I am a PhD in British and Irish History. I graduated in May 2011 after passing prelim fields in Gender, Modern Europe, and British/Irish history.
My dissertation focused on Orangeism, Unionism, and Gender in Ireland, 1790s-present. The centerpiece of this study was the Association of Loyal Orangewomen of Ireland(ALOI), their work, and how they interacted with Orangemen. My work suggested that the ALOI followed broader patterns of conservative female activism, utilizing the gendered rhetoric of feminine influence over families and societies to legitimize their actions. This need to conform to conservative patterns grew after their official recognition by the Grand Orange Lodges of England and Ireland in 1886 and 1888, respectively. Ultimately, their role within Orangeism was to be the vehicles for Orange culture and ideology, as well as to keep the Orange family pure by advising sisters against intermarriage with Catholics and to ensure that these sisters raised their children in a Protestant and proudly Orange environment.
The Orange Order is a Protestant fraternal order within Northern Ireland that has branches across... more The Orange Order is a Protestant fraternal order within Northern Ireland that has branches across the former British Empire. Since its formation in 1795, it has been described as a brotherhood, definitively male with a triumphalist parade culture maintaining Protestant `civil and religious liberties' by celebrating the victory of King William III at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690. My dissertation explores the role of gender within Orangeism. Notions of `brotherhood', `sisterhood', and `family' in the lodges are explored, as are the roles of women within Orangeism. In particular, the `family' nature of Orangeism has played a major role in the inclusion of women and children in Orange demonstrations and parades. Evangelical beliefs in women's moral superiority and the necessity of her influence over her family and community provided women with a public presence via Orange processions and female lodges. Men were forced to accept their utility as political mothers who could inculcate Orange values in children and in the wider community through their influence and philanthropic work. In short, Orangeism was never simply a brotherhood; the familial metaphor enabled women to gain influence as `sisters' and to perform various politicized (and sometimes militarized) domestic roles within the public space provided by the order. Orangeism gave them a political base from which to petition, challenge governmental policies they deemed unfair, and to threaten or commit violence when peaceful methods failed.
This Thesis examines the concurrence of nationalism with feminism in Ireland during the revolutio... more This Thesis examines the concurrence of nationalism with feminism in Ireland during the revolutionary period, 1900—1923. Many authors wish to draw a strict dichotomy between women who became suffragists and women who became nationalists, but it will be shown that such lines became blurred during this period as more suffragists joined the nationalists and more nationalists gained interest in the suffrage movement. I will also show that women’s involvement in the nationalist struggle was necessary for their inclusion in politics during the first quarter of the Twentieth century, as suffragists alone would never have made an imprint upon the rapidly militarizing society in Ireland during this time. Cumann na mBan and Inghinidhe na hÉireann will be the primary focuses of this work because they used their respective places within the nationalist movement to blur gender roles and to argue for women’s rights. Some historians praise the suffragists while painting nationalist women as puppets of the male nationalist organizations; however, women in the nationalist movement were able to make more of an impact on the men than suffragists due to their relationship with male revolutionaries. While many historians have noted that Cumann na mBan was started because the Irish Volunteers did not want to include women in their council, few have noted how the women of Cumann used their unique position to increase the visibility of Irish women in the struggle for independence and created a formidable public persona that set them apart as women and revolutionaries. Cumann na mBan and Inghinidhe na hÉireann both used their voices to demand women’s inclusion in politics and public life. Their constant references to the women of ancient Ireland often stated that if they wanted to remain true to their ancient Irish roots, they must include women as equal citizens and give them equal rights. However, it was only when women in Cumann na mBan took part in the risings and military activities that most of the nationalist men began to see them on more equal terms. With women taking the same risks as the men, logic dictated that keeping women out of politics was hypocritical. In fact, Constance Markievicz became the first woman to be elected to Parliament because of her role in Cumann na mBan and her nationalist activities. The greatest achievement of women’s activism in Ireland was their place in the 1922 Constitution, which included women on equal terms. However, women’s autonomy and equality met with staunch criticism from the church. Catholic anti-feminism was at its height following the Civil War in 1923. Many nationalist men who had praised the women of Cumann na mBan in previous years blamed them for the Civil War. The fact that women had sided almost unanimously with the anti-treaty forces damaged their political reputation in the Free State. As had happened in Post-WWII America, men began seeing women’s activism as dangerous and unnatural; they now attempted to reposition women within the home. While during the revolutionary period, the women had come to demand their equality and had made great steps towards achieving it; the anti-feminist backlash of the 1920s and 30s would result in laws that limited women’s activities outside the home. Though women kept the right to vote and to hold office, the 1937 Constitution made it illegal for married women to work outside the home and by emphasizing women’s roles as wives and mothers, undermined women’s equality.
