。某些特殊的時節例如廟會節慶與婚禮,容易吸引竊賊。偷竊的物品裡金器珠寶並非常見,而是服飾類的物品居多。竊嫌的銷贓有幾種管道,除了到當鋪與地方的市場變賣外,還有專門的接贓者。竊賊背後還有重要的黑手,即窩戶,不但窩藏竊賊,幫助銷贓,甚至可能是竊盜集團的主使者。 The present paper attempts to combine the research methods of history and criminology to investigate crime during the reign of the Tongzhi Emperor by using cases of theft in the archives of Ba county, Sichuan, from 1862 to 1875 as historical data for analysis. First of all, it has been found that three important historical events of the period, namely instances of harassment by remnants of the Taiping army in 1862, the “Zhenyuan 真原 Catholic Church Incident” which occurred in 1863, and the sharp rise in rice prices beginning in 1864, all directly affected the occurrence of theft cases. However, individual agency was not entirely affected by historical events. The second section of this paper analyzes the motivations of individual criminals. The majority of arrested criminals confessed that their motive was poverty and most of them came from the lower or working class. In addition, after rational consideration, they often organized into groups and systematically committed their crimes. Not everyone faced with poverty, of course, became a criminal as, perhaps most importantly, the presence of suitable unguarded targets provided opportunities, showing the importance of opportunity for thievery. Moreover, not all thieves were impoverished and tempting situational opportunities encountered within their daily lives likewise led to theft. The third section of this essay explores the complex processes of crime. Instances of “cat burglars” were far and few between as the main method involved damaging walls or doors and windows to gain entry. Other examples highlight that certain special occasions, such as temple festivals and weddings, also tended to attract thieves. Concerning the stolen items, clothing was in the majority, whereas gold and jewelry were rarely pilfered. Several channels existed for the disposal of stolen goods: in addition to pawn shops and local markets, there were fences, or movers, who specialized in the handling of the items. Finally, a “hidden hand” or mastermind led from behind the scenes, who not only helped to harbor criminals and sell stolen goods but was also likely to be the head of the criminal syndicate.
本文以清代同治朝巴縣的竊盜案件為例,從多個角度探討19世紀中葉犯罪行為與城市化之間的關係。當時重慶的城市化程度達到19-20%,城市內發生的竊盜案件占整體竊盜案件的比例,也從18世紀中葉的19%... more 本文以清代同治朝巴縣的竊盜案件為例,從多個角度探討19世紀中葉犯罪行為與城市化之間的關係。當時重慶的城市化程度達到19-20%,城市內發生的竊盜案件占整體竊盜案件的比例,也從18世紀中葉的19%,上升到33%。重慶城市內竊案集中在城內的5個坊,皆是商業中心與行政中心。城市內入室偷竊的主要手法是破壞門扇,而鄉村的竊案則是破壞牆壁為主,這與城、鄉環境的差異有關。此外,城市內各類房屋的形式也有其弱點,以致容易遭竊。至於城市內竊盜案件的失物,比起鄉村,有更多高價、多樣化的物品,顯示城、鄉之間在物質消費水平上的差距。城市內充斥著開放店鋪與人來人往的客棧,使得成為竊盜標的物的可見性與可接近性高過鄉村。在城市內設有防範竊盜的機制,即柵欄與坊捕,然而防範效果並不理想。因此許多事主的呈詞就把矛頭對準捕役,認為捕役與竊賊串通,但從重慶的實例看到「蠹捕」包庇竊賊與賊犯勾結的例子並不多。以上結果顯見城市化的發展影響犯罪的發生。 Based on an analysis of the theft cases in Ba County from 1862 to1875, this essay discusses the relationship between criminal behavior and urbanization in China in the mid-19th century from a variety of perspectives. During this period, Chongqing’s urbanization rate reached 19-20%, and the proportion of burglary cases in the city rose from 19% in the mid-18th century to 33% in the mid-19th century. Burglaries in Chongqing were concentrated in five of the city's commercial and administrative centers. The main method of burglary in the city was to break through doors or windows, while theft in the countryside mainly was by damaging walls, which reflected the difference between the urban and rural environments. Moreover, the different types of houses in the city had different weaknesses in burglary prevention. Few houses were not vulnerable to theft. The stolen goods taken in the city, the items were more expensive and diverse than those taken in the countryside, reflecting the gap in the level of material consumption between people in the cities and rural areas. The city was full of shops and inns bustling with people, illustrating the higher visibility and accessibility of objects to be targeted by thieves than in the countryside. There were mechanisms in place in the city to prevent theft, i.e. fences and constables. However, such preventive mechanisms were not 100% effective. Many victims of theft actually suspected the police of colluding with the burglars, but the present study of Chongqing disclosed few known cases of police cover up for or collusion with the burglars. The above results illustrate how the development of urbanization affected the occurrence of crime in China.
崇禎九年(1636)常熟縣發生的一起士人集體聲討鄉紳錢裔肅事件。錢裔肅事件反映了明季「鄉紳之橫」的另外一個面相,即使鄉紳在地方具有所謂把持官府的力量,但是在晚明仍然有關注道德的一面,特別是當時一... more 崇禎九年(1636)常熟縣發生的一起士人集體聲討鄉紳錢裔肅事件。錢裔肅事件反映了明季「鄉紳之橫」的另外一個面相,即使鄉紳在地方具有所謂把持官府的力量,但是在晚明仍然有關注道德的一面,特別是當時一些士人們可說是抗衡鄉紳的另一種勢力。晚明以來,生員輩的同類意識越加明顯,他們對社會與政治的不滿與批評也是動作不斷,在江南地區尤為突出。當鄉紳重要的敗德劣跡事件曝光之後,生員也會寫檄文或揭貼公開聲討,甚至群體聚集向知縣或巡按御史要求將鄉紳懲罰治罪。錢裔肅面對士人的批判,想盡各種方法逃脫,例如抹黑對方、製造偽證,以及賄賂當事人撤案;最後的殺手鐧就是賄賂族內最高官位的錢謙益當居中調人,最終避免了牢獄之災。錢裔肅事件反映了明季崇禎朝江南地方社會的縮影,且這還不是終點而是起點,之後看到常熟縣當地發生的張漢儒誣告錢謙益與反鄉紳趙士錦事件,都可以看到類似錢裔肅事件的鬥爭模式,甚且影響到朝廷的人事安排。
婦女史與性別研究至今已成為歷史學研究的重要領域,現代中國婦女史的研究業已有相當多的成果問世;然而,抗戰時期的婦女史涉及淪陷區的研究相當少見,且多聚焦於菁英女性的活動,直到最近的研究才觸及底層婦女... more 婦女史與性別研究至今已成為歷史學研究的重要領域,現代中國婦女史的研究業已有相當多的成果問世;然而,抗戰時期的婦女史涉及淪陷區的研究相當少見,且多聚焦於菁英女性的活動,直到最近的研究才觸及底層婦女的活動。本文利用淪陷時期的蘇州報紙,探討當時一般婦女的生活。本文的結果顯示,戰爭造成婦女流離失所、生計困難,於是婦女被迫淪為乞丐、被賣、被誘拐等事件頻仍。然而,上述這類戰爭時期的非常態現象,只是蘇州婦女日常生活的一面。從蘇州的例子可以發現,戰爭對當時社會的重要影響,就是加速了某些制度與社會的變遷。婚姻制度就是明顯的例子之一。蘇州婦女的婚姻呈現高度不穩定性,但也反映婦女自主婚姻有更大的空間。戰爭加速蘇州社會變遷的另一個例子,就是出現許多新興的職業婦女,尤其是大量的女性服務業者湧現。在當時報紙上,雖然刊載許多男性撰稿者對婦女生活發生這樣變化的諷刺與批評,反映了男性社會對婦女出入公共場所與職場的焦慮,卻忽略這類現象也可以算是婦女的一種生存策略。再者,婦女的活動又反映了戰時淪陷區社會的另一種特徵,即高度的流動性。最後透過當時蘇州婦女的休閒情況,呈現了戰時城市社會貧富兩極分化的現象。 Despite the growing wealth of studies related to gender in Chinese history, scholars have tended to neglect the fates of women in occupied China under the Japanese. As well, what little research has been done focused almost exclusively on the elite classes. This article seeks to reconstruct the plight of ordinary women through an analysis of contemporary newspaper articles, showing how many lost their homes and livelihoods as a result of the occupation. At the same time, however, war also served as an accelerator of social change. As the example of Suzhou shows, marriage mores came under enormous pressure amid the upheaval of the times, leading to both greater uncertainty and greater autonomy for women. Similarly, socio-economic pressures also led to an upsurge in new service jobs for women, who increasingly relied upon themselves to make ends meet. These changes were often criticized or satirized by male writers, who dominate the main sources used here. Nonetheless, their descriptions reflect a sense of anxiety amid the general volatility of life under the occupation, as well as the accumulating social changes that were taking place. In the final part of this article, a brief excursion into the leisure activities of contemporary women is undertaken, which reveals a growing rift between the rich and the poor in urban Suzhou.
清代廣告紙的形式,無論是包紙或招紙,內容上都是以文字敘述為主。此現象除了反映識字率的提高之外,更涉及到商業貿易的競爭加劇、仿冒與偽造之風盛行,尤其是在工商業發達的江南城市裡,故業者每每需強調其字... more 清代廣告紙的形式,無論是包紙或招紙,內容上都是以文字敘述為主。此現象除了反映識字率的提高之外,更涉及到商業貿易的競爭加劇、仿冒與偽造之風盛行,尤其是在工商業發達的江南城市裡,故業者每每需強調其字號與商品的真,避免消費者誤認。然而,廣告字紙的實用性,卻與士紳所倡導的惜字觀念格格不入。隨著文昌帝君的信仰出現之後,勸惜字紙以求自己或子孫高中科舉的觀念逐漸在士大夫與文人間流行起來,到了清代之後形成了惜字會的組織,尤以江南地區為盛。因為廣告字紙內含文字又易遭拋棄,遂成為士紳改革的對象。因此,商人以謀利為動機而發展出的商業文化,和士人以科舉功名為目的的士人文化發生衝突。五口通商之後,大城市的工商業急速發展,商場上的競爭也愈加激烈,廣告字紙對業者推銷其產品而言更形重要,士、商文化的衝突也在此時期達到最高峰。同時士人的惜字觀念受外緣影響也造成內部變化,惜字的觀念不僅透過善書與戲曲等通俗文學開始逐漸普及民間大眾,惜字的功德也從強調子孫識字與科舉功名,轉變到發財與避禍的善報,由是惜字觀念被轉化成對生意經營也具有正面的作用。至此士、商之間對廣告字紙與惜字紙的觀念出現調和,也顯示了清代的商業競爭與消費主義對士紳宗教信仰的影響。Qing period advertisements on wrapping paper and posters were largely textual, reflecting both the steady rise in literacy and the intensification of commercial competition. Merchants and producers in the commercially and culturally affluent Jiangnan region in particular increasingly depended on advertisements to convey the authenticity and high repute of their goods. At the same time, the textual bent of advertisements clashed with the cultural ideals of many gentry, who as part of the literary elite were dedicated to the lofty values espoused by Societies for Cherishing Written Characters (Xizihui, 惜字會) and objected to such usage of sacred script as blasphemy. These associations had emerged in reaction against the growing popularity of the Daoist Deity of Literature, Wenchang Dijun (文昌帝君). Tensions between the profit-oriented merchant culture and examination-focused gentry ideals further rose with the explosion of advertisements resulting from the commercial and industrial growth that followed the opening of treaty ports. However, as moral compendiums (shanshu, 善書) and dramas came to promote the concept of “cherishing written characters” among the lower orders of society, the focus of these exhortations shifted from examination success toward material wealth and personal well-being, thereby gradually incorporating the same merchant culture that had hitherto been castigated as morally corrupt.
