Contemporary challenges and new developments , 2019
The Cyber Age has brought the world incommensurable advantages: freedom of expression, access to ... more The Cyber Age has brought the world incommensurable advantages: freedom of expression, access to information and instant communication, rendering distance and borders as irrelevant. However, these benefits are heavily debated, as the civil society and national governments stand on very different standpoints. The effects of the Cyber Revolution were clearly seen in the mutations of both the criminal organizations and those of the terrorist organizations which took full advantage of it. Our paper will contend the following: (1) the Cyber Revolution took the world by surprise, very few actors were truly prepared to deal with the fallout; (2) there can be no successful unilateral actions to combat the misuse and exploitation of new technologies; (3) the role of NATO can be revamped to include an integrated approach on combatting state-sponsored hybrid warfare, propaganda and fake news as well as combating criminal and terrorist organisations which make use of such technologies.
M. G. Ciot (2018), New Researches in International Relations, Presa Universitara Clujeana, 2018
It is not difficult to support the claims that North Korea is both a rogue state (refusing to acc... more It is not difficult to support the claims that North Korea is both a rogue state (refusing to accept certain international responsibilities) and a threat to international peace and security (the nuclear ballistic missile programme). However, the scope of this paper is not to analyse the reasons that led to North Korea's notorious accomplishments, neither to reveal the disturbing human-rights abuses taking place regularly, nor to discuss the depths of state control and oppression of the North Korean people, which, from time to time, surprise even the most jaded of experts. The scope of this article is to assess North Korea's decision-making process in relation with the Trump Administration's change of policy towards the DPRK, thought the words and actions of Kim Jong-un, the country's eccentric dictator. Kim Jong-un became North Korea's Supreme leader in late 2011, following the death of his father, Kim Jong-il. From the start, many tried to portray the young Kim as a degenerate and ruthless dictator, part of which is true, part of which is biased and due to the Western, mostly the US', distaste for anything or anyone which does not share their values, thus adding to the fears of an already paranoid regime. Nevertheless, the new Supreme Leader, Kim Jong-un, has made the headlines by engaging in a very complex and surprisingly able foreign policy by mixing nuclear threats with dialogue with its Southem neighbour. This has marked a premiere as the two Koreas have stopped trans-border cooperation and ceased any communications more than two years ago. This would also mark a premiere for the new South Korean Administration, which is actively seeking dialogue and cooperation, even as the rhetoriccoming from the South's main ally, the United States, indicates otherwise, with President Trump threatening military action to stop the North Korean nuclear programme.
The meaning of RtoP (responsibility to protect) is self-explanatory, it shows what the internatio... more The meaning of RtoP (responsibility to protect) is self-explanatory, it shows what the international community (or at least some part of it) considers unaccepable in today’s world: genocide, ethnic cleansing and barbarous acts against civilians. However, the same international community stood silent when Rwanda and Srebrenica happened. Yet precisely because of the guilt and shame associated with its previous failures, the same international community managed to launch an initiative, ”responsibility to protect” (RtoP/R2P), in 2001. We insist on calling RtoP an “initiative”, not as a derogatory term, but as a counter‐rhetoric argument to the so‐called “RtoP emerging norm”. According to international law theory, a norm can be either customary (derogatory), either peremptory (jus cogens), there is no in‐between option, particularly when interpreting the UN Charter provisions in relation with to the broad‐spectrum of the principle of non‐intervention as opposed to human rights (the area where RtoP tries to overstep the Charter’s authority). The main aspects of RtoP are, (1) on one count, the infringement on state‐sovereignty (the “functional sovereignty” theory), particularly on the quality of the so‐called “Westphalia‐style” sovereignty, (2) the other being the clear purpose of the ICISS, above and beyond of ending mass‐atrocities, which is the process of legalizing humanitarian intervention. After the 1999 Kosovo Intervention and during the early phases of the War on Terror, humanitarian intervention became seriously de‐ legitimised, this is why something novel was needed, which where RtoP stepped‐in, riding on the hopes of many.