The Orange Order is a Protestant fraternal order within Northern Ireland that has branches across... more The Orange Order is a Protestant fraternal order within Northern Ireland that has branches across the former British Empire. Since its formation in 1795, it has been described as a brotherhood, definitively male with a triumphalist parade culture maintaining Protestant `civil and religious liberties' by celebrating the victory of King William III at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690. My dissertation explores the role of gender within Orangeism. Notions of `brotherhood', `sisterhood', and `family' in the lodges are explored, as are the roles of women within Orangeism. In particular, the `family' nature of Orangeism has played a major role in the inclusion of women and children in Orange demonstrations and parades. Evangelical beliefs in women's moral superiority and the necessity of her influence over her family and community provided women with a public presence via Orange processions and female lodges. Men were forced to accept their utility as political mothers who could inculcate Orange values in children and in the wider community through their influence and philanthropic work. In short, Orangeism was never simply a brotherhood; the familial metaphor enabled women to gain influence as `sisters' and to perform various politicized (and sometimes militarized) domestic roles within the public space provided by the order. Orangeism gave them a political base from which to petition, challenge governmental policies they deemed unfair, and to threaten or commit violence when peaceful methods failed.
This Thesis examines the concurrence of nationalism with feminism in Ireland during the revolutio... more This Thesis examines the concurrence of nationalism with feminism in Ireland during the revolutionary period, 1900—1923. Many authors wish to draw a strict dichotomy between women who became suffragists and women who became nationalists, but it will be shown that such lines became blurred during this period as more suffragists joined the nationalists and more nationalists gained interest in the suffrage movement. I will also show that women’s involvement in the nationalist struggle was necessary for their inclusion in politics during the first quarter of the Twentieth century, as suffragists alone would never have made an imprint upon the rapidly militarizing society in Ireland during this time. Cumann na mBan and Inghinidhe na hÉireann will be the primary focuses of this work because they used their respective places within the nationalist movement to blur gender roles and to argue for women’s rights. Some historians praise the suffragists while painting nationalist women as puppets of the male nationalist organizations; however, women in the nationalist movement were able to make more of an impact on the men than suffragists due to their relationship with male revolutionaries. While many historians have noted that Cumann na mBan was started because the Irish Volunteers did not want to include women in their council, few have noted how the women of Cumann used their unique position to increase the visibility of Irish women in the struggle for independence and created a formidable public persona that set them apart as women and revolutionaries. Cumann na mBan and Inghinidhe na hÉireann both used their voices to demand women’s inclusion in politics and public life. Their constant references to the women of ancient Ireland often stated that if they wanted to remain true to their ancient Irish roots, they must include women as equal citizens and give them equal rights. However, it was only when women in Cumann na mBan took part in the risings and military activities that most of the nationalist men began to see them on more equal terms. With women taking the same risks as the men, logic dictated that keeping women out of politics was hypocritical. In fact, Constance Markievicz became the first woman to be elected to Parliament because of her role in Cumann na mBan and her nationalist activities. The greatest achievement of women’s activism in Ireland was their place in the 1922 Constitution, which included women on equal terms. However, women’s autonomy and equality met with staunch criticism from the church. Catholic anti-feminism was at its height following the Civil War in 1923. Many nationalist men who had praised the women of Cumann na mBan in previous years blamed them for the Civil War. The fact that women had sided almost unanimously with the anti-treaty forces damaged their political reputation in the Free State. As had happened in Post-WWII America, men began seeing women’s activism as dangerous and unnatural; they now attempted to reposition women within the home. While during the revolutionary period, the women had come to demand their equality and had made great steps towards achieving it; the anti-feminist backlash of the 1920s and 30s would result in laws that limited women’s activities outside the home. Though women kept the right to vote and to hold office, the 1937 Constitution made it illegal for married women to work outside the home and by emphasizing women’s roles as wives and mothers, undermined women’s equality.