在中國史的脈絡裡眾所周知的是,唐宋之間最大的變化之一,就是中國的經濟重心由北方移往南方,尤其是江南地區更成為中國的經濟與文化的中心,江南的飲食文化也在這樣的過程中逐漸孕育出來。本專號收錄的五篇文... more 在中國史的脈絡裡眾所周知的是,唐宋之間最大的變化之一,就是中國的經濟重心由北方移往南方,尤其是江南地區更成為中國的經濟與文化的中心,江南的飲食文化也在這樣的過程中逐漸孕育出來。本專號收錄的五篇文章,討論的時間範圍從宋代到當代,論述的角度非常多元,主題也相當廣泛,但都是以江南地區的飲食文化為核心。研究分析的文獻材料相當多元化,包括筆記、文集、食譜、方志、城市指南、日記、遊記、報刊雜誌與影音媒體等。這五篇論文代表最近飲食文化史的新趨勢,以下分為五個面向介紹之。
本文嘗試從多元的研究取向來分析東坡肉在歷史上的演變情況。經過本文的考證與分析,雖然,蘇軾可能的確發明了一種豬肉烹調的方法,但是當時的人並沒有以「東坡肉」來命名之,直到明代才出現「東坡肉」一詞。東... more 本文嘗試從多元的研究取向來分析東坡肉在歷史上的演變情況。經過本文的考證與分析,雖然,蘇軾可能的確發明了一種豬肉烹調的方法,但是當時的人並沒有以「東坡肉」來命名之,直到明代才出現「東坡肉」一詞。東坡肉的烹飪方法也經歷長期的演變,其模式先是注意火候,進而加入多元的佐料與精心熬製的醬汁。明清時期,東坡肉並非一般庶民的家常菜,而是文人士大夫階層所喜好的佳餚。它成為明清時期士大夫與文人在宴會雅集時所搭配的重要菜餚,同時也是餽贈朋友之常見禮物。東坡肉之所以受文人士大夫之喜愛,其實是東坡崇拜下的副產品,且成為明清士大夫象徵我群認同的菜餚。至於東坡肉所以成為杭州菜的代表,其實是民國以後的事情。因為杭州菜館在往外省發展的過程中,為了與它省菜餚相區隔,於是大力宣揚東坡肉為其招牌菜,甚至虛構了蘇東坡在杭州任官時的一些傳說。最後,東坡肉也在近代向海外傳播,最明顯的例子之一就是日本。日本人接受東坡肉其實是受到中國士人文化影響下的一種仿效。 This paper analyzes the history of Dongpo pork through a variety of approaches. The dish is named after Su Shi (1036-1101), a famous scholar-poet who lived in the Song Dynasty, who was also known as Su Dongpo. Although it is possible that Su Shi might have invented a method of cooking pork, it was not called “Dongpo Pork” at the time, and the term did not appear until the Ming Dynasty. The method of cooking Dongpo pork also evolved over time. The method is described as paying attention first to the heat, and then to the variety of spices and the mixing of the sauce. In Ming and Qing times, it was not a dish for common people, but a favorite cuisine item among the literati and gentry. Dongpo pork became an important dish during elite banquets, and was also a common gift among friends. The popularity of Dongpo pork was linked to the veneration of Su Shi and the dish thus became a symbol of literati culture and identity. Dongpo pork became a main feature in Hangzhou cuisine only during the Republican Period. As Hangzhou restaurants gradually expanded their business to other parts of China, they vigorously promoted Dongpo pork as their signature dish, and even invented fictional accounts about Su Shi when he was an official in Hangzhou. Dongpo pork eventually spread overseas, most conspicuously to Japan, where it became widely regarded as a representative dish of Chinese literati culture.
近年來關於近代早期的消費史研究,已經開始質疑西方中心觀,指出同時期中國的消費現象可能並不亞於英國或西歐。遺憾的是關於當時中國人消費日用奢侈品的紀錄,幾乎都局限在社會上階層,如宮廷、高級官員與大商... more 近年來關於近代早期的消費史研究,已經開始質疑西方中心觀,指出同時期中國的消費現象可能並不亞於英國或西歐。遺憾的是關於當時中國人消費日用奢侈品的紀錄,幾乎都局限在社會上階層,如宮廷、高級官員與大商人等。至於一般社會階層的物質消費,幾乎很難找到確切的歷史紀錄。由是,除了上層社會之外,其他的社會階層是否有能力消費日用奢侈品?這是一仍待解決的問題。本文從乾隆朝四川巴縣的例子,透過對竊盜案檔案中失竊物品的考察,說明十八世紀中葉以後,一個非經濟核心地區的物質消費情況。首先是看到被竊物品中有大量的服飾、錫器、銀飾品與銅器等奢侈品,可見不僅是社會上階層,而是有更多屬於社會中間階層,亦即傳統中國所謂的「中人之產」者或「中人之家」也有能力消費得起奢侈品。其中,主要是聚集在城市的商人階層所占比重逐漸增加,他們也是奢侈風氣的帶動者。再從被竊的日用奢侈品反映地方上經過市場經濟洗禮後,造成人們在物質消費生活上的變化。此外,從被竊物品中還可以發現江南地區的流行服飾,甚至還有「洋貨」,此亦反映了流行時尚的影響範圍。本文雖是微觀的例子,卻反映了十八世紀中國人的消費能力是不容小覷的。 關鍵詞:乾隆、巴縣、竊盜、消費、時尚
Recent research on the history of consumption during the early modern period has begun to question Eurocentric approaches, pointing out that China’s consumption trends may have been similar to those of Britain or Western Europe at same period. However, the relevant Chinese documents focus overwhelmingly on the material culture of the upper classes, and historical resources regarding the common people’s ability to consume luxury objects are rare. Through an analysis of the inventories of stolen goods from 1757 to 1795, this essay investigates the consumers of Ba County in Chongqing Prefecture, a relatively uncommercialized part of the empire, showing that the victims of theft increasingly came to consist of people engaged in commerce and industry. This was a new group of consumers, belonging to the middle segments of society and able to consume such luxury objects as high quality clothes, tin, silver and bronze objects, and the like, that emerged in the eighteenth century. The stolen goods reflected the rapid commodification of the local economy and the changes in people’s consumption patterns. In addition, fashion styles from the Jiangnan area and even imported “foreign goods” could be found among the stolen goods, reflecting the range of outside influences on consumption. Although this essay is a microhistory, it reminds us that China’s consumption in the eighteenth century should not to be underestimated. Keywords: Qianlong, Baxian (Ba County), theft, consumption, fashion
近代中國自從19世紀中葉以後陸續出現城市指南的手冊書籍,過去這類文本也未受到史學家的重視。中央研究院近代史研究所自從成立的「城市史研究群」之後,致力於近代中國城市史的研究與史料開發,同仁深覺城市... more 近代中國自從19世紀中葉以後陸續出現城市指南的手冊書籍,過去這類文本也未受到史學家的重視。中央研究院近代史研究所自從成立的「城市史研究群」之後,致力於近代中國城市史的研究與史料開發,同仁深覺城市指南對解讀近代中國城市演變具有重要的史料價值,於是建置有「近代中國城市」資料庫,收錄五十多種城市指南。此外,城市史研究群也在2014年近代史研究所舉辦之「全球視野下的中國近代史研究」國際學術會議中,邀請同仁與海內外多位學者共同撰文探討城市指南的相關問題,本論文集即是該次會議的結晶。以下筆者嘗試整合本論文集之論文成幾個不同的主題作介紹。
本書透過蘇州的菜館、茶館、旅館,與煙館等四種休閑行業的研究,呈現淪陷時期蘇州「畸形繁榮」的城市生活,翻轉過去對抗戰時期淪陷區城市經濟凋敝、工商與金融萎縮、城市建設遭受破壞嚴重等既定印象。蘇州此現... more 本書透過蘇州的菜館、茶館、旅館,與煙館等四種休閑行業的研究,呈現淪陷時期蘇州「畸形繁榮」的城市生活,翻轉過去對抗戰時期淪陷區城市經濟凋敝、工商與金融萎縮、城市建設遭受破壞嚴重等既定印象。蘇州此現象從社會結構的變遷與社會心理的角度來解釋,在於淪陷後成為偽政權轄下的江蘇省省會,吸納大量的流動人口,特別是公務員與來自上海、紹興的群體,再加上當時普遍瀰漫對未來的不確定感與逃避現實的心理,帶動蘇州的休閑產業的消費。但其社會的另一面,卻是謀生不易、自殺率增高、暴力充斥、勞資糾紛持續、物化女性,以及貧富兩極化等現象。再由下而上的角度,來重新評估偽政權的性質,蘇州例子顯示偽政權的統治較諸戰前更深入城市生活中,包括實施保甲制與通行管制之外,還有嚴格控管城市衛生、公共休閒空間,以及調控市場物價與實施消費配給等。而休閑產業者為了生存,在日常生活中,透過消極不配合以及黑市與茶會等管道,反抗政府的各種剝削與管制政策。淪陷時期的蘇州正體現了歷史上戰爭影響城市的另一種型態,筆者稱之為「戰爭下的繁榮城市」。
Wu Jen-shu, “Heaven” after the Catastrophe: Urban Life in Suzhou under Japanese Occupation. Taipei: National Taiwan University Press, 2017.
Using local newspapers, travel guide books, dairies, travel logs, oral history and archival documents, this study depicts the leisure life of Suzhou after the city was occupied by the Japanese during the Sino-Japanese War in 1937–1945, and reveals a complicated picture of the urban life in occupied Suzhou, with a focus on four leisure industries, tea houses, restaurants, hotels, and opium dens. As demonstrated by these four industries, the leisure life in Suzhou was far from being sluggish under the Wang Jingwei regime, but had been blossoming once the social order was recovered. This work shows that the change of the social structure and wartime social mentality were the main factors for “Suzhou splendor”. After Suzhou was made the capital of Jiangsu province under the puppet regime, the influx of war refugees and civil servants serving the new regime contributed greatly to the leisure industry. Furthermore, the carpe diem spirit that prevailed during the wartime was another major reason for the blooming of the consumer culture. While mainly focusing on the abnormally bustling leisure industry, this book depicts a more complicated picture of Suzhou’s urban life: the subsistence living the vast majority facing, high suicide rate, prevailing social violence, frequent conflicts between the employers and employees, objectified women, and the widening gap between the rich and the poor. This book also examines the relations between state and society in Suzhou under the Wang Jingwei puppet regime. From a bottom up approach, this study finds that the penetration of the puppet regime was deeper than that of the previous governments. Many aspects demonstrate the tighter grip of the puppet state on the society, such as the neighbourhood administrative system (pao-chia) and travel bans, strict control on urban hygiene and public leisure space, market price regulation and consumption ration system. Under the dominance of the state, owners of the leisure industry had been adopting several measures to resist the controls imposed by the state. Such measures include passive cooperation, black market trade, and Teahouse Trade Association, to serve as what James Scott called the “weapons of the weak.” This monograph makes good contribution to the history of consumption as well as studies of China during the occupation period. Currently research on occupied China has been focusing mainly on Shanghai, whereas the author channels our attention to Suzhou. While the collective memory of the cities under Japanese occupation has been dominated by the massive war atrocities such as “the rape of Nanjing,” this study uses Suzhou as a case study to echo the new scholarship on the multi-layered effects the War had on Chinese cities.
"當代的中國大陸已成為全球的消費大國,各個大城市裡名牌店林立。然而早在三、四百年前江南的大城市裡,已經可以看到休閑消費的繁榮現象。休閑消費如何改變了城市的空間?店舖為因應消費需求如何改造其空間配... more "當代的中國大陸已成為全球的消費大國,各個大城市裡名牌店林立。然而早在三、四百年前江南的大城市裡,已經可以看到休閑消費的繁榮現象。休閑消費如何改變了城市的空間?店舖為因應消費需求如何改造其空間配置?休閑的空間如何擴大與分化?私人性質的休閑空間為何走向公共化?男性與女性在消費空間上有何差異?本書嘗試將「空間」的觀念帶入到消費研究的領域,探討明清城市內休閑消費活動如何改變了空間結構,進而分析現象背後所反映的社會關係與權力糾結。
本書分成三篇,各篇有兩章,分別從六個面向來探析。上篇從休閑與購物兩方面來探討明清城市的消費性格與消費的動力。中篇兩章則是以城市休閑消費所反映的社會空間為主題,分別以蘇州的園林與旅遊為例。下篇的兩章主要是關於兩性購物消費的議題。透過上述各章的分析與討論,作者在結論裡分析明清城市消費空間變遷所具有的三層意義。作者總結指出「消費」就是城市性格的重要特徵,同時也以休閑消費的吸引力來解釋明清鄉紳逐漸城居化的原因,並說明十八世紀江南官紳對休閑消費的觀念有去道德化與去政治化的可能性。
My previous monograph, Luxurious Taste: Consumer Society and Literati during the Late Ming (2007) discussed the formation of a so-called consumer society during the Ming Dynasty, a society that had its foundations in urban environments. My new work, Urban Pleasures: Leisure Consumption and Spatial Transformation in Jiangnan Cities during the Ming-Qing Period, focuses on the diversity of leisure and shopping activities and spaces that marked lifestyles and life experiences in cities from the mid-Ming to the mid-Qing period. I consider the concept of “space” in the field of consumption research, argue for the effects of consumption on changing spatial configurations, and explore the social relations and political negotiations behind the changes in the major cities of the Ming and the Qing.
