Through a narrative analysis of movies confronting issues of race and racism in the post-civil ri... more Through a narrative analysis of movies confronting issues of race and racism in the post-civil rights era, we suggest that the movie To Kill a Mockingbird ushered in a new genre for movies about race which presented an image of a white male hero, or perhaps savior, for the black community. We suggest that this genre outlasted the era of the Civil Rights Movement and continues to impact popular cultural discourses about race in post-civil rights America. Post-civil rights films share the central elements of the anti-racist white male hero genre, but they also provide a plot twist that simultaneously highlights the racial innocence of the central characters and reinforces the ideology of liberal individualism. Reading these films within their broader historical context, we show how the innocence of these characters reflects not only the recent neo-conservative emphasis on “color blindness,” but presents a cinematic analogue to the anti-affirmative action narrative of the innocent whit...
With this concluding article, we build off the scholarship from this two-part special issue on wh... more With this concluding article, we build off the scholarship from this two-part special issue on white space to recommend meaningful interventions that seek to challenge and dismantle white spaces at the organizational, institutional, and structural levels of U.S. society. We focus on two broad arenas of social space, one geographical (residential neighborhoods) and one institutional (education), in the hopes of generating more engagement from scholars of race and racism in conversations about policies that can meaningfully transform white space. We share experiences from the Systemic Justice Seminar and student activism at Harvard to highlight some innovative ideas about challenging, disrupting, and resisting white space. We suggest ways to think about policies and actions that make visible the tacitly exclusionary mechanisms within white spaces and create ways for BIPOC people and communities to take up space. Lastly, we encourage academic and public communities to continue explorin...
In this article the authors compare their own stories of developing a feminist consciousness in o... more In this article the authors compare their own stories of developing a feminist consciousness in order to demonstrate how the distinction between feminist waves and feminist generations can be a productive one. They argue that the metaphor of waves must be delineated from the family metaphor of generation in order to maintain the fluidity that exists within a generational cohort of feminist scholars. Their narrative begins where they all meet, at the University of Minnesota in 2001, and interweaves stories of how they eventually come together in the same institution as feminist scholars. Their stories illustrate that although they each identify as feminists, and each fall into the category often referred to as “third wave, ” their pursuit of a feminist agenda has followed different trajectories. Taken together, their personal narratives unpack and explore the wave metaphor for describing individuals, provide a critique of feminist generations, and illustrate the multiplicity of third...
INTRODUCTIONThe victory of Barack Obama in the 2008 presidential election marked a significant hi... more INTRODUCTIONThe victory of Barack Obama in the 2008 presidential election marked a significant historic moment in the United States. In a nation founded upon, and owing much of its economic growth and prosperity to the instimtion of racialized slavery, the election of the first African American president was a powerful symbolic challenge to a long and violent history of racial oppression and white supremacy. Immediately after Obamas election, within both popular and scholarly discourse, claims that his election signified a "post-racial" America emerged. Even among commentators who didn't go so far as to suggest that racial inequality or racism were now a thing of the past, Barack Obama's election was hailed as evidence of the decreasing relevance of racism in the fabric of our society. In support of this assertion, many commentators pointed to the fact that Obama received widespread support from whites, without which his victory would not have been possible. Yet th...
In the past two decades, social scientists have begun to explicitly interrogate the racialized ec... more In the past two decades, social scientists have begun to explicitly interrogate the racialized economic, political, cultural, and ideological mechanisms of social space. This work interrogates the overt and covert racial organization of social spaces and the ways in which systemic White supremacy is facilitated by racialized space. Drawing on and synthesizing that work we explicate a critical theory of White space, explicating how geographical, physical, cultural, and ideological social spaces reproduce a racialized social structure organized by White supremacy. We argue that White spaces are integral to racialized social systems and global anti-Black racism in ways that not only normalize the existing racial and social order but ensures Whites’ fantasy(ies) of complete dominion over place and space, as well as control over brown and Black bodies.