The European Union was heralded as one of the most astounding successes of the post-war reconstru... more The European Union was heralded as one of the most astounding successes of the post-war reconstruction (from both political and economic perspectives), an evolutive process which began after the Franco-German reconciliation and was deeply influenced by the fall of the Soviet Union and the Former Eastern Bloc accession in 2004 and 2007 respectively. However, the EU Construction Process was deemed as flawed by its celerity, the differences between the East and West being as evident as they come after almost half a decade of totalitarian rule in the former. The question posed then, “has the EU enlarged too fast?” seems now, in retrospect, as not only justifiable but obtusely legitimate. Leaving aside the economic perspective, the European construction process has left the EU Social- Democrats at a severe disadvantage, which in turn has only strengthened the Right and shifted the electorate’s sympathy towards everything considered non- mainstream. The withering of the EU Social-Democracy, which relinquished its classic ideology in favour of that of the Construction Project, losing the trust of the people in the process, can be perceived as one of the Union’s biggest political weakness. Yet the issue at hand is best explained not by trying to frame the consequences, but to understand the underlying causes: the recent Brexit and the promise of a Frexit, the rise of right-wing parties, the increase in racist and bigoted political rhetoric and the spreading of populism, are all of these separate incidents or are they interconnected? Simplistically yes, but it is also associated with how the citizens of the member States identify themselves: economically as European, yet identitary as National. This poses some serious questions on the capacity of a weakened EU to overcome the multiple crises which affect it.
The term " hybrid warfare " has been used to refer to the combined usage of unconventional milita... more The term " hybrid warfare " has been used to refer to the combined usage of unconventional military tactics such as conventional warfare with irregular warfare and cyberwarfare, as well as the employment of other instruments and tactics (subversive elements), to achieve a double goal: first to avoid responsibility and retribution, and second to weaken and destabilize the enemy without direct involvement. The rigidity of the current international system pertaining to the usage of non-peaceful methods of solving an international dispute and/or furthering state interests, have made it increasing difficulty, without the support of the international community (humanitarian interventions and UN-sanctioned interventions) to employ the 'classical methods' which pre-date the provisions of the UN Charter, relevant to what we now consider as " acts of aggression ". Discussing the resurgence of the Russian Federation as a great power, we argue that because of the innate historical and traditional factors of Russian geopolitics, it was only a matter of time until the Kremlin's military doctrine pivoted from the defensive phase it entered after the fall of the Soviet Union, to the pro-active involvement at the limit of international law: Georgia in 2008, East Ukraine in 2013, Crimea in 2014, and Syria in 2015. Therefore, in this article we will contend, firstly, by discussing the example of the perception of the so-called Russian " Gerasimov doctrine " , that hybrid war can have two different connotations: " war during peace " and " neo-imperial ambitions ". Secondly, we will try to argue that the NATO military doctrine of deterrence has become obsolete, still envisaging the possible threats posed by a future Russian involvement in the Baltic and Eastern Europe in cold-war terms and not in terms relevant to the shifting international security environment.
The current situation in Ukraine, on the one hand, and the issue of migration from different regi... more The current situation in Ukraine, on the one hand, and the issue of migration from different regions of the Middle East and North Africa, on the other, bring into light an unstable state of affairs with respect to the EU’s Neighbourhood security. This comes at a time when the EU is rethinking its greater purpose in the region and around the world. This paper aims to identify the cooperation gaps between the EU and NATO, concluding with a set of policy proposals aimed at dissolving the current limitations of the EU-NATO relationship.
This paper will address the situation of the European Union following the 2016 Brexit referendum.... more This paper will address the situation of the European Union following the 2016 Brexit referendum. Enveloping the debates surrounding the European Union's collective security and the role of NATO in the post 9/11 world, Brexit opened the door for a serious discussion on the transatlantic partnership of the European Union with the United States, in particular after the 2016 Presidential Election. British reluctance on European integration and their " special relationship " with the United States have always been seen as an element which hindered Europe to reach its full potential as a global actor. Brexit, if carefully and pragmatically assessed, can signify an opportunity for the European Union to behave in a more cohesive manner on ensuring its collective security, either in the form of a European Common Defence Programme, or in the form of a reformed/reimagined NATO.
Contemporary challenges and new developments , 2019
The Cyber Age has brought the world incommensurable advantages: freedom of expression, access to ... more The Cyber Age has brought the world incommensurable advantages: freedom of expression, access to information and instant communication, rendering distance and borders as irrelevant. However, these benefits are heavily debated, as the civil society and national governments stand on very different standpoints. The effects of the Cyber Revolution were clearly seen in the mutations of both the criminal organizations and those of the terrorist organizations which took full advantage of it. Our paper will contend the following: (1) the Cyber Revolution took the world by surprise, very few actors were truly prepared to deal with the fallout; (2) there can be no successful unilateral actions to combat the misuse and exploitation of new technologies; (3) the role of NATO can be revamped to include an integrated approach on combatting state-sponsored hybrid warfare, propaganda and fake news as well as combating criminal and terrorist organisations which make use of such technologies.