Urban Pleasures is divided into three sections, each consisting of two chapters, which collectively explore the subject from six aspects. Part One focuses on the characteristics and incentives of consumption in Ming and Qing cities through aspects of leisure and shopping. The two chapters in Part Two explore mainly the social space reflected in urban leisure consumption. These two chapters use Suzhou as a case study to show how urban gardens were converted from private leisure spaces to public spaces and explore the evolution of tourism space from the Ming to Qing periods. The two chapters in the last part of the book center on the issue of gender and consumption. Based on the analysis and discussion throughout these chapters, the conclusion explores the significance of variations in urban consumer space in the Ming and Qing on three levels, namely: the spatial practice of consumption, the social production of consumer space, and the political negotiation of urban spaces. “Consumerism” was an integral part of the characteristics of “urbanity” during the Ming and Qing dynasties. The appeal of leisure consumption helps explain why the gentry often moved their residences from the country to the city from the mid-Ming period on. As well, the literati conception of leisure consumption was potentially de-moralized and de-politicized during the eighteenth century.
本書以明末清初的城市群眾集體行動,即所謂“民變”為研究對象。以史籍記載為基礎,借鑒西方新文化史、歷史社會學、社會心理學諸學科的理論進行闡釋,應用量化分析、集體心理分析等研究方法,對明清城市民變的... more 本書以明末清初的城市群眾集體行動,即所謂“民變”為研究對象。以史籍記載為基礎,借鑒西方新文化史、歷史社會學、社會心理學諸學科的理論進行闡釋,應用量化分析、集體心理分析等研究方法,對明清城市民變的歷史背景、領導人與參與者、行動模式及城市民變的各種不同類型進行丁深入分析。從而從各個方面,對城市民變這一“老課題”得出了較為全面和新穎的認識.
本書簡介:
在中國近現代歷史的演變歷程中,城市無疑地扮演了重要的角色。尤其是現代性的特徵在城市裡表現特別明顯,而城市化又是現代性的一部分。本書透過城市來探討現代性的問題,最重要的目的,就是嘗試... more 本書簡介:
在中國近現代歷史的演變歷程中,城市無疑地扮演了重要的角色。尤其是現代性的特徵在城市裡表現特別明顯,而城市化又是現代性的一部分。本書透過城市來探討現代性的問題,最重要的目的,就是嘗試突破現代化或西化的框架,擴大視野與議題到其它的面向,並且將近現代城市史研究的縱深,延伸到明清時期。本書的14篇論文大致分為兩類,第一類是關於城市生活與文化的面向,第二類則是涉及到城市內群己關係的重新調整。本文為該書之〈導論〉部分。
Cities have played a crucial role throughout the course of modern Chinese history. Numerous aspects of Chinese modernity manifested themselves most clearly in urban settings, with urbanization constituting an essential component of modernity. This book explores the relationship between Chinese cities and modernity, its main goals being to challenge Western models of modernization, broaden scholarly perspectives on these issues by considering a wide range of phenomena, and extend the temporal scope of research on Chinese modernity to the Ming-Qing era. The 14 articles presented in this book can be divided into two types: the first treats facets of urban culture and daily life, while the second examines new forms of interaction between individuals and communities in urban settings.
Originated by the British in the 19th century, modern tourism developed into a great symbol of mo... more Originated by the British in the 19th century, modern tourism developed into a great symbol of modern society and life. Tourism was actually implanted on the historical and cultural background, thought and social economy in the early modern period. However, there were tourist activities of many kinds in China since late Ming to mid Qing period. Part one of this book describes mass tourism activities on one hand, and probes into the gradual marketing of tourist activities on the other hand, including the commercialization of tourist handbooks, accommodation, food and transport. Compared to the Western European countries of the same period, the facilities of Chinese tourism, from the 16th to the 18th century, went on declining from a leading to a lagging position.
Since travel culture is an important aspect of the literati’s culture of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, specific attention is given to how the literati moulded the culture of travelling. Part two of this book deals with the tourist activities of the literati. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties there were periods when the zest for traveling diminished, yet travel remained an important activity of the literati all the time. The literati's diaries during the Ming and Qing Dynasties show the real day-to-day practices of travel and prove that the mainstream preference at that time was for short distance journeys. The diaries also indicate that the literati thought highly of comfort and leisure while they were touring and that one of the functions of traveling was also social intercourse.
Part three of this book discusses how the literati built their travel culture. Besides introducing the relevant texts that the they wrote, this part focuses on the evolution of narrative and writing styles that took place especially from the late Ming to the mid Qing periods. Mainly through the analysis of the travel notes, we probe into the literati’s self-consciousness of their social status, and their tendency to change their writing styles in order to raise their social profile. We also present another point of view which refers to the impressions and attitudes of Chinese travelers − such as special envoys, intellectuals, overseas students and migrants, etc. − who traveled to the West or came in contact with Westerners in the late Qing period.
Finally, we discuss the representation of the tourist landscapes through three cultural forms. First, the literati’s typical landscape impressions and how the Jiangnan mountains and rivers influenced their traveling choices. Secondly, we show that building tourist landscapes also related to politics, as it was the case with the emperors who produced new sceneries during the Qing Dynasty. Finally, we will take Suzhou as an example of how the tourist landscapes developed in the Ming and Qing periods to become historic sites in the 20th century as well as the scenic spots of modern tourism.
品味奢華:晚明的消費社會與士大夫
摘要:
本書透過具體而細緻的實證研究,探討晚明的消費社會與士大夫的消費文化。作者希冀呈現晚明消費史的多元面向,豐富這段歷史。全書的兩大主軸,其一是嘗試把近代... more 品味奢華:晚明的消費社會與士大夫
摘要:
本書透過具體而細緻的實證研究,探討晚明的消費社會與士大夫的消費文化。作者希冀呈現晚明消費史的多元面向,豐富這段歷史。全書的兩大主軸,其一是嘗試把近代早期中國的消費史,放在世界史的脈絡下,突顯晚明時期的重要性。作者指出晚明已形成「消費社會」的現象,以修正英國史學家關於「消費革命」的歷史解釋。本書另一個主軸是士大夫的消費文化。從消費文化的角度,一方面可以看到晚明社會結構的變動,特別是士、商關係的變化;另一方面士大夫也透過消費文化,塑造消費品味與流行時尚,來重新建構他們的身分地位。
Elegant Taste: Consumer Society and the Literati in the Late Ming
Wu Jen-shu
This book explores the formation and elaboration of consumer society in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century China. With concrete and detailed empirical research, this book not only vividly illustrates Chinese literati’s material life in the late Ming, but also challenges previous works on the “consumer revolution.” Scholars have argued for the emergence of the consumer revolution in eighteenth-century Britain and its contribution to the subsequent industrial revolution. This book shows that a similar change in consumer culture occurred in China even earlier than in Britain while it did not necessarily lead to the same outcome. In addition, this book demonstrates social mobility between literati and merchants. Facing competition from the “vulgar” merchants, the late Ming literati reclaimed its class identity and dignity by forging a “taste of elegance.”
在傳統中國婦女受盡禮教欺壓的印象下,很難想像明清時期的婦女竟可過著奢侈的生活。無論是流行時尚的服飾妝扮、精緻可口的美味佳餚,甚至出外遊山玩水、廟會進香,都成為當時江南婦女生活中精采的一部份。不僅... more 在傳統中國婦女受盡禮教欺壓的印象下,很難想像明清時期的婦女竟可過著奢侈的生活。無論是流行時尚的服飾妝扮、精緻可口的美味佳餚,甚至出外遊山玩水、廟會進香,都成為當時江南婦女生活中精采的一部份。不僅限於富貴人家,中產之家也起而效尤,爭相比美。
婦女超越生理基本需求的消費,代表明清時期婦女收入和經濟力的提升,而晚明的情欲觀,正好提供人們追求感官欲望的合理化基礎與動力。情欲觀帶動情色產業的興盛,妓女成為流行時尚的代言人。婦女的奢侈消費也衝擊了兩性關係,明清的士大夫對此提出許多批評,其中夾雜著性別偏見,甚至以法令嚴格規範婦女奢侈的消費。本書從消費的角度,重新觀察明清婦女的生活、地位及其對當時產業的影響,期望能予讀者明清婦女另一面貌。
Women of luxury – Women’s Consumer Culture of the Jiangnan region (area south of the Yangtse) in the Ming-Qing period
Wu, Jen-shu
The influence of the May Fourth movement has given us a rigid impression that traditional Chinese women were oppressed by Confucian culture. Yet it is also true that women in the Ming and Qing also could live lives of luxury, not only pursuing popular styles of personal adornment, but also in traveling and enjoying natural landscapes. This was not confined to the rich; the middle classes also followed suit. Going beyond the basic physiological needs of consumption, this represented an increase in the income and economic power of women. Moreover, the concept of sexual passion that appeared in the late Ming provided people with the rational grounds and the motivation to satisfy their lust. The sex industry was flourishing, and the prostitute became the representative of fashion. Consumption of luxury goods by women had an impact on gender relations, and many scholars treated this with a mix of criticism and misogyny, even going so far as to promulgate laws restricting the consumption of luxury goods by women. This book reexamines the lives and status of women in the Ming and Qing periods, and their influence on production, from a consumer perspective. It is hoped that this book can acquaint readers with another aspect of women during the Ming and Qing.
本文企圖結合歷史學與犯罪學的研究方法,以同治朝巴縣檔案中的竊盜類案件為史料來研究犯罪的歷史。首先發現同治朝的三大重要歷史事件:同治元年太平軍殘餘勢力的騷擾、同治二年的真原堂教案,以及同治三年開始... more 本文企圖結合歷史學與犯罪學的研究方法,以同治朝巴縣檔案中的竊盜類案件為史料來研究犯罪的歷史。首先發現同治朝的三大重要歷史事件:同治元年太平軍殘餘勢力的騷擾、同治二年的真原堂教案,以及同治三年開始的米價陡升,都直接影響竊盜事件的發生。然而,個人的能動性不全然受歷史大事件的影響,由是本文第二節分析個人的犯罪動機。大多數被捕犯人的口供自陳犯罪的原因是貧窮,且多是下層的勞動階層。他們往往經過理性考量後,組織成竊盜集團,有計劃地犯案。然而並非貧窮者都可能成為罪犯,而是同時還要有合適的標的物出現與監控者不在場的情境下,才會發生偷竊行為,由此可見機會的出現相當重要。再者並不是所有竊犯都是貧窮者,而是有犯罪傾向者,在日常生活中碰到了誘惑的情境機會而引發偷竊的行為。第三節呈現犯罪的複雜過程。偷竊方式以破壞牆壁或門窗的方法為主,「飛賊」的例子不多。某些特殊的時節例如廟會節慶與婚禮,容易吸引竊賊。偷竊的物品裡金器珠寶並非常見,而是服飾類的物品居多。竊嫌的銷贓有幾種管道,除了到當鋪與地方的市場變賣外,還有專門的接贓者。竊賊背後還有重要的黑手,即窩戶,不但窩藏竊賊,幫助銷贓,甚至可能是竊盜集團的主使者。 The present paper attempts to combine the research methods of history and criminology to investigate crime during the reign of the Tongzhi Emperor by using cases of theft in the archives of Ba county, Sichuan, from 1862 to 1875 as historical data for analysis. First of all, it has been found that three important historical events of the period, namely instances of harassment by remnants of the Taiping army in 1862, the “Zhenyuan 真原 Catholic Church Incident” which occurred in 1863, and the sharp rise in rice prices beginning in 1864, all directly affected the occurrence of theft cases. However, individual agency was not entirely affected by historical events. The second section of this paper analyzes the motivations of individual criminals. The majority of arrested criminals confessed that their motive was poverty and most of them came from the lower or working class. In addition, after rational consideration, they often organized into groups and systematically committed their crimes. Not everyone faced with poverty, of course, became a criminal as, perhaps most importantly, the presence of suitable unguarded targets provided opportunities, showing the importance of opportunity for thievery. Moreover, not all thieves were impoverished and tempting situational opportunities encountered within their daily lives likewise led to theft. The third section of this essay explores the complex processes of crime. Instances of “cat burglars” were far and few between as the main method involved damaging walls or doors and windows to gain entry. Other examples highlight that certain special occasions, such as temple festivals and weddings, also tended to attract thieves. Concerning the stolen items, clothing was in the majority, whereas gold and jewelry were rarely pilfered. Several channels existed for the disposal of stolen goods: in addition to pawn shops and local markets, there were fences, or movers, who specialized in the handling of the items. Finally, a “hidden hand” or mastermind led from behind the scenes, who not only helped to harbor criminals and sell stolen goods but was also likely to be the head of the criminal syndicate.