In 2008, I published a theoretical frame of White institutional space beginning with the generali... more In 2008, I published a theoretical frame of White institutional space beginning with the generalized proposition that social organizations, social institutions, and social structure are fundamentally and recursively related. In other words, individual organizations (like particular law schools) are produced by and function to reproduce racialized social institutions (like the institutions of education and law), just as social organizations and institutions are produced in as an element of and therefore reify the racial social structure—which in the United States is based on White supremacy. Within U.S. social organizations, there exist routine and systematic mechanisms, including racist historical and contemporary institutionalized hierarchies of power, racist institutionalized logics, and racist discourses and ideologies which inform everyday racialized practices, that function synergistically to channel the resources of U.S. organizations and institutions disproportionately to Whi...
Today, affirmative action’s greatest power comes in its deployment as an extremely efficient rhet... more Today, affirmative action’s greatest power comes in its deployment as an extremely efficient rhetorical tool for mobilizing White resistance to racial equit, appropriating civil rights language to serve the goals of White supremacy.
The U.S. Constitution, like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, states that no person shal... more The U.S. Constitution, like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, states that no person shall be denied the equal protection of the law. Despite this Constitutional protection, however, the United States remains structured by deep racial inequality. Human rights advocates have suggested that this contradiction stems from unwillingness on the part of the U.S. government to go beyond equal protection of the law and provide state protection for a broader scope of human rights such as economic and cultural rights. Although this criticism of U.S. law and policy is warranted, I suggest even the notion of U.S. commitment to equal protection of the law must be critically interrogated given this country’s history of white racial domination. Through an explication of the equal protection jurisprudence of the U.S. Supreme Court, I illustrate how the Court has embedded within the equal protection legal frame a postcivil rights racial logic, particularly tropes of black criminality and whit...
ABSTRACT In the article, “U.S. Racial and Ethnic Relations in the Twenty-first Century”, Zulema V... more ABSTRACT In the article, “U.S. Racial and Ethnic Relations in the Twenty-first Century”, Zulema Valdez and Tanya Golash-Boza present a compelling argument, suggesting the existence of a gap in race theoretical paradigms and ethnicity theoretical paradigms. They suggest that these two theoretical frames focus on both different social processes and levels of analysis, and argue for a merging of the central tenets of these paradigms in order to facilitate more complete theoretical analyses of racial and ethnic processes in the U.S. While we see great value in this project, we suggest that the authors miss an enduring and problematic gap between these theoretical frames because they do not fully explicate how race/racism theory articulates the fundamentally interconnected relationships between the racial social structure, group-level processes, and individual-level racial dynamics in a manner that ethnicity theory fails to capture.
For Spanish-speaking Latinos in the United States, the Spanish language is a component of identit... more For Spanish-speaking Latinos in the United States, the Spanish language is a component of identity that is often viewed as fundamental to their human experience. This deep connection between language and identity becomes problematic as a result of what we suggest in this paper is a deeply racialized attack on the use of the Spanish language. Drawing upon ethnographic and qualitative in-depth interview research with first-generation Mexican migrants in the US, we bring together the literatures on race and ethnicity to facilitate a more nuanced understanding of the ethnic and racialized processes involved in reaction to and treatment of the use of Spanish in the US. Centering the voices and experiences of first-generation migrants, we are able to explicate their experiences with respect to intersecting mechanisms of ethnocentrism, language oppression, and racism.
More than a generation after the civil rights movement, racial inequality persists as a defining ... more More than a generation after the civil rights movement, racial inequality persists as a defining characteristic of United States social structure. Scholars from across the political spectrum have discussed and debated the causes of persistent racial inequality, offering various interpretations. Yet in the work of these otherwise different scholars, there is a consistent theme – the post civil rights era is an era of ‘formal legal equality’. Employing a method of structurally situated critical discourse analysis comparing Supreme Court race jurisprudence in the Post-Civil War and the post-Civil Rights Eras, this article interrogates this deployment of the concept of formal equality. The analysis reveals that in both eras the Supreme Court utilizes a discursive frame that asserts the position of formal legal equality, yet simultaneously employs narrative moves that ignore social structural mechanisms of racial inequality. The result is a legacy of legal framing that deploys an ‘episte...
