Papers by Maja Stojanova, PhD
Political Background of Dayton Peace Agreement: Incomplete Peace, 2018
The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina occupy the attention of the most influential political actors ... more The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina occupy the attention of the most influential political actors of the world for years. Although the road to the Dayton Accords goes from a slow start to the most intensive diplomatic undertakings since the end of the Cold War.
This paper provides an overview of the dominant ideas that have shaped international intervention in Bosnia, the need of its peace rebuilding and the framework of democratic reestablishment.
The major part of this paper deals with the scope of the Dayton Peace Agreement. It explores and analyzes the reasons for today’s status quo situation in Bosnia and the real need of this document, whose primary goal was to ‘end the war’ and to transform Bosnia and Herzegovina from a war-torn country to a democratic state.
The difference between these perspectives has little to do with the history or reality of Bosnia that the general agreement among international actors lacks Bosnia cultural prerequisites for democracy and that international regulation of some form is a necessity. The difference lies in the strategic and political importance of Bosnia and the need for concerted high-level international action. In fact, the existence of the democratisation consensus, cannot explain the practice of democratisation.
While the democratisation approach legitimises the extension of international regulation and problematises the capacities and institutional practices of the objects of democratisation, in this case the Bosnian people and their representatives, the content of that regulation and its application and extension would appear to depend on factors unrelated to this. To answer the question of why Dayton and democratisation in Bosnia has attracted the attention, support and resources of the international community, and to shed light on the extension of the democratisation process itself, it is necessary to begin by reconstructing the debate between the conservative critics and the defenders of democratisation. The official liberal and conservative assessments of democratisation practice all concur that democracy is a good thing, but not in Bosnia. It’s actually equitation of what Fareed Zakaria summed-’those who want to make the world safe for democracy‘ vs. ’those who want to make democracy safe for the world’.
Finally, after thorough analysis, last part of the paper holds that although Bosnia and Herzegovina made a significant transformation from a war-torn country to a semi-functional state where deep ethnic cleavages (among two ethnic lines) are still evident, as well as the political disagreements, which inhibit Bosnian progress towards the EU and NATO integration.
There is no doubt that in XXI century European Union (EU) is the major challenge and the most pow... more There is no doubt that in XXI century European Union (EU) is the major challenge and the most powerful actor on the global scene. Moreover, EU is a real challenge for countries that are marked as hotbeds of permanent conflicts, such as the Balkans. One of the most specific cases from the Balkans regarding the process of Europeanisation is Bosnia and Herzegovina. The relations between EU and Bosnia are not new. They exist more than two decades when EU becomes a factor responsible for peace building in Bosnia. This article is divided into two main sections. The first section presents a chronological overview of the intensifying relations between the EU and Bosnia and Herzegovina, through explaining the status quo situation, the failures of Dayton Agreement, the fragmentation along ethnic lines etc. The second section discusses the real capacity of Bosnia to accomplish the integration process requests.
Апстракт: Целта на овој труд е да се создаде корелациска анализа помеѓу изборните понуди и оствар... more Апстракт: Целта на овој труд е да се создаде корелациска анализа помеѓу изборните понуди и остварувањето на изборните ветувања на политичките партии односно коалиции, пред сѐ на оние кои имаат парламентарен статус и значително влијание во политичката арена, во процесот на одлучување и во процесот на креирање на јавните политики. Од посебен интерес на трудот е да се утврди не само дали релацијата меѓу изборните понуди и изборните остварувања навистина е обратнопропорционална, туку и да се направи истражување за тоа колку е голем јазот помеѓу програмските понуди на главните политички субјекти во државата, наспроти нивниот реален капацитет за реализирање на истите откако ќе дојдат на власт. Според тоа двете главни варијабли во хипотезата ќе бидат: независната-програмите на клучните политички актери учесници во последните неколку изборни циклуси и зависната-програмата на оние субјекти кои ја освоиле власта, разгледувана преку програмата на Владата. За на крај преку компаративна анализа да се дојде до утврдување на хипотезата дека постои јаз помеѓу изборните ветувања и постизборната пракса. Клучни зборови: политичка понуда, изборна кампања, изборни програми, политички партии, недиференцијални политики
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to provide a correlation analysis between electoral offer and electoral promises realization of political parties and coalitions, primarily of those with parliamentary status and significant influence in the political arena, in decision-making and in the process of creating public policies.