本文以清代同治朝巴縣的竊盜案件為例,從多個角度探討19世紀中葉犯罪行為與城市化之間的關係。當時重慶的城市化程度達到19-20%,城市內發生的竊盜案件占整體竊盜案件的比例,也從18世紀中葉的19%... more 本文以清代同治朝巴縣的竊盜案件為例,從多個角度探討19世紀中葉犯罪行為與城市化之間的關係。當時重慶的城市化程度達到19-20%,城市內發生的竊盜案件占整體竊盜案件的比例,也從18世紀中葉的19%,上升到33%。重慶城市內竊案集中在城內的5個坊,皆是商業中心與行政中心。城市內入室偷竊的主要手法是破壞門扇,而鄉村的竊案則是破壞牆壁為主,這與城、鄉環境的差異有關。此外,城市內各類房屋的形式也有其弱點,以致容易遭竊。至於城市內竊盜案件的失物,比起鄉村,有更多高價、多樣化的物品,顯示城、鄉之間在物質消費水平上的差距。城市內充斥著開放店鋪與人來人往的客棧,使得成為竊盜標的物的可見性與可接近性高過鄉村。在城市內設有防範竊盜的機制,即柵欄與坊捕,然而防範效果並不理想。因此許多事主的呈詞就把矛頭對準捕役,認為捕役與竊賊串通,但從重慶的實例看到「蠹捕」包庇竊賊與賊犯勾結的例子並不多。以上結果顯見城市化的發展影響犯罪的發生。 Based on an analysis of the theft cases in Ba County from 1862 to1875, this essay discusses the relationship between criminal behavior and urbanization in China in the mid-19th century from a variety of perspectives. During this period, Chongqing’s urbanization rate reached 19-20%, and the proportion of burglary cases in the city rose from 19% in the mid-18th century to 33% in the mid-19th century. Burglaries in Chongqing were concentrated in five of the city's commercial and administrative centers. The main method of burglary in the city was to break through doors or windows, while theft in the countryside mainly was by damaging walls, which reflected the difference between the urban and rural environments. Moreover, the different types of houses in the city had different weaknesses in burglary prevention. Few houses were not vulnerable to theft. The stolen goods taken in the city, the items were more expensive and diverse than those taken in the countryside, reflecting the gap in the level of material consumption between people in the cities and rural areas. The city was full of shops and inns bustling with people, illustrating the higher visibility and accessibility of objects to be targeted by thieves than in the countryside. There were mechanisms in place in the city to prevent theft, i.e. fences and constables. However, such preventive mechanisms were not 100% effective. Many victims of theft actually suspected the police of colluding with the burglars, but the present study of Chongqing disclosed few known cases of police cover up for or collusion with the burglars. The above results illustrate how the development of urbanization affected the occurrence of crime in China.
崇禎九年(1636)常熟縣發生的一起士人集體聲討鄉紳錢裔肅事件。錢裔肅事件反映了明季「鄉紳之橫」的另外一個面相,即使鄉紳在地方具有所謂把持官府的力量,但是在晚明仍然有關注道德的一面,特別是當時一... more 崇禎九年(1636)常熟縣發生的一起士人集體聲討鄉紳錢裔肅事件。錢裔肅事件反映了明季「鄉紳之橫」的另外一個面相,即使鄉紳在地方具有所謂把持官府的力量,但是在晚明仍然有關注道德的一面,特別是當時一些士人們可說是抗衡鄉紳的另一種勢力。晚明以來,生員輩的同類意識越加明顯,他們對社會與政治的不滿與批評也是動作不斷,在江南地區尤為突出。當鄉紳重要的敗德劣跡事件曝光之後,生員也會寫檄文或揭貼公開聲討,甚至群體聚集向知縣或巡按御史要求將鄉紳懲罰治罪。錢裔肅面對士人的批判,想盡各種方法逃脫,例如抹黑對方、製造偽證,以及賄賂當事人撤案;最後的殺手鐧就是賄賂族內最高官位的錢謙益當居中調人,最終避免了牢獄之災。錢裔肅事件反映了明季崇禎朝江南地方社會的縮影,且這還不是終點而是起點,之後看到常熟縣當地發生的張漢儒誣告錢謙益與反鄉紳趙士錦事件,都可以看到類似錢裔肅事件的鬥爭模式,甚且影響到朝廷的人事安排。
婦女史與性別研究至今已成為歷史學研究的重要領域,現代中國婦女史的研究業已有相當多的成果問世;然而,抗戰時期的婦女史涉及淪陷區的研究相當少見,且多聚焦於菁英女性的活動,直到最近的研究才觸及底層婦女... more 婦女史與性別研究至今已成為歷史學研究的重要領域,現代中國婦女史的研究業已有相當多的成果問世;然而,抗戰時期的婦女史涉及淪陷區的研究相當少見,且多聚焦於菁英女性的活動,直到最近的研究才觸及底層婦女的活動。本文利用淪陷時期的蘇州報紙,探討當時一般婦女的生活。本文的結果顯示,戰爭造成婦女流離失所、生計困難,於是婦女被迫淪為乞丐、被賣、被誘拐等事件頻仍。然而,上述這類戰爭時期的非常態現象,只是蘇州婦女日常生活的一面。從蘇州的例子可以發現,戰爭對當時社會的重要影響,就是加速了某些制度與社會的變遷。婚姻制度就是明顯的例子之一。蘇州婦女的婚姻呈現高度不穩定性,但也反映婦女自主婚姻有更大的空間。戰爭加速蘇州社會變遷的另一個例子,就是出現許多新興的職業婦女,尤其是大量的女性服務業者湧現。在當時報紙上,雖然刊載許多男性撰稿者對婦女生活發生這樣變化的諷刺與批評,反映了男性社會對婦女出入公共場所與職場的焦慮,卻忽略這類現象也可以算是婦女的一種生存策略。再者,婦女的活動又反映了戰時淪陷區社會的另一種特徵,即高度的流動性。最後透過當時蘇州婦女的休閒情況,呈現了戰時城市社會貧富兩極分化的現象。 Despite the growing wealth of studies related to gender in Chinese history, scholars have tended to neglect the fates of women in occupied China under the Japanese. As well, what little research has been done focused almost exclusively on the elite classes. This article seeks to reconstruct the plight of ordinary women through an analysis of contemporary newspaper articles, showing how many lost their homes and livelihoods as a result of the occupation. At the same time, however, war also served as an accelerator of social change. As the example of Suzhou shows, marriage mores came under enormous pressure amid the upheaval of the times, leading to both greater uncertainty and greater autonomy for women. Similarly, socio-economic pressures also led to an upsurge in new service jobs for women, who increasingly relied upon themselves to make ends meet. These changes were often criticized or satirized by male writers, who dominate the main sources used here. Nonetheless, their descriptions reflect a sense of anxiety amid the general volatility of life under the occupation, as well as the accumulating social changes that were taking place. In the final part of this article, a brief excursion into the leisure activities of contemporary women is undertaken, which reveals a growing rift between the rich and the poor in urban Suzhou.
清代廣告紙的形式,無論是包紙或招紙,內容上都是以文字敘述為主。此現象除了反映識字率的提高之外,更涉及到商業貿易的競爭加劇、仿冒與偽造之風盛行,尤其是在工商業發達的江南城市裡,故業者每每需強調其字... more 清代廣告紙的形式,無論是包紙或招紙,內容上都是以文字敘述為主。此現象除了反映識字率的提高之外,更涉及到商業貿易的競爭加劇、仿冒與偽造之風盛行,尤其是在工商業發達的江南城市裡,故業者每每需強調其字號與商品的真,避免消費者誤認。然而,廣告字紙的實用性,卻與士紳所倡導的惜字觀念格格不入。隨著文昌帝君的信仰出現之後,勸惜字紙以求自己或子孫高中科舉的觀念逐漸在士大夫與文人間流行起來,到了清代之後形成了惜字會的組織,尤以江南地區為盛。因為廣告字紙內含文字又易遭拋棄,遂成為士紳改革的對象。因此,商人以謀利為動機而發展出的商業文化,和士人以科舉功名為目的的士人文化發生衝突。五口通商之後,大城市的工商業急速發展,商場上的競爭也愈加激烈,廣告字紙對業者推銷其產品而言更形重要,士、商文化的衝突也在此時期達到最高峰。同時士人的惜字觀念受外緣影響也造成內部變化,惜字的觀念不僅透過善書與戲曲等通俗文學開始逐漸普及民間大眾,惜字的功德也從強調子孫識字與科舉功名,轉變到發財與避禍的善報,由是惜字觀念被轉化成對生意經營也具有正面的作用。至此士、商之間對廣告字紙與惜字紙的觀念出現調和,也顯示了清代的商業競爭與消費主義對士紳宗教信仰的影響。Qing period advertisements on wrapping paper and posters were largely textual, reflecting both the steady rise in literacy and the intensification of commercial competition. Merchants and producers in the commercially and culturally affluent Jiangnan region in particular increasingly depended on advertisements to convey the authenticity and high repute of their goods. At the same time, the textual bent of advertisements clashed with the cultural ideals of many gentry, who as part of the literary elite were dedicated to the lofty values espoused by Societies for Cherishing Written Characters (Xizihui, 惜字會) and objected to such usage of sacred script as blasphemy. These associations had emerged in reaction against the growing popularity of the Daoist Deity of Literature, Wenchang Dijun (文昌帝君). Tensions between the profit-oriented merchant culture and examination-focused gentry ideals further rose with the explosion of advertisements resulting from the commercial and industrial growth that followed the opening of treaty ports. However, as moral compendiums (shanshu, 善書) and dramas came to promote the concept of “cherishing written characters” among the lower orders of society, the focus of these exhortations shifted from examination success toward material wealth and personal well-being, thereby gradually incorporating the same merchant culture that had hitherto been castigated as morally corrupt.
在中國史的脈絡裡眾所周知的是,唐宋之間最大的變化之一,就是中國的經濟重心由北方移往南方,尤其是江南地區更成為中國的經濟與文化的中心,江南的飲食文化也在這樣的過程中逐漸孕育出來。本專號收錄的五篇文... more 在中國史的脈絡裡眾所周知的是,唐宋之間最大的變化之一,就是中國的經濟重心由北方移往南方,尤其是江南地區更成為中國的經濟與文化的中心,江南的飲食文化也在這樣的過程中逐漸孕育出來。本專號收錄的五篇文章,討論的時間範圍從宋代到當代,論述的角度非常多元,主題也相當廣泛,但都是以江南地區的飲食文化為核心。研究分析的文獻材料相當多元化,包括筆記、文集、食譜、方志、城市指南、日記、遊記、報刊雜誌與影音媒體等。這五篇論文代表最近飲食文化史的新趨勢,以下分為五個面向介紹之。
本文嘗試從多元的研究取向來分析東坡肉在歷史上的演變情況。經過本文的考證與分析,雖然,蘇軾可能的確發明了一種豬肉烹調的方法,但是當時的人並沒有以「東坡肉」來命名之,直到明代才出現「東坡肉」一詞。東... more 本文嘗試從多元的研究取向來分析東坡肉在歷史上的演變情況。經過本文的考證與分析,雖然,蘇軾可能的確發明了一種豬肉烹調的方法,但是當時的人並沒有以「東坡肉」來命名之,直到明代才出現「東坡肉」一詞。東坡肉的烹飪方法也經歷長期的演變,其模式先是注意火候,進而加入多元的佐料與精心熬製的醬汁。明清時期,東坡肉並非一般庶民的家常菜,而是文人士大夫階層所喜好的佳餚。它成為明清時期士大夫與文人在宴會雅集時所搭配的重要菜餚,同時也是餽贈朋友之常見禮物。東坡肉之所以受文人士大夫之喜愛,其實是東坡崇拜下的副產品,且成為明清士大夫象徵我群認同的菜餚。至於東坡肉所以成為杭州菜的代表,其實是民國以後的事情。因為杭州菜館在往外省發展的過程中,為了與它省菜餚相區隔,於是大力宣揚東坡肉為其招牌菜,甚至虛構了蘇東坡在杭州任官時的一些傳說。最後,東坡肉也在近代向海外傳播,最明顯的例子之一就是日本。日本人接受東坡肉其實是受到中國士人文化影響下的一種仿效。 This paper analyzes the history of Dongpo pork through a variety of approaches. The dish is named after Su Shi (1036-1101), a famous scholar-poet who lived in the Song Dynasty, who was also known as Su Dongpo. Although it is possible that Su Shi might have invented a method of cooking pork, it was not called “Dongpo Pork” at the time, and the term did not appear until the Ming Dynasty. The method of cooking Dongpo pork also evolved over time. The method is described as paying attention first to the heat, and then to the variety of spices and the mixing of the sauce. In Ming and Qing times, it was not a dish for common people, but a favorite cuisine item among the literati and gentry. Dongpo pork became an important dish during elite banquets, and was also a common gift among friends. The popularity of Dongpo pork was linked to the veneration of Su Shi and the dish thus became a symbol of literati culture and identity. Dongpo pork became a main feature in Hangzhou cuisine only during the Republican Period. As Hangzhou restaurants gradually expanded their business to other parts of China, they vigorously promoted Dongpo pork as their signature dish, and even invented fictional accounts about Su Shi when he was an official in Hangzhou. Dongpo pork eventually spread overseas, most conspicuously to Japan, where it became widely regarded as a representative dish of Chinese literati culture.