Through a discourse analysis of three textual sources within elite law schools, we suggest that t... more Through a discourse analysis of three textual sources within elite law schools, we suggest that the white racial frame and the diversity construct are key mechanisms in the process of stalling racial reform by imposing tacit boundaries around the discourse surrounding progressive racial policies. We contend that this limits their effectiveness, resulting in the retrenchment of white racial privilege and power and that this happens without any explicit expression of racial animosity by whites participating in the discourse. To illustrate this process, we analyze the discourse concerning affirmative action, a policy designed to end racial discrimination in and redistribute resources related to employment and education. We focus on the institutional setting of elite law schools both because of its socializing influence on those who will make and interpret affirmative action law and because it represents an institution in which the policy may be utilized in student selection and faculty...
Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews, 2006
Page 1. rofessional Identity Crisis Race, Class, Gender, and Success at Professional Schools Carr... more Page 1. rofessional Identity Crisis Race, Class, Gender, and Success at Professional Schools Carrie Yang Costello Page 2. Page 3. Professional Identity Crisis Page 4. Page 5. Professional Identity Crisis Race, Class, Gender ...
How and why do nominally open organizations remain racially segregated in the post-civil rights e... more How and why do nominally open organizations remain racially segregated in the post-civil rights era? What role do interpersonal interactions play in the perpetuation of segregation? Using ethnographic data gathered from seven, majority white, evangelical churches across four states, we find that social actors (i.e., clergy and congregants) play a central role in continuing racial segregation by executing “race tests” on people of color who attempt to gain entry to these spaces. Race tests are performances by white individuals and groups, in the presence of incoming people of color. They utilize racial microaggressions, playing on persistent racist stereotypes and/or histories of racial violence, to preclude or precondition people of color's participation in predominantly white social spaces. White actors in white social spaces initiate utility-based race tests to determine whether people of color are willing to serve the interests of whites in the space, or execute exclusionary race tests to coerce people of color into leaving the space. We provide examples of both types of race tests and discuss the role of such microaggressions and the racialized emotions at play in the reproduction of segregation in historically white social spaces like white evangelical churches.
Throughout the post–civil rights era, colleges and universities across the United States have per... more Throughout the post–civil rights era, colleges and universities across the United States have periodically experienced explicitly racist incidents on their campuses. From the hurling of racial slurs at student of color, to the hanging of nooses on campus, to students donning Ku Klux Klan outfits or throwing “ghetto parties” that caricaturize communities of color, these incidents challenge the notion that modern racism has changed to a more subtle form, referred to as “color-blind racism.” We place these incidents within a broader context of race and institutions, suggesting a connection between overt racist expressions and the more covert elements of neoliberal color-blind racism. Through a critical discourse analysis of the news stories about these incidents, the website of the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, and the controlling legal cases involving racist expression on campuses, we suggest that explicitly racist incidents operate in tandem with neoliberal educational policies and color-blind racism to mark and reinscribe colleges and universities as white institutional spaces. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews, 2013
the globalizing processes underway. Like Hall, these approaches also advocate ‘‘thinking beyond’’... more the globalizing processes underway. Like Hall, these approaches also advocate ‘‘thinking beyond’’ the nation-state, but generally proceed with greater attentiveness to traditional questions of how power is concentrated and wielded by identifiable social groups and actors. As pertinent examples, one might mention the important research that has been carried out on the formation and growing consolidation of a ‘‘transnational capitalist class’’ by the sociologists Leslie Sklair (2001) and William I. Robinson (2004); or the attempts to explicate the ascendancy of financial capital and its leading banking and investment representatives, as in recently published studies by the historical sociologist Greta Krippner (2011) and the political economists Leo Panitch and Sam Ginden (2012). Hall’s innovative and sometimes difficult reflections on ‘‘modernity’s empire’’ would have gained in both clarity and substance had he opted to articulate his positions in reference to alternative sociologies of globalism, whether in criticism or affirmation. Important books are commonly lauded for their dual capacity to illuminate the topical domains they explore and to open up new vistas and challenges for future investigations. Hall’s latest contribution is such a book. If not the ‘‘last word’’ on the subject of prophesied anticipations of the ‘‘end of days’’—and such was not its intention— Apocalypse has unquestionably succeeded in bringing greater awareness and comprehension to the momentously consequential role of apocalypticism in the making and breaking of worlds, past and present . . . and possibly future. Having garnered one major accolade already—the ASA 2010 Distinguished Book Award in the Religion Section—this learned and provocative study will long remain central in the discussions to follow.