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Papers by Christi McCallum
Cumann na mBan and Inghinidhe na hÉireann will be the primary focuses of this work because they used their respective places within the nationalist movement to blur gender roles and to argue for women’s rights. Some historians praise the suffragists while painting nationalist women as puppets of the male nationalist organizations; however, women in the nationalist movement were able to make more of an impact on the men than suffragists due to their relationship with male revolutionaries. While many historians have noted that Cumann na mBan was started because the Irish Volunteers did
not want to include women in their council, few have noted how the women of Cumann used their unique position to increase the visibility of Irish women in the struggle for independence and created a formidable public persona that set them apart as women and revolutionaries.
Cumann na mBan and Inghinidhe na hÉireann both used their voices to demand women’s inclusion in politics and public life. Their constant references to the women of ancient Ireland often stated that if they wanted to remain true to their ancient Irish roots, they must include women as equal citizens and give them equal rights. However, it was only when women in Cumann na mBan took part in the risings and military activities that
most of the nationalist men began to see them on more equal terms. With women taking the same risks as the men, logic dictated that keeping women out of politics was hypocritical. In fact, Constance Markievicz became the first woman to be elected to Parliament because of her role in Cumann na mBan and her nationalist activities.
The greatest achievement of women’s activism in Ireland was their place in the 1922 Constitution, which included women on equal terms. However, women’s autonomy and equality met with staunch criticism from the church. Catholic anti-feminism was at its height following the Civil War in 1923. Many nationalist men who had praised the women of Cumann na mBan in previous years blamed them for the Civil War. The fact that women had sided almost unanimously with the anti-treaty forces damaged their political reputation in the Free State. As had happened in Post-WWII America, men began seeing women’s activism as dangerous and unnatural; they now attempted to reposition women within the home. While during the revolutionary period, the women had come to demand their equality and had made great steps towards achieving it; the anti-feminist backlash of the 1920s and 30s would result in laws that limited women’s activities outside the home. Though women kept the right to vote and to hold office, the 1937 Constitution made it illegal for married women to work outside the home and by emphasizing women’s roles as wives and mothers, undermined women’s equality.
Cumann na mBan and Inghinidhe na hÉireann will be the primary focuses of this work because they used their respective places within the nationalist movement to blur gender roles and to argue for women’s rights. Some historians praise the suffragists while painting nationalist women as puppets of the male nationalist organizations; however, women in the nationalist movement were able to make more of an impact on the men than suffragists due to their relationship with male revolutionaries. While many historians have noted that Cumann na mBan was started because the Irish Volunteers did
not want to include women in their council, few have noted how the women of Cumann used their unique position to increase the visibility of Irish women in the struggle for independence and created a formidable public persona that set them apart as women and revolutionaries.
Cumann na mBan and Inghinidhe na hÉireann both used their voices to demand women’s inclusion in politics and public life. Their constant references to the women of ancient Ireland often stated that if they wanted to remain true to their ancient Irish roots, they must include women as equal citizens and give them equal rights. However, it was only when women in Cumann na mBan took part in the risings and military activities that
most of the nationalist men began to see them on more equal terms. With women taking the same risks as the men, logic dictated that keeping women out of politics was hypocritical. In fact, Constance Markievicz became the first woman to be elected to Parliament because of her role in Cumann na mBan and her nationalist activities.
The greatest achievement of women’s activism in Ireland was their place in the 1922 Constitution, which included women on equal terms. However, women’s autonomy and equality met with staunch criticism from the church. Catholic anti-feminism was at its height following the Civil War in 1923. Many nationalist men who had praised the women of Cumann na mBan in previous years blamed them for the Civil War. The fact that women had sided almost unanimously with the anti-treaty forces damaged their political reputation in the Free State. As had happened in Post-WWII America, men began seeing women’s activism as dangerous and unnatural; they now attempted to reposition women within the home. While during the revolutionary period, the women had come to demand their equality and had made great steps towards achieving it; the anti-feminist backlash of the 1920s and 30s would result in laws that limited women’s activities outside the home. Though women kept the right to vote and to hold office, the 1937 Constitution made it illegal for married women to work outside the home and by emphasizing women’s roles as wives and mothers, undermined women’s equality.