近年來關於近代早期的消費史研究,已經開始質疑西方中心觀,指出同時期中國的消費現象可能並不亞於英國或西歐。遺憾的是關於當時中國人消費日用奢侈品的紀錄,幾乎都局限在社會上階層,如宮廷、高級官員與大商... more 近年來關於近代早期的消費史研究,已經開始質疑西方中心觀,指出同時期中國的消費現象可能並不亞於英國或西歐。遺憾的是關於當時中國人消費日用奢侈品的紀錄,幾乎都局限在社會上階層,如宮廷、高級官員與大商人等。至於一般社會階層的物質消費,幾乎很難找到確切的歷史紀錄。由是,除了上層社會之外,其他的社會階層是否有能力消費日用奢侈品?這是一仍待解決的問題。本文從乾隆朝四川巴縣的例子,透過對竊盜案檔案中失竊物品的考察,說明十八世紀中葉以後,一個非經濟核心地區的物質消費情況。首先是看到被竊物品中有大量的服飾、錫器、銀飾品與銅器等奢侈品,可見不僅是社會上階層,而是有更多屬於社會中間階層,亦即傳統中國所謂的「中人之產」者或「中人之家」也有能力消費得起奢侈品。其中,主要是聚集在城市的商人階層所占比重逐漸增加,他們也是奢侈風氣的帶動者。再從被竊的日用奢侈品反映地方上經過市場經濟洗禮後,造成人們在物質消費生活上的變化。此外,從被竊物品中還可以發現江南地區的流行服飾,甚至還有「洋貨」,此亦反映了流行時尚的影響範圍。本文雖是微觀的例子,卻反映了十八世紀中國人的消費能力是不容小覷的。 關鍵詞:乾隆、巴縣、竊盜、消費、時尚
Recent research on the history of consumption during the early modern period has begun to question Eurocentric approaches, pointing out that China’s consumption trends may have been similar to those of Britain or Western Europe at same period. However, the relevant Chinese documents focus overwhelmingly on the material culture of the upper classes, and historical resources regarding the common people’s ability to consume luxury objects are rare. Through an analysis of the inventories of stolen goods from 1757 to 1795, this essay investigates the consumers of Ba County in Chongqing Prefecture, a relatively uncommercialized part of the empire, showing that the victims of theft increasingly came to consist of people engaged in commerce and industry. This was a new group of consumers, belonging to the middle segments of society and able to consume such luxury objects as high quality clothes, tin, silver and bronze objects, and the like, that emerged in the eighteenth century. The stolen goods reflected the rapid commodification of the local economy and the changes in people’s consumption patterns. In addition, fashion styles from the Jiangnan area and even imported “foreign goods” could be found among the stolen goods, reflecting the range of outside influences on consumption. Although this essay is a microhistory, it reminds us that China’s consumption in the eighteenth century should not to be underestimated. Keywords: Qianlong, Baxian (Ba County), theft, consumption, fashion
蘇州的飲食服務業歷史悠久,其中菜館的數量最多,最具有代表性。菜館看似休閒消費的場所,卻與城市住民的日常生活息息相關。蘇州至1937年,閶門外的商店街遭到日本軍機轟炸,當地的菜館等大半被毀。接著蘇... more 蘇州的飲食服務業歷史悠久,其中菜館的數量最多,最具有代表性。菜館看似休閒消費的場所,卻與城市住民的日常生活息息相關。蘇州至1937年,閶門外的商店街遭到日本軍機轟炸,當地的菜館等大半被毀。接著蘇州在淪陷期間的社會生活一直是尚待探索的歷史空白地帶。過去關於抗戰時期的蘇州城市史著作主要是描述蘇州地區的抗日活動,而當時淪陷區的蘇州市民生活到底是如何?卻至今都沒有很好的學術研究。本文主要的目的即是以蘇州的菜館業為例,來探討抗戰蘇州的市民生活。結果顯示:抗戰時期蘇州的菜館業雖然面臨經濟與政治方面的許多難題,但是卻比戰前更繁榮;這樣的現象和我們過去對淪陷區城市生活的刻板印象差異頗大。如此的結果一方面要歸諸汪政權在穩定社會與經濟秩序所發揮的作用,另一方面繁榮的背後其實是戰爭下人口流動與社會結構變化的結果。本文的另一重點,擬探討菜館與城市空間的關係,這是過去史學家一直未曾關注的重要課題。本文利用GIS工具,配合歷史地圖,再輸入蘇州菜館的地址,以呈現出不同時期的菜館分佈在城市空間上的變化,進而分析影響蘇州菜館空間分佈的因素,包括戰爭、交通,以及新的消費族群造就了新興的菜館街區。 City life in the Japanese-occupied territories during anti-Japanese war period has been neglected by historians. Restaurants were an indispensable of daily life activities of urban folk. This article uses Suzhou as an example of the transformation of the restaurant business during the anti-Japanese war period, highlighting that the restaurant business developed more prosperously than during the prewar time. The phenomenon contrasts with the common view of urban life in the occupied territories. There are at least two reasons for explaining the transformation of the restaurant business, including the stable social order and economy under the Wang Jingwei government, and the new consumers resulting from population movements from Shanghai and Zhejiang province. Furthermore, the restaurant industry itself also changed at that time. Additionally, this article assesses GIS from the perspective of space to explore the distribution of restaurants in the urban setting. I point out that the war, transportation, and the structure of the consumer base all affected the distribution of restaurants.
"中國傳統俗諺有所謂「小亂避城,大亂避鄉」,這句諺語出現在明清之際,反映了朝代轉換、兵燹頻仍的時代背景,同時又標誌著一個重要的訊息,就是人們意識到城鄉之間的差異。過去關於這段時期的歷史研究,較關... more "中國傳統俗諺有所謂「小亂避城,大亂避鄉」,這句諺語出現在明清之際,反映了朝代轉換、兵燹頻仍的時代背景,同時又標誌著一個重要的訊息,就是人們意識到城鄉之間的差異。過去關於這段時期的歷史研究,較關注於政治上層的問題,而忽略下層百姓與個人的逃難經歷。本文擬嘗試從當時城居士人留下來的筆記與日記,來重建明末清初這段逃難的歷史過程。本文指出在晚明一度盛行的「鄉紳城居化」之趨勢,至此逐漸轉向逃離城市,遷居至鄉村避難。過去城居者的驕傲態度不復存在,城∕鄉二者的地位出現翻轉。此外,當時親身經歷逃難痛楚的下層士人,他們對抗清運動的看法也不同於一般史書的評價。本文後半部透過這些下層士人所書寫的文本,試圖從社會史、文化史與士人心態的
角度來探析逃難時所呈現的社會矛盾、逃難婦女的遭遇與形象、倖存者對抗清領導人的觀感、如何解釋逃難時的不同命運,以及避城或避鄉的爭論等議題。筆者希望藉由他們的逃難紀錄,擺脫明清之際的歷史大敘事,呈現當時戰亂下「逃難社會」的特色。
According to a traditional idiom, “In times of minor disorder, flee to the cities; in times of major disaster, flee to the countryside.” This phenomenon appeared in the Ming-Qing transition, reflecting not only the ravages of war but the awareness of the differences between urban and rural areas. Past research on the history of this period has concentrated on major political events, but the experiences of refugees have been neglected. This article uses the notes and diaries of literati from Jiangnan cities to reconstruct the historical process of flight. While may gentry had moved their residence from the country to the city from the mid-Ming period on, this trend was reversed at the end of the Ming. The status associated with urban residence disappeared, and many literati experienced the distress of flight. The second part of this article investigates such issues concerning flight as its social contradictions, women’s encounters, survivors’ perceptions of the loyalist leadership, and the different fates of refugees through the lenses of social history, mentality studies, and
cultural history. This article challenges the narrative of the macro-history of Ming-Qing transition and describes various characteristics of a society in flight."
本文透過仿單商標與招牌幌子這兩種廣告形式,說明中國傳統廣告文化到了明清以後,從圖像為主、圖文並茂,逐漸走向以文字說明為主流的趨勢。之所以有如此轉變的背景與原因,第一,和明清時期城市化的發展息息相... more 本文透過仿單商標與招牌幌子這兩種廣告形式,說明中國傳統廣告文化到了明清以後,從圖像為主、圖文並茂,逐漸走向以文字說明為主流的趨勢。之所以有如此轉變的背景與原因,第一,和明清時期城市化的發展息息相關。明清城市的環境是造就廣告文化誕生的重要背景基礎;而明清城市住民的識字率提升,遠遠高於鄉村,所以市招的形式也多以專用文字為主。再者,明清以來城市內的工商業競爭愈加激烈,仿冒的情形愈來愈頻繁,所以各行各業都有必要利用多字招牌來凸顯其特色,或在仿單裡花上大篇幅的文字說明如何分辨真假。此外,廣告的作用除了強調售貨者或生產者的聲譽之外,其實也是社會菁英分子塑造消費品味並與其他社會階層區分的工具。在明清時期,著名的商標、品牌或字號的商品,成了士大夫階層消費品味的象徵。而奢侈品與高級服務業的主要消費群,就是集中在城市裡的官紳與商人階層;所以奢侈品與高級服務業的廣告模式,主要也是為了迎合士大夫文化的品味。因此中國傳統招牌或仿單用華麗的文言文所呈現的「文學性」,其實有相當程度是為少數菁英所服務的。
研究現代消費行為的社會學家,已經指出消費行為與消費取向是建構社群認同的重要途徑或象徵。不僅如此,透過消費行為的差異,其實也反映出性別的區分。近年來明清婦女的消費活動已經逐漸被學者挖掘出來,然而代... more 研究現代消費行為的社會學家,已經指出消費行為與消費取向是建構社群認同的重要途徑或象徵。不僅如此,透過消費行為的差異,其實也反映出性別的區分。近年來明清婦女的消費活動已經逐漸被學者挖掘出來,然而代表當時男性特質的消費行為反而隱而不顯。其實當我們愈加瞭解明清婦女的消費文化,才能更凸顯出男性消費文化的特質。本文首先透過明清士大夫對女性休閑消費活動的批評,來說明男性面對婦女逐漸蓬勃的休閑消費活動而產生的焦慮感。其次,再從休閑旅遊與購物消費等兩個方面,來看明清士大夫所建構的男性消費文化。最後要指出的是還有另一群體也是上述的男性主流文化的重要參與者與實踐者,那就是商人階層。所以男性主流的消費文化可以說也是士、商階層共享的消費文化。
本書透過蘇州的菜館、茶館、旅館,與煙館等四種休閑行業的研究,呈現淪陷時期蘇州「畸形繁榮」的城市生活,翻轉過去對抗戰時期淪陷區城市經濟凋敝、工商與金融萎縮、城市建設遭受破壞嚴重等既定印象。蘇州此現... more 本書透過蘇州的菜館、茶館、旅館,與煙館等四種休閑行業的研究,呈現淪陷時期蘇州「畸形繁榮」的城市生活,翻轉過去對抗戰時期淪陷區城市經濟凋敝、工商與金融萎縮、城市建設遭受破壞嚴重等既定印象。蘇州此現象從社會結構的變遷與社會心理的角度來解釋,在於淪陷後成為偽政權轄下的江蘇省省會,吸納大量的流動人口,特別是公務員與紹興人群體,再加上當時普遍瀰漫對未來的不確定感與逃避現實的心理,帶動蘇州的休閑、娛樂產業的消費,並引入上海新型態的娛樂與服務。但其社會的另一面,卻是謀生不易、自殺率增高、暴力充斥、勞資糾紛持續、物化女性,以及貧富兩極化等現象。再由下而上的角度,適可以重新評估偽政權的性質。偽政權的城市治理,較諸戰前,統治更深入城市生活中。除了實施保甲制與通行管制之外,並嚴格控管城市衛生、公共休閒空間,以及調控市場物價與實施消費配給等。如此力量的滲透,是戰前政府所無法企及的。而休閑產業者為了生存,在日常生活中,透過消極不配合,以及黑市與茶會等管道,反抗政府的各種剝削與管制政策。
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Books by JEN-SHU WU
Wu Jen-shu, “Heaven” after the Catastrophe: Urban Life in Suzhou under Japanese Occupation. Taipei: National Taiwan University Press, 2017.
