Papers by John Lillywhite
The Policy Blog, 2022
Imagine a “virtual energy drink” that exists only as a series of zero’s and one’s in computer cod... more Imagine a “virtual energy drink” that exists only as a series of zero’s and one’s in computer code, stored not in your fridge but across the indifferent servers of a centralized tech platform or, perhaps, the decentralized exchange of a popular blockchain protocol. The drink seems to preclude utility and recreational enjoyment. It has no promotional value; no aesthetic or brand identity. It cannot be exchanged for a physical energy drink. How such an artifact could have any economic “value” or meaning within human civilization, is unclear.
The purpose of this article is to demonstrate how a virtual energy drink already has significant economic value. A convergence of technologies in cryptography, decentralized finance and computer processing power have led to the introduction of a new historical asset class: the virtual asset. The origins of this new asset class can be discerned in the cypherpunk movements of the 1990s, and the invention of Bitcoin, in particular.
The thesis submits that current modalities of Internet governance are failing because they are pr... more The thesis submits that current modalities of Internet governance are failing because they are predicated on political ideas, economic systems and legal structures which no longer reflect twenty-first century existence. The paper advances this argument in four main ways. The first is by examining the ideology and cartographic technology of the Westphalian nation-state and the challenge posed to its underlying logic by the spatial and multi-jurisdictional nature of cyberspace. Second, the paper interrogates the legal, ethical and philosophical basis of the post World War II system of international relations, submitting that its founding principles are being superseded by the interrelated forces of globalization, privatization and programming code. At the same time the logic of state competition is resulting in Internet fragmentation, surveillance, censorship, information subversion and ‘norm-regression’ (Deibert, 2012). Thirdly, the thesis demonstrates that current multistakeholder approaches to Internet governance are lacking in democratic accountability, effectiveness and legitimacy, often serving to reify networks of private-capital and state power in the developed and developing world. The thesis concludes by submitting that the future systems of Internet governance will seek legitimacy by providing services to the billions of users of cyberspace, and will be constructed inside the network, rather than imposed externally from above and without.
The changing nature of warfare could see a future in which placing human soldiers in harms way is... more The changing nature of warfare could see a future in which placing human soldiers in harms way is untenable in instances where autonomous unmanned underwater, surface and air vehicles can perform the same tasks (Leys, 2018, p. 63)
Two definitional policy challenges facing the deployment of autonomous weapons involve the speed at which these systems operate, and the degree of oversight and control which they require (Ibid, p. 50). Human Rights Watch focuses on the control paradigm to refer to three classes of weapons systems: ‘Human-in¬-the-Loop” (humans select targets), “Human-on-the-Loop” (robots select and engage with human supervision) and “Human-out¬-of-the-Loop” fully autonomous weapons systems that involve no human oversight (Human Rights Watch, Losing Humanity: The Case Against Killer Robots, 19th Nov 2020 cited in Leys, 2018, p. 51)
Rather than making face-to-face negotiation obsolete, digital diplomacy will provide governments ... more Rather than making face-to-face negotiation obsolete, digital diplomacy will provide governments and diplomats with new tools in which to contest the context, influence the substance and communicate the significance of face-to-face negotiation.
As such, digital diplomacy represents a technological twenty-first century extension of the complex rituals, maneuvers, sensitivities, vulnerabilities and anxieties that have accompanied the act of diplomacy since ancient times.
This thesis will argue that while digital diplomacy will change the protocol and frequency in which face-to-face negotiations are conducted between leaders, governments and global institutions, the significance of face-to-face meetings in a networked reality (Park and Lim, 2014, p. 82) is likely to increase rather than decrease in importance.
Thesis Chapters by John Lillywhite
The Internet began at once within and against government. The 1969 the Advanced Research Projects... more The Internet began at once within and against government. The 1969 the Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPANET) consisted of a few connected computers located in the basement of university and military buildings (Verhulst et al, 2016, p. 98). A decade later an important stage in the development of Internet regulation arrived with the creation of the “Internet Configuration Control Board” (ICCB), which was itself initiated by the “Defense Advanced Research Project Agency” (DARPA) of the United States government (Wolfgang Kleinwachter, 2007, p. 44). At this stage Internet research was financed by the US military. They retained a light touch, but overall control.
It is also worth recalling that the ‘Advanced Research Project Agency’ (ARPA), which incubated the Internet as a special project, was established alongside NASA in 1958 by the Eisenhower administration, to respond to the challenges of the first Soviet Sputnik, launched in October 1957 (Ibid). At this stage of its lifecycle, the Internet was nurtured and in part conceived by a sovereign government.
