BA Politics graduate from the University of York and MA International Law graduate from SOAS, university of London. Interested in Third World Approaches to International Humanitarian Law, International Refugee Law, and International Migration Law.
A Broken System: Asylum Reform Initiatives 1997-2022 , 2022
This report presents an overview of asylum reform initiatives in the UK from 1997-2022. Reviewing... more This report presents an overview of asylum reform initiatives in the UK from 1997-2022. Reviewing the last 25 years of changes to the asylum system reveals a number of key lessons for those interested in the cause of refugee integration. However, a key finding of the report is that successive British Governments have consistently seen integration as a secondary concern to the ‘primary’ task of sorting eligible asylum applications from ineligible ones.
From Ethnic Grazing Boundaries To Self-Determination: The Pan-Somali Agenda in the Northern Frontier District, 2022
This paper advances the argument that the cessation movement by Somali tribes inhabiting the Nort... more This paper advances the argument that the cessation movement by Somali tribes inhabiting the Northern Frontier District (NFD) was predictable and can be traced through a series of historical events characterised by the colonial confrontation. This paper will adopt the framework incorporating Luis Eslava’s second co-ordinate titled ‘history matters’.1 He argues that analysing the history of the relationship between international law and colonialism exposes the unbalanced power dynamics at play that constitute as part of the international legal order. The first section provides information concerning the geographical structure of the area. The second section delivers information in relation to the multi-ethnic nomadic and pastoral tribes that inhabited the area. As part of this paper, I will focus on the Somali tribes wishing to join with their counterparts in Greater Somalia. The social organisation of tribes inhabiting the area cannot be explained using international law because their spatial ordering centred on cultural and social dynamics. The third section considers how the use of restrictive ethnic grazing boundaries and, the denial of economic opportunities, led NFD Somalis into challenging the fixed European cartography. The final section provides an overview of how social movements in the area gathered momentum by an apparent support to unite Somalis based on shared concerns.
International Migration Law: "The illegality of the migration itself can produce a source of exclusion, denying migrants access to certain state resources and discursively positioning the migrant as a foreign entity that does not belong." Discuss, 2022
This paper advances the argument that not only does the illegality of the migration produce defen... more This paper advances the argument that not only does the illegality of the migration produce defensive border mechanisms through alienation, externalisation and securitisation; it affects migrants already within the territory. The first section will look at what is meant by the illegality of the migration in conjunction with exclusion. The second section with look at the build up of the Freedom of Movement throughout history and how an initial focus on preserving human rights gradually shifted to the prioritisation of territorial integrity in the Global North. Since International Migration Law (IML) comprises of several International, Regional and Human Rights treaties, I will draw from several conventions to assess how they inadvertently contribute to the illegality of the migration. The final section will use the UK as a case study as part of an attempt to elucidate how the Global North is responsible for constructing illegality through containment policies.
Female Domestic Violence Victims as a Particular Social Group in International Refugee Law, 2022
Using the public/private dichotomy through a legal feminist international law and socio-legal len... more Using the public/private dichotomy through a legal feminist international law and socio-legal lens, this paper seeks to explore whether female domestic violence asylum claimants can be recognised as a particular social group. This paper argues that this is only possible if such claimants convey three elements that speak to Public International Law. Firstly, the history of IRL has privileged male asylum seekers who made public declarations of persecution such as a lack of civil and political rights. This is usually corroborated by pieces of evidence available to decision-makers in public. This is also evidenced when the violence is assessed through the male non-state actor’s perspective. Secondly, female domestic violence asylum claimants are initially expected to seek national legal redress because states are the primary subjects of international law. If a state is unable or unwilling to protect, this can be used as the basis for a successful claim. Thirdly, women must have a distinct public identity in their respective country of origin to eventually make a successful claim. Through a reinterpretation of fundamental human rights, enshrined in various international legal treaties, this paper argues that female domestic violence claims could be accommodated through and within a gendered perspective.
“International humanitarian law has always had an ‘other’– an ‘other’ that is both a figure excluded from the various categories of protection, and an elaborate metaphor of what the laws of war do not want to be.” (Megret, 2006) , 2022
International humanitarian law has always had an 'other'-an 'other' that is both a figure exclude... more International humanitarian law has always had an 'other'-an 'other' that is both a figure excluded from the various categories of protection, and an elaborate metaphor of what the laws of war do not want to be." (Megret, 2006) Discuss.