Using local newspapers, travel guide books, dairies, travel logs, oral history and archival documents, this study depicts the leisure life of Suzhou after the city was occupied by the Japanese during the Sino-Japanese War in 1937–1945, and reveals a complicated picture of the urban life in occupied Suzhou, with a focus on four leisure industries, tea houses, restaurants, hotels, and opium dens. As demonstrated by these four industries, the leisure life in Suzhou was far from being sluggish under the Wang Jingwei regime, but had been blossoming once the social order was recovered. This work shows that the change of the social structure and wartime social mentality were the main factors for “Suzhou splendor”. After Suzhou was made the capital of Jiangsu province under the puppet regime, the influx of war refugees and civil servants serving the new regime contributed greatly to the leisure industry. Furthermore, the carpe diem spirit that prevailed during the wartime was another major reason for the blooming of the consumer culture. While mainly focusing on the abnormally bustling leisure industry, this book depicts a more complicated picture of Suzhou’s urban life: the subsistence living the vast majority facing, high suicide rate, prevailing social violence, frequent conflicts between the employers and employees, objectified women, and the widening gap between the rich and the poor. This book also examines the relations between state and society in Suzhou under the Wang Jingwei puppet regime. From a bottom up approach, this study finds that the penetration of the puppet regime was deeper than that of the previous governments. Many aspects demonstrate the tighter grip of the puppet state on the society, such as the neighbourhood administrative system (pao-chia) and travel bans, strict control on urban hygiene and public leisure space, market price regulation and consumption ration system. Under the dominance of the state, owners of the leisure industry had been adopting several measures to resist the controls imposed by the state. Such measures include passive cooperation, black market trade, and Teahouse Trade Association, to serve as what James Scott called the “weapons of the weak.”
This monograph makes good contribution to the history of consumption as well as studies of China during the occupation period. Currently research on occupied China has been focusing mainly on Shanghai, whereas the author channels our attention to Suzhou. While the collective memory of the cities under Japanese occupation has been dominated by the massive war atrocities such as “the rape of Nanjing,” this study uses Suzhou as a case study to echo the new scholarship on the multi-layered effects the War had on Chinese cities.
本書分成三篇,各篇有兩章,分別從六個面向來探析。上篇從休閑與購物兩方面來探討明清城市的消費性格與消費的動力。中篇兩章則是以城市休閑消費所反映的社會空間為主題,分別以蘇州的園林與旅遊為例。下篇的兩章主要是關於兩性購物消費的議題。透過上述各章的分析與討論,作者在結論裡分析明清城市消費空間變遷所具有的三層意義。作者總結指出「消費」就是城市性格的重要特徵,同時也以休閑消費的吸引力來解釋明清鄉紳逐漸城居化的原因,並說明十八世紀江南官紳對休閑消費的觀念有去道德化與去政治化的可能性。
My previous monograph, Luxurious Taste: Consumer Society and Literati during the Late Ming (2007) discussed the formation of a so-called consumer society during the Ming Dynasty, a society that had its foundations in urban environments. My new work, Urban Pleasures: Leisure Consumption and Spatial Transformation in Jiangnan Cities during the Ming-Qing Period, focuses on the diversity of leisure and shopping activities and spaces that marked lifestyles and life experiences in cities from the mid-Ming to the mid-Qing period. I consider the concept of “space” in the field of consumption research, argue for the effects of consumption on changing spatial configurations, and explore the social relations and political negotiations behind the changes in the major cities of the Ming and the Qing.
Urban Pleasures is divided into three sections, each consisting of two chapters, which collectively explore the subject from six aspects. Part One focuses on the characteristics and incentives of consumption in Ming and Qing cities through aspects of leisure and shopping. The two chapters in Part Two explore mainly the social space reflected in urban leisure consumption. These two chapters use Suzhou as a case study to show how urban gardens were converted from private leisure spaces to public spaces and explore the evolution of tourism space from the Ming to Qing periods. The two chapters in the last part of the book center on the issue of gender and consumption. Based on the analysis and discussion throughout these chapters, the conclusion explores the significance of variations in urban consumer space in the Ming and Qing on three levels, namely: the spatial practice of consumption, the social production of consumer space, and the political negotiation of urban spaces. “Consumerism” was an integral part of the characteristics of “urbanity” during the Ming and Qing dynasties. The appeal of leisure consumption helps explain why the gentry often moved their residences from the country to the city from the mid-Ming period on. As well, the literati conception of leisure consumption was potentially de-moralized and de-politicized during the eighteenth century.
在中國近現代歷史的演變歷程中,城市無疑地扮演了重要的角色。尤其是現代性的特徵在城市裡表現特別明顯,而城市化又是現代性的一部分。本書透過城市來探討現代性的問題,最重要的目的,就是嘗試突破現代化或西化的框架,擴大視野與議題到其它的面向,並且將近現代城市史研究的縱深,延伸到明清時期。本書的14篇論文大致分為兩類,第一類是關於城市生活與文化的面向,第二類則是涉及到城市內群己關係的重新調整。本文為該書之〈導論〉部分。
Cities have played a crucial role throughout the course of modern Chinese history. Numerous aspects of Chinese modernity manifested themselves most clearly in urban settings, with urbanization constituting an essential component of modernity. This book explores the relationship between Chinese cities and modernity, its main goals being to challenge Western models of modernization, broaden scholarly perspectives on these issues by considering a wide range of phenomena, and extend the temporal scope of research on Chinese modernity to the Ming-Qing era. The 14 articles presented in this book can be divided into two types: the first treats facets of urban culture and daily life, while the second examines new forms of interaction between individuals and communities in urban settings.
Since travel culture is an important aspect of the literati’s culture of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, specific attention is given to how the literati moulded the culture of travelling. Part two of this book deals with the tourist activities of the literati. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties there were periods when the zest for traveling diminished, yet travel remained an important activity of the literati all the time. The literati's diaries during the Ming and Qing Dynasties show the real day-to-day practices of travel and prove that the mainstream preference at that time was for short distance journeys. The diaries also indicate that the literati thought highly of comfort and leisure while they were touring and that one of the functions of traveling was also social intercourse.
Part three of this book discusses how the literati built their travel culture. Besides introducing the relevant texts that the they wrote, this part focuses on the evolution of narrative and writing styles that took place especially from the late Ming to the mid Qing periods. Mainly through the analysis of the travel notes, we probe into the literati’s self-consciousness of their social status, and their tendency to change their writing styles in order to raise their social profile. We also present another point of view which refers to the impressions and attitudes of Chinese travelers − such as special envoys, intellectuals, overseas students and migrants, etc. − who traveled to the West or came in contact with Westerners in the late Qing period.
Finally, we discuss the representation of the tourist landscapes through three cultural forms. First, the literati’s typical landscape impressions and how the Jiangnan mountains and rivers influenced their traveling choices. Secondly, we show that building tourist landscapes also related to politics, as it was the case with the emperors who produced new sceneries during the Qing Dynasty. Finally, we will take Suzhou as an example of how the tourist landscapes developed in the Ming and Qing periods to become historic sites in the 20th century as well as the scenic spots of modern tourism.
摘要:
本書透過具體而細緻的實證研究,探討晚明的消費社會與士大夫的消費文化。作者希冀呈現晚明消費史的多元面向,豐富這段歷史。全書的兩大主軸,其一是嘗試把近代早期中國的消費史,放在世界史的脈絡下,突顯晚明時期的重要性。作者指出晚明已形成「消費社會」的現象,以修正英國史學家關於「消費革命」的歷史解釋。本書另一個主軸是士大夫的消費文化。從消費文化的角度,一方面可以看到晚明社會結構的變動,特別是士、商關係的變化;另一方面士大夫也透過消費文化,塑造消費品味與流行時尚,來重新建構他們的身分地位。
Elegant Taste: Consumer Society and the Literati in the Late Ming
Wu Jen-shu
This book explores the formation and elaboration of consumer society in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century China. With concrete and detailed empirical research, this book not only vividly illustrates Chinese literati’s material life in the late Ming, but also challenges previous works on the “consumer revolution.” Scholars have argued for the emergence of the consumer revolution in eighteenth-century Britain and its contribution to the subsequent industrial revolution. This book shows that a similar change in consumer culture occurred in China even earlier than in Britain while it did not necessarily lead to the same outcome. In addition, this book demonstrates social mobility between literati and merchants. Facing competition from the “vulgar” merchants, the late Ming literati reclaimed its class identity and dignity by forging a “taste of elegance.”
婦女超越生理基本需求的消費,代表明清時期婦女收入和經濟力的提升,而晚明的情欲觀,正好提供人們追求感官欲望的合理化基礎與動力。情欲觀帶動情色產業的興盛,妓女成為流行時尚的代言人。婦女的奢侈消費也衝擊了兩性關係,明清的士大夫對此提出許多批評,其中夾雜著性別偏見,甚至以法令嚴格規範婦女奢侈的消費。本書從消費的角度,重新觀察明清婦女的生活、地位及其對當時產業的影響,期望能予讀者明清婦女另一面貌。
Women of luxury – Women’s Consumer Culture of the Jiangnan region (area south of the Yangtse) in the Ming-Qing period
Wu, Jen-shu
The influence of the May Fourth movement has given us a rigid impression that traditional Chinese women were oppressed by Confucian culture. Yet it is also true that women in the Ming and Qing also could live lives of luxury, not only pursuing popular styles of personal adornment, but also in traveling and enjoying natural landscapes. This was not confined to the rich; the middle classes also followed suit. Going beyond the basic physiological needs of consumption, this represented an increase in the income and economic power of women. Moreover, the concept of sexual passion that appeared in the late Ming provided people with the rational grounds and the motivation to satisfy their lust. The sex industry was flourishing, and the prostitute became the representative of fashion. Consumption of luxury goods by women had an impact on gender relations, and many scholars treated this with a mix of criticism and misogyny, even going so far as to promulgate laws restricting the consumption of luxury goods by women. This book reexamines the lives and status of women in the Ming and Qing periods, and their influence on production, from a consumer perspective. It is hoped that this book can acquaint readers with another aspect of women during the Ming and Qing.