This article is focused on Serbian positions toward EU and Russia. The aim of the article is to p... more This article is focused on Serbian positions toward EU and Russia. The aim of the article is to provide an analysis that clearly and critical examine how much Serbia will gain or lose by taking one side, while rejecting the other. For that purpose, will be observed both processes: the process of Serbian accession to EU, and the process of moving to Russia at the same time. Paper will not take into consideration some subjective aspect, like, why Serbia chose particular solution, instead of other etc; or what is more correct to choose.
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Papers by Maja Stojanova, PhD
This paper provides an overview of the dominant ideas that have shaped international intervention in Bosnia, the need of its peace rebuilding and the framework of democratic reestablishment.
The major part of this paper deals with the scope of the Dayton Peace Agreement. It explores and analyzes the reasons for today’s status quo situation in Bosnia and the real need of this document, whose primary goal was to ‘end the war’ and to transform Bosnia and Herzegovina from a war-torn country to a democratic state.
The difference between these perspectives has little to do with the history or reality of Bosnia that the general agreement among international actors lacks Bosnia cultural prerequisites for democracy and that international regulation of some form is a necessity. The difference lies in the strategic and political importance of Bosnia and the need for concerted high-level international action. In fact, the existence of the democratisation consensus, cannot explain the practice of democratisation.
While the democratisation approach legitimises the extension of international regulation and problematises the capacities and institutional practices of the objects of democratisation, in this case the Bosnian people and their representatives, the content of that regulation and its application and extension would appear to depend on factors unrelated to this. To answer the question of why Dayton and democratisation in Bosnia has attracted the attention, support and resources of the international community, and to shed light on the extension of the democratisation process itself, it is necessary to begin by reconstructing the debate between the conservative critics and the defenders of democratisation. The official liberal and conservative assessments of democratisation practice all concur that democracy is a good thing, but not in Bosnia. It’s actually equitation of what Fareed Zakaria summed-’those who want to make the world safe for democracy‘ vs. ’those who want to make democracy safe for the world’.
Finally, after thorough analysis, last part of the paper holds that although Bosnia and Herzegovina made a significant transformation from a war-torn country to a semi-functional state where deep ethnic cleavages (among two ethnic lines) are still evident, as well as the political disagreements, which inhibit Bosnian progress towards the EU and NATO integration.
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to provide a correlation analysis between electoral offer and electoral promises realization of political parties and coalitions, primarily of those with parliamentary status and significant influence in the political arena, in decision-making and in the process of creating public policies.
This paper provides an overview of the dominant ideas that have shaped international intervention in Bosnia, the need of its peace rebuilding and the framework of democratic reestablishment.
The major part of this paper deals with the scope of the Dayton Peace Agreement. It explores and analyzes the reasons for today’s status quo situation in Bosnia and the real need of this document, whose primary goal was to ‘end the war’ and to transform Bosnia and Herzegovina from a war-torn country to a democratic state.
The difference between these perspectives has little to do with the history or reality of Bosnia that the general agreement among international actors lacks Bosnia cultural prerequisites for democracy and that international regulation of some form is a necessity. The difference lies in the strategic and political importance of Bosnia and the need for concerted high-level international action. In fact, the existence of the democratisation consensus, cannot explain the practice of democratisation.
While the democratisation approach legitimises the extension of international regulation and problematises the capacities and institutional practices of the objects of democratisation, in this case the Bosnian people and their representatives, the content of that regulation and its application and extension would appear to depend on factors unrelated to this. To answer the question of why Dayton and democratisation in Bosnia has attracted the attention, support and resources of the international community, and to shed light on the extension of the democratisation process itself, it is necessary to begin by reconstructing the debate between the conservative critics and the defenders of democratisation. The official liberal and conservative assessments of democratisation practice all concur that democracy is a good thing, but not in Bosnia. It’s actually equitation of what Fareed Zakaria summed-’those who want to make the world safe for democracy‘ vs. ’those who want to make democracy safe for the world’.
Finally, after thorough analysis, last part of the paper holds that although Bosnia and Herzegovina made a significant transformation from a war-torn country to a semi-functional state where deep ethnic cleavages (among two ethnic lines) are still evident, as well as the political disagreements, which inhibit Bosnian progress towards the EU and NATO integration.
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to provide a correlation analysis between electoral offer and electoral promises realization of political parties and coalitions, primarily of those with parliamentary status and significant influence in the political arena, in decision-making and in the process of creating public policies.