I rewrote this judgement through the lens of the Third World Approach to
International Law (TWAIL... more I rewrote this judgement through the lens of the Third World Approach to International Law (TWAIL) because the simple reference (and disregard) for the ‘1927/1933 treaty arrangement’ by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) diminishes the responsibility it bear for the maritime dispute between Italian Jubaland (Somalia) and the Northern Frontier district (Kenya). These were the names given to the territories at the time by imperialists and I have used them in this judgement because they constitute as part of the origins of the dispute.
In light of the above, this paper will adopt a framework incorporating Luis Eslava’s second ‘coordinate’ titled ‘Empire Moves’. He argues that contemporary international legal relations are disguised as ‘international community’ goals that are characterised by the reproduction of imperialism.
This essay looks at why terrorism is a contested concept and its disability in providing institut... more This essay looks at why terrorism is a contested concept and its disability in providing institutions, the public and states with a reliable definition that can be applied anywhere. There are particular issues associated with defining terrorism, it relates to multiple models such as communication and religion, particular terms associated with ‘terrorism’ may be misconstrued, the lack of historical validity terrorism does not possess, how state terrorism is ignored in larger terrorism studies and formations of terrorism may appear unreliable. In practice, this essay will look at how terrorism as a contested concept has lead to innocent civilian deaths, the ‘acceptable’ of state terrorism and brushed under the rug topics such as terrorist groups turned political parties.
A Broken System: Asylum Reform Initiatives 1997-2022 , 2022
This report presents an overview of asylum reform initiatives in the UK from 1997-2022. Reviewing... more This report presents an overview of asylum reform initiatives in the UK from 1997-2022. Reviewing the last 25 years of changes to the asylum system reveals a number of key lessons for those interested in the cause of refugee integration. However, a key finding of the report is that successive British Governments have consistently seen integration as a secondary concern to the ‘primary’ task of sorting eligible asylum applications from ineligible ones.
From Ethnic Grazing Boundaries To Self-Determination: The Pan-Somali Agenda in the Northern Frontier District, 2022
This paper advances the argument that the cessation movement by Somali tribes inhabiting the Nort... more This paper advances the argument that the cessation movement by Somali tribes inhabiting the Northern Frontier District (NFD) was predictable and can be traced through a series of historical events characterised by the colonial confrontation. This paper will adopt the framework incorporating Luis Eslava’s second co-ordinate titled ‘history matters’.1 He argues that analysing the history of the relationship between international law and colonialism exposes the unbalanced power dynamics at play that constitute as part of the international legal order. The first section provides information concerning the geographical structure of the area. The second section delivers information in relation to the multi-ethnic nomadic and pastoral tribes that inhabited the area. As part of this paper, I will focus on the Somali tribes wishing to join with their counterparts in Greater Somalia. The social organisation of tribes inhabiting the area cannot be explained using international law because their spatial ordering centred on cultural and social dynamics. The third section considers how the use of restrictive ethnic grazing boundaries and, the denial of economic opportunities, led NFD Somalis into challenging the fixed European cartography. The final section provides an overview of how social movements in the area gathered momentum by an apparent support to unite Somalis based on shared concerns.
International Migration Law: "The illegality of the migration itself can produce a source of exclusion, denying migrants access to certain state resources and discursively positioning the migrant as a foreign entity that does not belong." Discuss, 2022
This paper advances the argument that not only does the illegality of the migration produce defen... more This paper advances the argument that not only does the illegality of the migration produce defensive border mechanisms through alienation, externalisation and securitisation; it affects migrants already within the territory. The first section will look at what is meant by the illegality of the migration in conjunction with exclusion. The second section with look at the build up of the Freedom of Movement throughout history and how an initial focus on preserving human rights gradually shifted to the prioritisation of territorial integrity in the Global North. Since International Migration Law (IML) comprises of several International, Regional and Human Rights treaties, I will draw from several conventions to assess how they inadvertently contribute to the illegality of the migration. The final section will use the UK as a case study as part of an attempt to elucidate how the Global North is responsible for constructing illegality through containment policies.