Papers by JEN-SHU WU
The present paper attempts to combine the research methods of history and criminology to investigate crime during the reign of the Tongzhi Emperor by using cases of theft in the archives of Ba county, Sichuan, from 1862 to 1875 as historical data for analysis. First of all, it has been found that three important historical events of the period, namely instances of harassment by remnants of the Taiping army in 1862, the “Zhenyuan 真原 Catholic Church Incident” which occurred in 1863, and the sharp rise in rice prices beginning in 1864, all directly affected the occurrence of theft cases. However, individual agency was not entirely affected by historical events. The second section of this paper analyzes the motivations of individual criminals. The majority of arrested criminals confessed that their motive was poverty and most of them came from the lower or working class. In addition, after rational consideration, they often organized into groups and systematically committed their crimes. Not everyone faced with poverty, of course, became a criminal as, perhaps most importantly, the presence of suitable unguarded targets provided opportunities, showing the importance of opportunity for thievery. Moreover, not all thieves were impoverished and tempting situational opportunities encountered within their daily lives likewise led to theft. The third section of this essay explores the complex processes of crime. Instances of “cat burglars” were far and few between as the main method involved damaging walls or doors and windows to gain entry. Other examples highlight that certain special occasions, such as temple festivals and weddings, also tended to attract thieves. Concerning the stolen items, clothing was in the majority, whereas gold and jewelry were rarely
pilfered. Several channels existed for the disposal of stolen goods: in addition to pawn shops and local markets, there were fences, or movers, who specialized in the handling of the items. Finally, a “hidden hand” or mastermind led from behind the scenes, who not only helped to harbor criminals and sell stolen goods but was also likely to be the head of the criminal syndicate.
Based on an analysis of the theft cases in Ba County from 1862 to1875, this essay discusses the relationship between criminal behavior and urbanization in China in the mid-19th century from a variety of perspectives. During this period, Chongqing’s urbanization rate reached 19-20%, and the proportion of burglary cases in the city rose from 19% in the mid-18th century to 33% in the mid-19th century. Burglaries in Chongqing were concentrated in five of the city's commercial and administrative centers. The main method of burglary in the city was to break through doors or windows, while theft in the countryside mainly was by damaging walls, which reflected the difference between the urban and rural environments. Moreover, the different types of houses in the city had different weaknesses in burglary prevention. Few houses were not vulnerable to theft. The stolen goods taken in the city, the items were more expensive and diverse than those taken in the countryside, reflecting the gap in the level of material consumption between people in the cities and rural areas. The city was full of shops and inns bustling with people, illustrating the higher visibility and accessibility of objects to be targeted by thieves than in the countryside. There were mechanisms in place in the city to prevent theft, i.e. fences and constables. However, such preventive mechanisms were not 100% effective. Many victims of theft actually suspected the police of colluding with the burglars, but the present study of Chongqing disclosed few known cases of police cover up for or collusion with the burglars. The above results illustrate how the development of urbanization affected the occurrence of crime in China.
Despite the growing wealth of studies related to gender in Chinese history, scholars have tended to neglect the fates of women in occupied China under the Japanese. As well, what little research has been done focused almost exclusively on the elite classes. This article seeks to reconstruct the plight of ordinary women through an analysis of contemporary newspaper articles, showing how many lost their homes and livelihoods as a result of the occupation. At the same time, however, war also served as an accelerator of social change. As the example of Suzhou shows, marriage mores came under enormous pressure amid the upheaval of the times, leading to both greater uncertainty and greater autonomy for women. Similarly, socio-economic pressures also led to an upsurge in new service jobs for women, who increasingly relied upon themselves to make ends meet. These changes were often criticized or satirized by male writers, who dominate the main sources used here. Nonetheless, their descriptions reflect a sense of anxiety amid the general volatility of life under the occupation, as well as the accumulating social changes that were taking place. In the final part of this article, a brief excursion into the leisure activities of contemporary women is undertaken, which reveals a growing rift between the rich and the poor in urban Suzhou.
This paper analyzes the history of Dongpo pork through a variety of approaches. The dish is named after Su Shi (1036-1101), a famous scholar-poet who lived in the Song Dynasty, who was also known as Su Dongpo. Although it is possible that Su Shi might have invented a method of cooking pork, it was not called “Dongpo Pork” at the time, and the term did not appear until the Ming Dynasty. The method of cooking Dongpo pork also evolved over time. The method is described as paying attention first to the heat, and then to the variety of spices and the mixing of the sauce. In Ming and Qing times, it was not a dish for common people, but a favorite cuisine item among the literati and gentry. Dongpo pork became an important dish during elite banquets, and was also a common gift among friends. The popularity of Dongpo pork was linked to the veneration of Su Shi and the dish thus became a symbol of literati culture and identity. Dongpo pork became a main feature in Hangzhou cuisine only during the Republican Period. As Hangzhou restaurants gradually expanded their business to other parts of China, they vigorously promoted Dongpo pork as their signature dish, and even invented fictional accounts about Su Shi when he was an official in Hangzhou. Dongpo pork eventually spread overseas, most conspicuously to Japan, where it became widely regarded as a representative dish of Chinese literati culture.
關鍵詞:乾隆、巴縣、竊盜、消費、時尚
Recent research on the history of consumption during the early modern period has begun to question Eurocentric approaches, pointing out that China’s consumption trends may have been similar to those of Britain or Western Europe at same period. However, the relevant Chinese documents focus overwhelmingly on the material culture of the upper classes, and historical resources regarding the common people’s ability to consume luxury objects are rare. Through an analysis of the inventories of stolen goods from 1757 to 1795, this essay investigates the consumers of Ba County in Chongqing Prefecture, a relatively uncommercialized part of the empire, showing that the victims of theft increasingly came to consist of people engaged in commerce and industry. This was a new group of consumers, belonging to the middle segments of society and able to consume such luxury objects as high quality clothes, tin, silver and bronze objects, and the like, that emerged in the eighteenth century. The stolen goods reflected the rapid commodification of the local economy and the changes in people’s consumption patterns. In addition, fashion styles from the Jiangnan area and even imported “foreign goods” could be found among the stolen goods, reflecting the range of outside influences on consumption. Although this essay is a microhistory, it reminds us that China’s consumption in the eighteenth century should not to be underestimated.
Keywords: Qianlong, Baxian (Ba County), theft, consumption, fashion
Wu Jen-shu, “Heaven” after the Catastrophe: Urban Life in Suzhou under Japanese Occupation. Taipei: National Taiwan University Press, 2017.
Using local newspapers, travel guide books, dairies, travel logs, oral history and archival documents, this study depicts the leisure life of Suzhou after the city was occupied by the Japanese during the Sino-Japanese War in 1937–1945, and reveals a complicated picture of the urban life in occupied Suzhou, with a focus on four leisure industries, tea houses, restaurants, hotels, and opium dens. As demonstrated by these four industries, the leisure life in Suzhou was far from being sluggish under the Wang Jingwei regime, but had been blossoming once the social order was recovered. This work shows that the change of the social structure and wartime social mentality were the main factors for “Suzhou splendor”. After Suzhou was made the capital of Jiangsu province under the puppet regime, the influx of war refugees and civil servants serving the new regime contributed greatly to the leisure industry. Furthermore, the carpe diem spirit that prevailed during the wartime was another major reason for the blooming of the consumer culture. While mainly focusing on the abnormally bustling leisure industry, this book depicts a more complicated picture of Suzhou’s urban life: the subsistence living the vast majority facing, high suicide rate, prevailing social violence, frequent conflicts between the employers and employees, objectified women, and the widening gap between the rich and the poor. This book also examines the relations between state and society in Suzhou under the Wang Jingwei puppet regime. From a bottom up approach, this study finds that the penetration of the puppet regime was deeper than that of the previous governments. Many aspects demonstrate the tighter grip of the puppet state on the society, such as the neighbourhood administrative system (pao-chia) and travel bans, strict control on urban hygiene and public leisure space, market price regulation and consumption ration system. Under the dominance of the state, owners of the leisure industry had been adopting several measures to resist the controls imposed by the state. Such measures include passive cooperation, black market trade, and Teahouse Trade Association, to serve as what James Scott called the “weapons of the weak.”
This monograph makes good contribution to the history of consumption as well as studies of China during the occupation period. Currently research on occupied China has been focusing mainly on Shanghai, whereas the author channels our attention to Suzhou. While the collective memory of the cities under Japanese occupation has been dominated by the massive war atrocities such as “the rape of Nanjing,” this study uses Suzhou as a case study to echo the new scholarship on the multi-layered effects the War had on Chinese cities.
本書分成三篇,各篇有兩章,分別從六個面向來探析。上篇從休閑與購物兩方面來探討明清城市的消費性格與消費的動力。中篇兩章則是以城市休閑消費所反映的社會空間為主題,分別以蘇州的園林與旅遊為例。下篇的兩章主要是關於兩性購物消費的議題。透過上述各章的分析與討論,作者在結論裡分析明清城市消費空間變遷所具有的三層意義。作者總結指出「消費」就是城市性格的重要特徵,同時也以休閑消費的吸引力來解釋明清鄉紳逐漸城居化的原因,並說明十八世紀江南官紳對休閑消費的觀念有去道德化與去政治化的可能性。
My previous monograph, Luxurious Taste: Consumer Society and Literati during the Late Ming (2007) discussed the formation of a so-called consumer society during the Ming Dynasty, a society that had its foundations in urban environments. My new work, Urban Pleasures: Leisure Consumption and Spatial Transformation in Jiangnan Cities during the Ming-Qing Period, focuses on the diversity of leisure and shopping activities and spaces that marked lifestyles and life experiences in cities from the mid-Ming to the mid-Qing period. I consider the concept of “space” in the field of consumption research, argue for the effects of consumption on changing spatial configurations, and explore the social relations and political negotiations behind the changes in the major cities of the Ming and the Qing.
Urban Pleasures is divided into three sections, each consisting of two chapters, which collectively explore the subject from six aspects. Part One focuses on the characteristics and incentives of consumption in Ming and Qing cities through aspects of leisure and shopping. The two chapters in Part Two explore mainly the social space reflected in urban leisure consumption. These two chapters use Suzhou as a case study to show how urban gardens were converted from private leisure spaces to public spaces and explore the evolution of tourism space from the Ming to Qing periods. The two chapters in the last part of the book center on the issue of gender and consumption. Based on the analysis and discussion throughout these chapters, the conclusion explores the significance of variations in urban consumer space in the Ming and Qing on three levels, namely: the spatial practice of consumption, the social production of consumer space, and the political negotiation of urban spaces. “Consumerism” was an integral part of the characteristics of “urbanity” during the Ming and Qing dynasties. The appeal of leisure consumption helps explain why the gentry often moved their residences from the country to the city from the mid-Ming period on. As well, the literati conception of leisure consumption was potentially de-moralized and de-politicized during the eighteenth century.
在中國近現代歷史的演變歷程中,城市無疑地扮演了重要的角色。尤其是現代性的特徵在城市裡表現特別明顯,而城市化又是現代性的一部分。本書透過城市來探討現代性的問題,最重要的目的,就是嘗試突破現代化或西化的框架,擴大視野與議題到其它的面向,並且將近現代城市史研究的縱深,延伸到明清時期。本書的14篇論文大致分為兩類,第一類是關於城市生活與文化的面向,第二類則是涉及到城市內群己關係的重新調整。本文為該書之〈導論〉部分。
Cities have played a crucial role throughout the course of modern Chinese history. Numerous aspects of Chinese modernity manifested themselves most clearly in urban settings, with urbanization constituting an essential component of modernity. This book explores the relationship between Chinese cities and modernity, its main goals being to challenge Western models of modernization, broaden scholarly perspectives on these issues by considering a wide range of phenomena, and extend the temporal scope of research on Chinese modernity to the Ming-Qing era. The 14 articles presented in this book can be divided into two types: the first treats facets of urban culture and daily life, while the second examines new forms of interaction between individuals and communities in urban settings.
Since travel culture is an important aspect of the literati’s culture of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, specific attention is given to how the literati moulded the culture of travelling. Part two of this book deals with the tourist activities of the literati. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties there were periods when the zest for traveling diminished, yet travel remained an important activity of the literati all the time. The literati's diaries during the Ming and Qing Dynasties show the real day-to-day practices of travel and prove that the mainstream preference at that time was for short distance journeys. The diaries also indicate that the literati thought highly of comfort and leisure while they were touring and that one of the functions of traveling was also social intercourse.
Part three of this book discusses how the literati built their travel culture. Besides introducing the relevant texts that the they wrote, this part focuses on the evolution of narrative and writing styles that took place especially from the late Ming to the mid Qing periods. Mainly through the analysis of the travel notes, we probe into the literati’s self-consciousness of their social status, and their tendency to change their writing styles in order to raise their social profile. We also present another point of view which refers to the impressions and attitudes of Chinese travelers − such as special envoys, intellectuals, overseas students and migrants, etc. − who traveled to the West or came in contact with Westerners in the late Qing period.