Through a narrative analysis of movies confronting issues of race and racism in the post-civil ri... more Through a narrative analysis of movies confronting issues of race and racism in the post-civil rights era, we suggest that the movie To Kill a Mockingbird ushered in a new genre for movies about race which presented an image of a white male hero, or perhaps savior, for the black community. We suggest that this genre outlasted the era of the Civil Rights Movement and continues to impact popular cultural discourses about race in post-civil rights America. Post-civil rights films share the central elements of the anti-racist white male hero genre, but they also provide a plot twist that simultaneously highlights the racial innocence of the central characters and reinforces the ideology of liberal individualism. Reading these films within their broader historical context, we show how the innocence of these characters reflects not only the recent neo-conservative emphasis on “color blindness,” but presents a cinematic analogue to the anti-affirmative action narrative of the innocent whit...
With this concluding article, we build off the scholarship from this two-part special issue on wh... more With this concluding article, we build off the scholarship from this two-part special issue on white space to recommend meaningful interventions that seek to challenge and dismantle white spaces at the organizational, institutional, and structural levels of U.S. society. We focus on two broad arenas of social space, one geographical (residential neighborhoods) and one institutional (education), in the hopes of generating more engagement from scholars of race and racism in conversations about policies that can meaningfully transform white space. We share experiences from the Systemic Justice Seminar and student activism at Harvard to highlight some innovative ideas about challenging, disrupting, and resisting white space. We suggest ways to think about policies and actions that make visible the tacitly exclusionary mechanisms within white spaces and create ways for BIPOC people and communities to take up space. Lastly, we encourage academic and public communities to continue explorin...
In this article the authors compare their own stories of developing a feminist consciousness in o... more In this article the authors compare their own stories of developing a feminist consciousness in order to demonstrate how the distinction between feminist waves and feminist generations can be a productive one. They argue that the metaphor of waves must be delineated from the family metaphor of generation in order to maintain the fluidity that exists within a generational cohort of feminist scholars. Their narrative begins where they all meet, at the University of Minnesota in 2001, and interweaves stories of how they eventually come together in the same institution as feminist scholars. Their stories illustrate that although they each identify as feminists, and each fall into the category often referred to as “third wave, ” their pursuit of a feminist agenda has followed different trajectories. Taken together, their personal narratives unpack and explore the wave metaphor for describing individuals, provide a critique of feminist generations, and illustrate the multiplicity of third...
INTRODUCTIONThe victory of Barack Obama in the 2008 presidential election marked a significant hi... more INTRODUCTIONThe victory of Barack Obama in the 2008 presidential election marked a significant historic moment in the United States. In a nation founded upon, and owing much of its economic growth and prosperity to the instimtion of racialized slavery, the election of the first African American president was a powerful symbolic challenge to a long and violent history of racial oppression and white supremacy. Immediately after Obamas election, within both popular and scholarly discourse, claims that his election signified a "post-racial" America emerged. Even among commentators who didn't go so far as to suggest that racial inequality or racism were now a thing of the past, Barack Obama's election was hailed as evidence of the decreasing relevance of racism in the fabric of our society. In support of this assertion, many commentators pointed to the fact that Obama received widespread support from whites, without which his victory would not have been possible. Yet th...
In the past two decades, social scientists have begun to explicitly interrogate the racialized ec... more In the past two decades, social scientists have begun to explicitly interrogate the racialized economic, political, cultural, and ideological mechanisms of social space. This work interrogates the overt and covert racial organization of social spaces and the ways in which systemic White supremacy is facilitated by racialized space. Drawing on and synthesizing that work we explicate a critical theory of White space, explicating how geographical, physical, cultural, and ideological social spaces reproduce a racialized social structure organized by White supremacy. We argue that White spaces are integral to racialized social systems and global anti-Black racism in ways that not only normalize the existing racial and social order but ensures Whites’ fantasy(ies) of complete dominion over place and space, as well as control over brown and Black bodies.