M. G. Ciot (2018), New Researches in International Relations, Presa Universitara Clujeana, 2018
It is not difficult to support the claims that North Korea is both a rogue state (refusing to acc... more It is not difficult to support the claims that North Korea is both a rogue state (refusing to accept certain international responsibilities) and a threat to international peace and security (the nuclear ballistic missile programme). However, the scope of this paper is not to analyse the reasons that led to North Korea's notorious accomplishments, neither to reveal the disturbing human-rights abuses taking place regularly, nor to discuss the depths of state control and oppression of the North Korean people, which, from time to time, surprise even the most jaded of experts. The scope of this article is to assess North Korea's decision-making process in relation with the Trump Administration's change of policy towards the DPRK, thought the words and actions of Kim Jong-un, the country's eccentric dictator. Kim Jong-un became North Korea's Supreme leader in late 2011, following the death of his father, Kim Jong-il. From the start, many tried to portray the young Kim as a degenerate and ruthless dictator, part of which is true, part of which is biased and due to the Western, mostly the US', distaste for anything or anyone which does not share their values, thus adding to the fears of an already paranoid regime. Nevertheless, the new Supreme Leader, Kim Jong-un, has made the headlines by engaging in a very complex and surprisingly able foreign policy by mixing nuclear threats with dialogue with its Southem neighbour. This has marked a premiere as the two Koreas have stopped trans-border cooperation and ceased any communications more than two years ago. This would also mark a premiere for the new South Korean Administration, which is actively seeking dialogue and cooperation, even as the rhetoriccoming from the South's main ally, the United States, indicates otherwise, with President Trump threatening military action to stop the North Korean nuclear programme.
The meaning of RtoP (responsibility to protect) is self-explanatory, it shows what the internatio... more The meaning of RtoP (responsibility to protect) is self-explanatory, it shows what the international community (or at least some part of it) considers unaccepable in today’s world: genocide, ethnic cleansing and barbarous acts against civilians. However, the same international community stood silent when Rwanda and Srebrenica happened. Yet precisely because of the guilt and shame associated with its previous failures, the same international community managed to launch an initiative, ”responsibility to protect” (RtoP/R2P), in 2001. We insist on calling RtoP an “initiative”, not as a derogatory term, but as a counter‐rhetoric argument to the so‐called “RtoP emerging norm”. According to international law theory, a norm can be either customary (derogatory), either peremptory (jus cogens), there is no in‐between option, particularly when interpreting the UN Charter provisions in relation with to the broad‐spectrum of the principle of non‐intervention as opposed to human rights (the area where RtoP tries to overstep the Charter’s authority). The main aspects of RtoP are, (1) on one count, the infringement on state‐sovereignty (the “functional sovereignty” theory), particularly on the quality of the so‐called “Westphalia‐style” sovereignty, (2) the other being the clear purpose of the ICISS, above and beyond of ending mass‐atrocities, which is the process of legalizing humanitarian intervention. After the 1999 Kosovo Intervention and during the early phases of the War on Terror, humanitarian intervention became seriously de‐ legitimised, this is why something novel was needed, which where RtoP stepped‐in, riding on the hopes of many.
The European Union was heralded as one of the most astounding successes of the post-war reconstru... more The European Union was heralded as one of the most astounding successes of the post-war reconstruction (from both political and economic perspectives), an evolutive process which began after the Franco-German reconciliation and was deeply influenced by the fall of the Soviet Union and the Former Eastern Bloc accession in 2004 and 2007 respectively. However, the EU Construction Process was deemed as flawed by its celerity, the differences between the East and West being as evident as they come after almost half a decade of totalitarian rule in the former. The question posed then, “has the EU enlarged too fast?” seems now, in retrospect, as not only justifiable but obtusely legitimate. Leaving aside the economic perspective, the European construction process has left the EU Social- Democrats at a severe disadvantage, which in turn has only strengthened the Right and shifted the electorate’s sympathy towards everything considered non- mainstream. The withering of the EU Social-Democracy, which relinquished its classic ideology in favour of that of the Construction Project, losing the trust of the people in the process, can be perceived as one of the Union’s biggest political weakness. Yet the issue at hand is best explained not by trying to frame the consequences, but to understand the underlying causes: the recent Brexit and the promise of a Frexit, the rise of right-wing parties, the increase in racist and bigoted political rhetoric and the spreading of populism, are all of these separate incidents or are they interconnected? Simplistically yes, but it is also associated with how the citizens of the member States identify themselves: economically as European, yet identitary as National. This poses some serious questions on the capacity of a weakened EU to overcome the multiple crises which affect it.
