E conomic giant, political dwarf!' 'The EU does not get its act together' 'The capability-expecta... more E conomic giant, political dwarf!' 'The EU does not get its act together' 'The capability-expectation gap is widening'. These are only a few of the many indictments of the European Union's (EU) foreign and security policy to be found in editorials, but also occasionally in the scholarly literature. 1 And yet it moves! There have been more than 1000 common strategies, common positions, and joint actions under the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) since 1993, and more than 2000 foreign policy statements made by the EU Council and Presidency between 1995 and 2008. Since 2003, there have been 25 civilian and military ESDP missions, 14 of which are still ongoing. In addition, the EU has adopted its own declaratory foreign policy strategy in 2003 (European Council 2003, updated in 2008). Finally, the Lisbon Treaty has more or less completed the foreign and security portfolio of the EU, including a (sort of) foreign minister and the External Action Service (EAS). The EU now commands the whole range of institutional capabilities of a cohesive and strong foreign and security policy. To discern the visibility of the EU in foreign policy, a corpus-linguistic analysis of more than 100,000 newspaper articles in seven EU member states and the US from 1990-2005 was carried out, focusing on military interventions. The data show that the EU is mentioned in 10-20 percent of the articles on average, which is surprising given the limited degree of EU compentence in military affairs up to the late 1990s. We can observe some convergence in newspaper coverage from the late 1990s on, with a first peak during and after the Kosovo War. The EU's visibility then increases during the 2001-2003 period before decreasing again to the level of the mid-1990s. All in all, the data refutes the notion that the EU is simply absent in coverage of military and security affairs. In other words, cooperation on foreign policy matters is the rule rather than the exception in the EU. The EU has emerged as a foreign policy actor and is able to pursue rather coherent foreign policies – if it wants to and if the conditions are right. This is the good news. But there is also bad news: Catherine Ashton's appointment as EU 'foreign minister' confirms that the member states had no intention of enhancing the status of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) at the expense of their own individual foreign policies. The disagreements among the EU 27 on major foreign policy issues are legendary: the 2003 Iraq invasion showed an intra-European split as much as a transatlantic one, while Germany abstained in the UN Security Council over Libya.
Prezentul document de poziţie revizuit înlocuieşte documentul de poziţie al României CONF -RO 22/... more Prezentul document de poziţie revizuit înlocuieşte documentul de poziţie al României CONF -RO 22/01. ACCEPTAREA ACQUIS-ULUI COMUNITAR România acceptă acquis-ul comunitar privind Capitolul 14 -Energia, în vigoare la data de 31 decembrie 2000. România va implementa acquis-ul comunitar în domeniul energiei până la data aderării, cu excepţia Directivei Consiliului 68/414/EEC, amendată prin Directiva Consiliului 98/93/EC, cu privire la obligaţia Statelor Membre de a menţine un stoc minim de ţiţei şi/sau produse petroliere, pentru care solicită o perioadă de tranziţie până la 31.12.2011.
General de Gaulle held a press conference to set out his reasons for vetoing Harold Macmillan's a... more General de Gaulle held a press conference to set out his reasons for vetoing Harold Macmillan's application for membership. Some, though not all of his arguments, still resonate today.
It was once seen as a British disease. But Euroscepticism has now spread across the continent lik... more It was once seen as a British disease. But Euroscepticism has now spread across the continent like a virus. As data from Eurobarometer shows, trust in the European project has fallen even faster than growth rates. Since the beginning of the euro crisis, trust in the European Union has fallen from
Why are hopes fading for a single European identity? Economic integration has advanced faster and... more Why are hopes fading for a single European identity? Economic integration has advanced faster and further than predicted, yet the European sense of "who we are" is fragmenting. Exploiting decades of permissive consensus, Europe's elites designed and completed the single market, the euro, the Schengen passport-free zone, and, most recently, crafted an extraordinarily successful policy of enlargement. At the same time, these attempts to depoliticize politics, to create Europe by stealth, have produced a political backlash. This ambitious survey of identity in Europe captures the experiences of the winners and losers, optimists and pessimists, movers and stayers in a Europe where spatial and cultural borders are becoming ever more permeable. A full understanding of Europe's ambivalence, refracted through its multiple identities, lies at the intersection of competing European political projects and social processes.