In 2008, I published a theoretical frame of White institutional space beginning with the generali... more In 2008, I published a theoretical frame of White institutional space beginning with the generalized proposition that social organizations, social institutions, and social structure are fundamentally and recursively related. In other words, individual organizations (like particular law schools) are produced by and function to reproduce racialized social institutions (like the institutions of education and law), just as social organizations and institutions are produced in as an element of and therefore reify the racial social structure—which in the United States is based on White supremacy. Within U.S. social organizations, there exist routine and systematic mechanisms, including racist historical and contemporary institutionalized hierarchies of power, racist institutionalized logics, and racist discourses and ideologies which inform everyday racialized practices, that function synergistically to channel the resources of U.S. organizations and institutions disproportionately to Whi...
Today, affirmative action’s greatest power comes in its deployment as an extremely efficient rhet... more Today, affirmative action’s greatest power comes in its deployment as an extremely efficient rhetorical tool for mobilizing White resistance to racial equit, appropriating civil rights language to serve the goals of White supremacy.
The U.S. Constitution, like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, states that no person shal... more The U.S. Constitution, like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, states that no person shall be denied the equal protection of the law. Despite this Constitutional protection, however, the United States remains structured by deep racial inequality. Human rights advocates have suggested that this contradiction stems from unwillingness on the part of the U.S. government to go beyond equal protection of the law and provide state protection for a broader scope of human rights such as economic and cultural rights. Although this criticism of U.S. law and policy is warranted, I suggest even the notion of U.S. commitment to equal protection of the law must be critically interrogated given this country’s history of white racial domination. Through an explication of the equal protection jurisprudence of the U.S. Supreme Court, I illustrate how the Court has embedded within the equal protection legal frame a postcivil rights racial logic, particularly tropes of black criminality and whit...
ABSTRACT In the article, “U.S. Racial and Ethnic Relations in the Twenty-first Century”, Zulema V... more ABSTRACT In the article, “U.S. Racial and Ethnic Relations in the Twenty-first Century”, Zulema Valdez and Tanya Golash-Boza present a compelling argument, suggesting the existence of a gap in race theoretical paradigms and ethnicity theoretical paradigms. They suggest that these two theoretical frames focus on both different social processes and levels of analysis, and argue for a merging of the central tenets of these paradigms in order to facilitate more complete theoretical analyses of racial and ethnic processes in the U.S. While we see great value in this project, we suggest that the authors miss an enduring and problematic gap between these theoretical frames because they do not fully explicate how race/racism theory articulates the fundamentally interconnected relationships between the racial social structure, group-level processes, and individual-level racial dynamics in a manner that ethnicity theory fails to capture.
For Spanish-speaking Latinos in the United States, the Spanish language is a component of identit... more For Spanish-speaking Latinos in the United States, the Spanish language is a component of identity that is often viewed as fundamental to their human experience. This deep connection between language and identity becomes problematic as a result of what we suggest in this paper is a deeply racialized attack on the use of the Spanish language. Drawing upon ethnographic and qualitative in-depth interview research with first-generation Mexican migrants in the US, we bring together the literatures on race and ethnicity to facilitate a more nuanced understanding of the ethnic and racialized processes involved in reaction to and treatment of the use of Spanish in the US. Centering the voices and experiences of first-generation migrants, we are able to explicate their experiences with respect to intersecting mechanisms of ethnocentrism, language oppression, and racism.
More than a generation after the civil rights movement, racial inequality persists as a defining ... more More than a generation after the civil rights movement, racial inequality persists as a defining characteristic of United States social structure. Scholars from across the political spectrum have discussed and debated the causes of persistent racial inequality, offering various interpretations. Yet in the work of these otherwise different scholars, there is a consistent theme – the post civil rights era is an era of ‘formal legal equality’. Employing a method of structurally situated critical discourse analysis comparing Supreme Court race jurisprudence in the Post-Civil War and the post-Civil Rights Eras, this article interrogates this deployment of the concept of formal equality. The analysis reveals that in both eras the Supreme Court utilizes a discursive frame that asserts the position of formal legal equality, yet simultaneously employs narrative moves that ignore social structural mechanisms of racial inequality. The result is a legacy of legal framing that deploys an ‘episte...