This chapter explores the literature on the relationship between cyberspace and the creation of n... more This chapter explores the literature on the relationship between cyberspace and the creation of new governance systems. Rather than predicting possible outcomes or their effects, the chapter aims to probe existing theories on the relationship between cyberspace and government.
For writers such as Forsyth, a ‘new international order in cyberspace’ is ‘inevitable’ (Forsyth, 2014). Not only that, but the relationship will be decidedly one-way: “cyberspace will inevitably be what the great powers make it” (Ibid, p. 126).
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Papers by John Lillywhite
The purpose of this article is to demonstrate how a virtual energy drink already has significant economic value. A convergence of technologies in cryptography, decentralized finance and computer processing power have led to the introduction of a new historical asset class: the virtual asset. The origins of this new asset class can be discerned in the cypherpunk movements of the 1990s, and the invention of Bitcoin, in particular.
Two definitional policy challenges facing the deployment of autonomous weapons involve the speed at which these systems operate, and the degree of oversight and control which they require (Ibid, p. 50). Human Rights Watch focuses on the control paradigm to refer to three classes of weapons systems: ‘Human-in¬-the-Loop” (humans select targets), “Human-on-the-Loop” (robots select and engage with human supervision) and “Human-out¬-of-the-Loop” fully autonomous weapons systems that involve no human oversight (Human Rights Watch, Losing Humanity: The Case Against Killer Robots, 19th Nov 2020 cited in Leys, 2018, p. 51)
As such, digital diplomacy represents a technological twenty-first century extension of the complex rituals, maneuvers, sensitivities, vulnerabilities and anxieties that have accompanied the act of diplomacy since ancient times.
This thesis will argue that while digital diplomacy will change the protocol and frequency in which face-to-face negotiations are conducted between leaders, governments and global institutions, the significance of face-to-face meetings in a networked reality (Park and Lim, 2014, p. 82) is likely to increase rather than decrease in importance.
Thesis Chapters by John Lillywhite
It is also worth recalling that the ‘Advanced Research Project Agency’ (ARPA), which incubated the Internet as a special project, was established alongside NASA in 1958 by the Eisenhower administration, to respond to the challenges of the first Soviet Sputnik, launched in October 1957 (Ibid). At this stage of its lifecycle, the Internet was nurtured and in part conceived by a sovereign government.
For writers such as Forsyth, a ‘new international order in cyberspace’ is ‘inevitable’ (Forsyth, 2014). Not only that, but the relationship will be decidedly one-way: “cyberspace will inevitably be what the great powers make it” (Ibid, p. 126).
The purpose of this article is to demonstrate how a virtual energy drink already has significant economic value. A convergence of technologies in cryptography, decentralized finance and computer processing power have led to the introduction of a new historical asset class: the virtual asset. The origins of this new asset class can be discerned in the cypherpunk movements of the 1990s, and the invention of Bitcoin, in particular.
Two definitional policy challenges facing the deployment of autonomous weapons involve the speed at which these systems operate, and the degree of oversight and control which they require (Ibid, p. 50). Human Rights Watch focuses on the control paradigm to refer to three classes of weapons systems: ‘Human-in¬-the-Loop” (humans select targets), “Human-on-the-Loop” (robots select and engage with human supervision) and “Human-out¬-of-the-Loop” fully autonomous weapons systems that involve no human oversight (Human Rights Watch, Losing Humanity: The Case Against Killer Robots, 19th Nov 2020 cited in Leys, 2018, p. 51)
As such, digital diplomacy represents a technological twenty-first century extension of the complex rituals, maneuvers, sensitivities, vulnerabilities and anxieties that have accompanied the act of diplomacy since ancient times.
This thesis will argue that while digital diplomacy will change the protocol and frequency in which face-to-face negotiations are conducted between leaders, governments and global institutions, the significance of face-to-face meetings in a networked reality (Park and Lim, 2014, p. 82) is likely to increase rather than decrease in importance.
It is also worth recalling that the ‘Advanced Research Project Agency’ (ARPA), which incubated the Internet as a special project, was established alongside NASA in 1958 by the Eisenhower administration, to respond to the challenges of the first Soviet Sputnik, launched in October 1957 (Ibid). At this stage of its lifecycle, the Internet was nurtured and in part conceived by a sovereign government.
For writers such as Forsyth, a ‘new international order in cyberspace’ is ‘inevitable’ (Forsyth, 2014). Not only that, but the relationship will be decidedly one-way: “cyberspace will inevitably be what the great powers make it” (Ibid, p. 126).