Female Domestic Violence Victims as a Particular Social Group in International Refugee Law, 2022
Using the public/private dichotomy through a legal feminist international law and socio-legal len... more Using the public/private dichotomy through a legal feminist international law and socio-legal lens, this paper seeks to explore whether female domestic violence asylum claimants can be recognised as a particular social group. This paper argues that this is only possible if such claimants convey three elements that speak to Public International Law. Firstly, the history of IRL has privileged male asylum seekers who made public declarations of persecution such as a lack of civil and political rights. This is usually corroborated by pieces of evidence available to decision-makers in public. This is also evidenced when the violence is assessed through the male non-state actor’s perspective. Secondly, female domestic violence asylum claimants are initially expected to seek national legal redress because states are the primary subjects of international law. If a state is unable or unwilling to protect, this can be used as the basis for a successful claim. Thirdly, women must have a distinct public identity in their respective country of origin to eventually make a successful claim. Through a reinterpretation of fundamental human rights, enshrined in various international legal treaties, this paper argues that female domestic violence claims could be accommodated through and within a gendered perspective.
“International humanitarian law has always had an ‘other’– an ‘other’ that is both a figure excluded from the various categories of protection, and an elaborate metaphor of what the laws of war do not want to be.” (Megret, 2006) , 2022
International humanitarian law has always had an 'other'-an 'other' that is both a figure exclude... more International humanitarian law has always had an 'other'-an 'other' that is both a figure excluded from the various categories of protection, and an elaborate metaphor of what the laws of war do not want to be." (Megret, 2006) Discuss.
I rewrote this judgement through the lens of the Third World Approach to
International Law (TWAIL... more I rewrote this judgement through the lens of the Third World Approach to International Law (TWAIL) because the simple reference (and disregard) for the ‘1927/1933 treaty arrangement’ by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) diminishes the responsibility it bear for the maritime dispute between Italian Jubaland (Somalia) and the Northern Frontier district (Kenya). These were the names given to the territories at the time by imperialists and I have used them in this judgement because they constitute as part of the origins of the dispute.
In light of the above, this paper will adopt a framework incorporating Luis Eslava’s second ‘coordinate’ titled ‘Empire Moves’. He argues that contemporary international legal relations are disguised as ‘international community’ goals that are characterised by the reproduction of imperialism.
This essay looks at why terrorism is a contested concept and its disability in providing institut... more This essay looks at why terrorism is a contested concept and its disability in providing institutions, the public and states with a reliable definition that can be applied anywhere. There are particular issues associated with defining terrorism, it relates to multiple models such as communication and religion, particular terms associated with ‘terrorism’ may be misconstrued, the lack of historical validity terrorism does not possess, how state terrorism is ignored in larger terrorism studies and formations of terrorism may appear unreliable. In practice, this essay will look at how terrorism as a contested concept has lead to innocent civilian deaths, the ‘acceptable’ of state terrorism and brushed under the rug topics such as terrorist groups turned political parties.
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Papers by Fatima Ahmed
International Law (TWAIL) because the simple reference (and disregard) for the ‘1927/1933 treaty arrangement’ by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) diminishes the responsibility it bear for the maritime dispute between Italian Jubaland (Somalia) and the Northern Frontier district (Kenya).
These were the names given to the territories at the time by imperialists and I have used them in this judgement because they constitute as part of the origins of the dispute.
In light of the above, this paper will adopt a framework incorporating Luis Eslava’s second ‘coordinate’ titled ‘Empire Moves’. He argues that contemporary international legal relations are disguised as ‘international community’ goals that are characterised by the reproduction of imperialism.
International Law (TWAIL) because the simple reference (and disregard) for the ‘1927/1933 treaty arrangement’ by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) diminishes the responsibility it bear for the maritime dispute between Italian Jubaland (Somalia) and the Northern Frontier district (Kenya).
These were the names given to the territories at the time by imperialists and I have used them in this judgement because they constitute as part of the origins of the dispute.
In light of the above, this paper will adopt a framework incorporating Luis Eslava’s second ‘coordinate’ titled ‘Empire Moves’. He argues that contemporary international legal relations are disguised as ‘international community’ goals that are characterised by the reproduction of imperialism.