Through a discourse analysis of three textual sources within elite law schools, we suggest that t... more Through a discourse analysis of three textual sources within elite law schools, we suggest that the white racial frame and the diversity construct are key mechanisms in the process of stalling racial reform by imposing tacit boundaries around the discourse surrounding progressive racial policies. We contend that this limits their effectiveness, resulting in the retrenchment of white racial privilege and power and that this happens without any explicit expression of racial animosity by whites participating in the discourse. To illustrate this process, we analyze the discourse concerning affirmative action, a policy designed to end racial discrimination in and redistribute resources related to employment and education. We focus on the institutional setting of elite law schools both because of its socializing influence on those who will make and interpret affirmative action law and because it represents an institution in which the policy may be utilized in student selection and faculty...
Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews, 2006
Page 1. rofessional Identity Crisis Race, Class, Gender, and Success at Professional Schools Carr... more Page 1. rofessional Identity Crisis Race, Class, Gender, and Success at Professional Schools Carrie Yang Costello Page 2. Page 3. Professional Identity Crisis Page 4. Page 5. Professional Identity Crisis Race, Class, Gender ...
How and why do nominally open organizations remain racially segregated in the post-civil rights e... more How and why do nominally open organizations remain racially segregated in the post-civil rights era? What role do interpersonal interactions play in the perpetuation of segregation? Using ethnographic data gathered from seven, majority white, evangelical churches across four states, we find that social actors (i.e., clergy and congregants) play a central role in continuing racial segregation by executing “race tests” on people of color who attempt to gain entry to these spaces. Race tests are performances by white individuals and groups, in the presence of incoming people of color. They utilize racial microaggressions, playing on persistent racist stereotypes and/or histories of racial violence, to preclude or precondition people of color's participation in predominantly white social spaces. White actors in white social spaces initiate utility-based race tests to determine whether people of color are willing to serve the interests of whites in the space, or execute exclusionary race tests to coerce people of color into leaving the space. We provide examples of both types of race tests and discuss the role of such microaggressions and the racialized emotions at play in the reproduction of segregation in historically white social spaces like white evangelical churches.
Throughout the post–civil rights era, colleges and universities across the United States have per... more Throughout the post–civil rights era, colleges and universities across the United States have periodically experienced explicitly racist incidents on their campuses. From the hurling of racial slurs at student of color, to the hanging of nooses on campus, to students donning Ku Klux Klan outfits or throwing “ghetto parties” that caricaturize communities of color, these incidents challenge the notion that modern racism has changed to a more subtle form, referred to as “color-blind racism.” We place these incidents within a broader context of race and institutions, suggesting a connection between overt racist expressions and the more covert elements of neoliberal color-blind racism. Through a critical discourse analysis of the news stories about these incidents, the website of the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, and the controlling legal cases involving racist expression on campuses, we suggest that explicitly racist incidents operate in tandem with neoliberal educational policies and color-blind racism to mark and reinscribe colleges and universities as white institutional spaces. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews, 2013
the globalizing processes underway. Like Hall, these approaches also advocate ‘‘thinking beyond’’... more the globalizing processes underway. Like Hall, these approaches also advocate ‘‘thinking beyond’’ the nation-state, but generally proceed with greater attentiveness to traditional questions of how power is concentrated and wielded by identifiable social groups and actors. As pertinent examples, one might mention the important research that has been carried out on the formation and growing consolidation of a ‘‘transnational capitalist class’’ by the sociologists Leslie Sklair (2001) and William I. Robinson (2004); or the attempts to explicate the ascendancy of financial capital and its leading banking and investment representatives, as in recently published studies by the historical sociologist Greta Krippner (2011) and the political economists Leo Panitch and Sam Ginden (2012). Hall’s innovative and sometimes difficult reflections on ‘‘modernity’s empire’’ would have gained in both clarity and substance had he opted to articulate his positions in reference to alternative sociologies of globalism, whether in criticism or affirmation. Important books are commonly lauded for their dual capacity to illuminate the topical domains they explore and to open up new vistas and challenges for future investigations. Hall’s latest contribution is such a book. If not the ‘‘last word’’ on the subject of prophesied anticipations of the ‘‘end of days’’—and such was not its intention— Apocalypse has unquestionably succeeded in bringing greater awareness and comprehension to the momentously consequential role of apocalypticism in the making and breaking of worlds, past and present . . . and possibly future. Having garnered one major accolade already—the ASA 2010 Distinguished Book Award in the Religion Section—this learned and provocative study will long remain central in the discussions to follow.
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Papers by Wendy Leo Moore