E conomic giant, political dwarf!' 'The EU does not get its act together' 'The capability-expecta... more E conomic giant, political dwarf!' 'The EU does not get its act together' 'The capability-expectation gap is widening'. These are only a few of the many indictments of the European Union's (EU) foreign and security policy to be found in editorials, but also occasionally in the scholarly literature. 1 And yet it moves! There have been more than 1000 common strategies, common positions, and joint actions under the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) since 1993, and more than 2000 foreign policy statements made by the EU Council and Presidency between 1995 and 2008. Since 2003, there have been 25 civilian and military ESDP missions, 14 of which are still ongoing. In addition, the EU has adopted its own declaratory foreign policy strategy in 2003 (European Council 2003, updated in 2008). Finally, the Lisbon Treaty has more or less completed the foreign and security portfolio of the EU, including a (sort of) foreign minister and the External Action Service (EAS). The EU now commands the whole range of institutional capabilities of a cohesive and strong foreign and security policy. To discern the visibility of the EU in foreign policy, a corpus-linguistic analysis of more than 100,000 newspaper articles in seven EU member states and the US from 1990-2005 was carried out, focusing on military interventions. The data show that the EU is mentioned in 10-20 percent of the articles on average, which is surprising given the limited degree of EU compentence in military affairs up to the late 1990s. We can observe some convergence in newspaper coverage from the late 1990s on, with a first peak during and after the Kosovo War. The EU's visibility then increases during the 2001-2003 period before decreasing again to the level of the mid-1990s. All in all, the data refutes the notion that the EU is simply absent in coverage of military and security affairs. In other words, cooperation on foreign policy matters is the rule rather than the exception in the EU. The EU has emerged as a foreign policy actor and is able to pursue rather coherent foreign policies – if it wants to and if the conditions are right. This is the good news. But there is also bad news: Catherine Ashton's appointment as EU 'foreign minister' confirms that the member states had no intention of enhancing the status of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) at the expense of their own individual foreign policies. The disagreements among the EU 27 on major foreign policy issues are legendary: the 2003 Iraq invasion showed an intra-European split as much as a transatlantic one, while Germany abstained in the UN Security Council over Libya.
Prezentul document de poziţie revizuit înlocuieşte documentul de poziţie al României CONF -RO 22/... more Prezentul document de poziţie revizuit înlocuieşte documentul de poziţie al României CONF -RO 22/01. ACCEPTAREA ACQUIS-ULUI COMUNITAR România acceptă acquis-ul comunitar privind Capitolul 14 -Energia, în vigoare la data de 31 decembrie 2000. România va implementa acquis-ul comunitar în domeniul energiei până la data aderării, cu excepţia Directivei Consiliului 68/414/EEC, amendată prin Directiva Consiliului 98/93/EC, cu privire la obligaţia Statelor Membre de a menţine un stoc minim de ţiţei şi/sau produse petroliere, pentru care solicită o perioadă de tranziţie până la 31.12.2011.
General de Gaulle held a press conference to set out his reasons for vetoing Harold Macmillan's a... more General de Gaulle held a press conference to set out his reasons for vetoing Harold Macmillan's application for membership. Some, though not all of his arguments, still resonate today.
It was once seen as a British disease. But Euroscepticism has now spread across the continent lik... more It was once seen as a British disease. But Euroscepticism has now spread across the continent like a virus. As data from Eurobarometer shows, trust in the European project has fallen even faster than growth rates. Since the beginning of the euro crisis, trust in the European Union has fallen from
Why are hopes fading for a single European identity? Economic integration has advanced faster and... more Why are hopes fading for a single European identity? Economic integration has advanced faster and further than predicted, yet the European sense of "who we are" is fragmenting. Exploiting decades of permissive consensus, Europe's elites designed and completed the single market, the euro, the Schengen passport-free zone, and, most recently, crafted an extraordinarily successful policy of enlargement. At the same time, these attempts to depoliticize politics, to create Europe by stealth, have produced a political backlash. This ambitious survey of identity in Europe captures the experiences of the winners and losers, optimists and pessimists, movers and stayers in a Europe where spatial and cultural borders are becoming ever more permeable. A full understanding of Europe's ambivalence, refracted through its multiple identities, lies at the intersection of competing European political projects and social processes.
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