Finally, we discuss the representation of the tourist landscapes through three cultural forms. First, the literati’s typical landscape impressions and how the Jiangnan mountains and rivers influenced their traveling choices. Secondly, we show that building tourist landscapes also related to politics, as it was the case with the emperors who produced new sceneries during the Qing Dynasty. Finally, we will take Suzhou as an example of how the tourist landscapes developed in the Ming and Qing periods to become historic sites in the 20th century as well as the scenic spots of modern tourism.
摘要:
本書透過具體而細緻的實證研究,探討晚明的消費社會與士大夫的消費文化。作者希冀呈現晚明消費史的多元面向,豐富這段歷史。全書的兩大主軸,其一是嘗試把近代早期中國的消費史,放在世界史的脈絡下,突顯晚明時期的重要性。作者指出晚明已形成「消費社會」的現象,以修正英國史學家關於「消費革命」的歷史解釋。本書另一個主軸是士大夫的消費文化。從消費文化的角度,一方面可以看到晚明社會結構的變動,特別是士、商關係的變化;另一方面士大夫也透過消費文化,塑造消費品味與流行時尚,來重新建構他們的身分地位。
Elegant Taste: Consumer Society and the Literati in the Late Ming
Wu Jen-shu
This book explores the formation and elaboration of consumer society in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century China. With concrete and detailed empirical research, this book not only vividly illustrates Chinese literati’s material life in the late Ming, but also challenges previous works on the “consumer revolution.” Scholars have argued for the emergence of the consumer revolution in eighteenth-century Britain and its contribution to the subsequent industrial revolution. This book shows that a similar change in consumer culture occurred in China even earlier than in Britain while it did not necessarily lead to the same outcome. In addition, this book demonstrates social mobility between literati and merchants. Facing competition from the “vulgar” merchants, the late Ming literati reclaimed its class identity and dignity by forging a “taste of elegance.”
婦女超越生理基本需求的消費,代表明清時期婦女收入和經濟力的提升,而晚明的情欲觀,正好提供人們追求感官欲望的合理化基礎與動力。情欲觀帶動情色產業的興盛,妓女成為流行時尚的代言人。婦女的奢侈消費也衝擊了兩性關係,明清的士大夫對此提出許多批評,其中夾雜著性別偏見,甚至以法令嚴格規範婦女奢侈的消費。本書從消費的角度,重新觀察明清婦女的生活、地位及其對當時產業的影響,期望能予讀者明清婦女另一面貌。
Women of luxury – Women’s Consumer Culture of the Jiangnan region (area south of the Yangtse) in the Ming-Qing period
Wu, Jen-shu
The influence of the May Fourth movement has given us a rigid impression that traditional Chinese women were oppressed by Confucian culture. Yet it is also true that women in the Ming and Qing also could live lives of luxury, not only pursuing popular styles of personal adornment, but also in traveling and enjoying natural landscapes. This was not confined to the rich; the middle classes also followed suit. Going beyond the basic physiological needs of consumption, this represented an increase in the income and economic power of women. Moreover, the concept of sexual passion that appeared in the late Ming provided people with the rational grounds and the motivation to satisfy their lust. The sex industry was flourishing, and the prostitute became the representative of fashion. Consumption of luxury goods by women had an impact on gender relations, and many scholars treated this with a mix of criticism and misogyny, even going so far as to promulgate laws restricting the consumption of luxury goods by women. This book reexamines the lives and status of women in the Ming and Qing periods, and their influence on production, from a consumer perspective. It is hoped that this book can acquaint readers with another aspect of women during the Ming and Qing.
The present paper attempts to combine the research methods of history and criminology to investigate crime during the reign of the Tongzhi Emperor by using cases of theft in the archives of Ba county, Sichuan, from 1862 to 1875 as historical data for analysis. First of all, it has been found that three important historical events of the period, namely instances of harassment by remnants of the Taiping army in 1862, the “Zhenyuan 真原 Catholic Church Incident” which occurred in 1863, and the sharp rise in rice prices beginning in 1864, all directly affected the occurrence of theft cases. However, individual agency was not entirely affected by historical events. The second section of this paper analyzes the motivations of individual criminals. The majority of arrested criminals confessed that their motive was poverty and most of them came from the lower or working class. In addition, after rational consideration, they often organized into groups and systematically committed their crimes. Not everyone faced with poverty, of course, became a criminal as, perhaps most importantly, the presence of suitable unguarded targets provided opportunities, showing the importance of opportunity for thievery. Moreover, not all thieves were impoverished and tempting situational opportunities encountered within their daily lives likewise led to theft. The third section of this essay explores the complex processes of crime. Instances of “cat burglars” were far and few between as the main method involved damaging walls or doors and windows to gain entry. Other examples highlight that certain special occasions, such as temple festivals and weddings, also tended to attract thieves. Concerning the stolen items, clothing was in the majority, whereas gold and jewelry were rarely
pilfered. Several channels existed for the disposal of stolen goods: in addition to pawn shops and local markets, there were fences, or movers, who specialized in the handling of the items. Finally, a “hidden hand” or mastermind led from behind the scenes, who not only helped to harbor criminals and sell stolen goods but was also likely to be the head of the criminal syndicate.
Based on an analysis of the theft cases in Ba County from 1862 to1875, this essay discusses the relationship between criminal behavior and urbanization in China in the mid-19th century from a variety of perspectives. During this period, Chongqing’s urbanization rate reached 19-20%, and the proportion of burglary cases in the city rose from 19% in the mid-18th century to 33% in the mid-19th century. Burglaries in Chongqing were concentrated in five of the city's commercial and administrative centers. The main method of burglary in the city was to break through doors or windows, while theft in the countryside mainly was by damaging walls, which reflected the difference between the urban and rural environments. Moreover, the different types of houses in the city had different weaknesses in burglary prevention. Few houses were not vulnerable to theft. The stolen goods taken in the city, the items were more expensive and diverse than those taken in the countryside, reflecting the gap in the level of material consumption between people in the cities and rural areas. The city was full of shops and inns bustling with people, illustrating the higher visibility and accessibility of objects to be targeted by thieves than in the countryside. There were mechanisms in place in the city to prevent theft, i.e. fences and constables. However, such preventive mechanisms were not 100% effective. Many victims of theft actually suspected the police of colluding with the burglars, but the present study of Chongqing disclosed few known cases of police cover up for or collusion with the burglars. The above results illustrate how the development of urbanization affected the occurrence of crime in China.
Despite the growing wealth of studies related to gender in Chinese history, scholars have tended to neglect the fates of women in occupied China under the Japanese. As well, what little research has been done focused almost exclusively on the elite classes. This article seeks to reconstruct the plight of ordinary women through an analysis of contemporary newspaper articles, showing how many lost their homes and livelihoods as a result of the occupation. At the same time, however, war also served as an accelerator of social change. As the example of Suzhou shows, marriage mores came under enormous pressure amid the upheaval of the times, leading to both greater uncertainty and greater autonomy for women. Similarly, socio-economic pressures also led to an upsurge in new service jobs for women, who increasingly relied upon themselves to make ends meet. These changes were often criticized or satirized by male writers, who dominate the main sources used here. Nonetheless, their descriptions reflect a sense of anxiety amid the general volatility of life under the occupation, as well as the accumulating social changes that were taking place. In the final part of this article, a brief excursion into the leisure activities of contemporary women is undertaken, which reveals a growing rift between the rich and the poor in urban Suzhou.
This paper analyzes the history of Dongpo pork through a variety of approaches. The dish is named after Su Shi (1036-1101), a famous scholar-poet who lived in the Song Dynasty, who was also known as Su Dongpo. Although it is possible that Su Shi might have invented a method of cooking pork, it was not called “Dongpo Pork” at the time, and the term did not appear until the Ming Dynasty. The method of cooking Dongpo pork also evolved over time. The method is described as paying attention first to the heat, and then to the variety of spices and the mixing of the sauce. In Ming and Qing times, it was not a dish for common people, but a favorite cuisine item among the literati and gentry. Dongpo pork became an important dish during elite banquets, and was also a common gift among friends. The popularity of Dongpo pork was linked to the veneration of Su Shi and the dish thus became a symbol of literati culture and identity. Dongpo pork became a main feature in Hangzhou cuisine only during the Republican Period. As Hangzhou restaurants gradually expanded their business to other parts of China, they vigorously promoted Dongpo pork as their signature dish, and even invented fictional accounts about Su Shi when he was an official in Hangzhou. Dongpo pork eventually spread overseas, most conspicuously to Japan, where it became widely regarded as a representative dish of Chinese literati culture.
關鍵詞:乾隆、巴縣、竊盜、消費、時尚
Recent research on the history of consumption during the early modern period has begun to question Eurocentric approaches, pointing out that China’s consumption trends may have been similar to those of Britain or Western Europe at same period. However, the relevant Chinese documents focus overwhelmingly on the material culture of the upper classes, and historical resources regarding the common people’s ability to consume luxury objects are rare. Through an analysis of the inventories of stolen goods from 1757 to 1795, this essay investigates the consumers of Ba County in Chongqing Prefecture, a relatively uncommercialized part of the empire, showing that the victims of theft increasingly came to consist of people engaged in commerce and industry. This was a new group of consumers, belonging to the middle segments of society and able to consume such luxury objects as high quality clothes, tin, silver and bronze objects, and the like, that emerged in the eighteenth century. The stolen goods reflected the rapid commodification of the local economy and the changes in people’s consumption patterns. In addition, fashion styles from the Jiangnan area and even imported “foreign goods” could be found among the stolen goods, reflecting the range of outside influences on consumption. Although this essay is a microhistory, it reminds us that China’s consumption in the eighteenth century should not to be underestimated.
Keywords: Qianlong, Baxian (Ba County), theft, consumption, fashion
City life in the Japanese-occupied territories during anti-Japanese war period has been neglected by historians. Restaurants were an indispensable of daily life activities of urban folk. This article uses Suzhou as an example of the transformation of the restaurant business during the anti-Japanese war period, highlighting that the restaurant business developed more prosperously than during the prewar time. The phenomenon contrasts with the common view of urban life in the occupied territories. There are at least two reasons for explaining the transformation of the restaurant business, including the stable social order and economy under the Wang Jingwei government, and the new consumers resulting from population movements from Shanghai and Zhejiang province. Furthermore, the restaurant industry itself also changed at that time. Additionally, this article assesses GIS from the perspective of space to explore the distribution of restaurants in the urban setting. I point out that the war, transportation, and the structure of the consumer base all affected the distribution of restaurants.
角度來探析逃難時所呈現的社會矛盾、逃難婦女的遭遇與形象、倖存者對抗清領導人的觀感、如何解釋逃難時的不同命運,以及避城或避鄉的爭論等議題。筆者希望藉由他們的逃難紀錄,擺脫明清之際的歷史大敘事,呈現當時戰亂下「逃難社會」的特色。
According to a traditional idiom, “In times of minor disorder, flee to the cities; in times of major disaster, flee to the countryside.” This phenomenon appeared in the Ming-Qing transition, reflecting not only the ravages of war but the awareness of the differences between urban and rural areas. Past research on the history of this period has concentrated on major political events, but the experiences of refugees have been neglected. This article uses the notes and diaries of literati from Jiangnan cities to reconstruct the historical process of flight. While may gentry had moved their residence from the country to the city from the mid-Ming period on, this trend was reversed at the end of the Ming. The status associated with urban residence disappeared, and many literati experienced the distress of flight. The second part of this article investigates such issues concerning flight as its social contradictions, women’s encounters, survivors’ perceptions of the loyalist leadership, and the different fates of refugees through the lenses of social history, mentality studies, and
cultural history. This article challenges the narrative of the macro-history of Ming-Qing transition and describes various characteristics of a society in flight."
本章則嘗試從更長的歷史發展來探討辛亥革命發生在城市的原因,尤其要強調的兩個面向:一是城市的環境,另一是動員群眾的模式。所謂的城市環境係指都市化的發展,促使城市在歷史上逐漸形成與鄉村有別的特殊環境,並且滋生了新的市民階層、新的物質文化與城市文化,這也使得城市的歷史地位逐漸由傳統的邊陲走向核心。至於動員群眾的模式,係參考歷史社會學者Charles Tilly的分析模式。他研究近代西歐的集體行動事件後建構了「動員模型」(mobilization model)理論,強調集體行動的形成是許多要素一步一步地組合而形成的。 本章分為三個部分,分別從明清的城市民變,到晚清的民變,最後是辛亥革命,從這三段不同時期的分析與論述,想要強調的是辛亥革命的形成與城市的關係是有歷史的延續性,但也有斷裂的現代性。