The term " hybrid warfare " has been used to refer to the combined usage of unconventional milita... more The term " hybrid warfare " has been used to refer to the combined usage of unconventional military tactics such as conventional warfare with irregular warfare and cyberwarfare, as well as the employment of other instruments and tactics (subversive elements), to achieve a double goal: first to avoid responsibility and retribution, and second to weaken and destabilize the enemy without direct involvement. The rigidity of the current international system pertaining to the usage of non-peaceful methods of solving an international dispute and/or furthering state interests, have made it increasing difficulty, without the support of the international community (humanitarian interventions and UN-sanctioned interventions) to employ the 'classical methods' which pre-date the provisions of the UN Charter, relevant to what we now consider as " acts of aggression ". Discussing the resurgence of the Russian Federation as a great power, we argue that because of the innate historical and traditional factors of Russian geopolitics, it was only a matter of time until the Kremlin's military doctrine pivoted from the defensive phase it entered after the fall of the Soviet Union, to the pro-active involvement at the limit of international law: Georgia in 2008, East Ukraine in 2013, Crimea in 2014, and Syria in 2015. Therefore, in this article we will contend, firstly, by discussing the example of the perception of the so-called Russian " Gerasimov doctrine " , that hybrid war can have two different connotations: " war during peace " and " neo-imperial ambitions ". Secondly, we will try to argue that the NATO military doctrine of deterrence has become obsolete, still envisaging the possible threats posed by a future Russian involvement in the Baltic and Eastern Europe in cold-war terms and not in terms relevant to the shifting international security environment.
The current situation in Ukraine, on the one hand, and the issue of migration from different regi... more The current situation in Ukraine, on the one hand, and the issue of migration from different regions of the Middle East and North Africa, on the other, bring into light an unstable state of affairs with respect to the EU’s Neighbourhood security. This comes at a time when the EU is rethinking its greater purpose in the region and around the world. This paper aims to identify the cooperation gaps between the EU and NATO, concluding with a set of policy proposals aimed at dissolving the current limitations of the EU-NATO relationship.
This paper will address the situation of the European Union following the 2016 Brexit referendum.... more This paper will address the situation of the European Union following the 2016 Brexit referendum. Enveloping the debates surrounding the European Union's collective security and the role of NATO in the post 9/11 world, Brexit opened the door for a serious discussion on the transatlantic partnership of the European Union with the United States, in particular after the 2016 Presidential Election. British reluctance on European integration and their " special relationship " with the United States have always been seen as an element which hindered Europe to reach its full potential as a global actor. Brexit, if carefully and pragmatically assessed, can signify an opportunity for the European Union to behave in a more cohesive manner on ensuring its collective security, either in the form of a European Common Defence Programme, or in the form of a reformed/reimagined NATO.
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Papers by Alexandru C. Apetroe
same international community stood silent when Rwanda and Srebrenica happened. Yet
precisely because of the guilt and shame associated with its previous failures, the same
international community managed to launch an initiative, ”responsibility to protect”
(RtoP/R2P), in 2001. We insist on calling RtoP an “initiative”, not as a derogatory
term, but as a counter‐rhetoric argument to the so‐called “RtoP emerging norm”.
According to international law theory, a norm can be either customary (derogatory),
either peremptory (jus cogens), there is no in‐between option, particularly when
interpreting the UN Charter provisions in relation with to the broad‐spectrum of the
principle of non‐intervention as opposed to human rights (the area where RtoP tries to
overstep the Charter’s authority). The main aspects of RtoP are, (1) on one count, the
infringement on state‐sovereignty (the “functional sovereignty” theory), particularly on
the quality of the so‐called “Westphalia‐style” sovereignty, (2) the other being the clear
purpose of the ICISS, above and beyond of ending mass‐atrocities, which is the process of
legalizing humanitarian intervention. After the 1999 Kosovo Intervention and during the early phases of the War on Terror, humanitarian intervention became seriously de‐
legitimised, this is why something novel was needed, which where RtoP stepped‐in,
riding on the hopes of many.
same international community stood silent when Rwanda and Srebrenica happened. Yet
precisely because of the guilt and shame associated with its previous failures, the same
international community managed to launch an initiative, ”responsibility to protect”
(RtoP/R2P), in 2001. We insist on calling RtoP an “initiative”, not as a derogatory
term, but as a counter‐rhetoric argument to the so‐called “RtoP emerging norm”.
According to international law theory, a norm can be either customary (derogatory),
either peremptory (jus cogens), there is no in‐between option, particularly when
interpreting the UN Charter provisions in relation with to the broad‐spectrum of the
principle of non‐intervention as opposed to human rights (the area where RtoP tries to
overstep the Charter’s authority). The main aspects of RtoP are, (1) on one count, the
infringement on state‐sovereignty (the “functional sovereignty” theory), particularly on
the quality of the so‐called “Westphalia‐style” sovereignty, (2) the other being the clear
purpose of the ICISS, above and beyond of ending mass‐atrocities, which is the process of
legalizing humanitarian intervention. After the 1999 Kosovo Intervention and during the early phases of the War on Terror, humanitarian intervention became seriously de‐
legitimised, this is why something novel was needed, which where RtoP stepped‐in,
riding on the hopes of many.