Published as a chapter of the book: Czas Euromajdanu, edited by Robert Potocki, Marcin Domagała, ... more Published as a chapter of the book: Czas Euromajdanu, edited by Robert Potocki, Marcin Domagała, and Dorota Miłoszewska. Warszawa: Europejskie Centrum Analiz Geopolitycznych 2014.
Celem artykułu jest analiza zjawiska określanego w literaturze przedmiotu jako „paradoks represji... more Celem artykułu jest analiza zjawiska określanego w literaturze przedmiotu jako „paradoks represji”, „backfire” lub „polityczne ju-jitsu”. W pierwszej kolejności dokonano wyjaśnienia jego istoty oraz znaczenia dla przebiegu konfliktu asymetrycznego. Następnie przedstawiono historię refleksji naukowej nad paradoksem represji. Prezentacja różnych form kontroli społecznej była punktem wyjścia do analizy sposobu zarządzania represjami przez uczestników konfliktu. Władze starają się zastosować szereg technik powstrzymania oburzenia, zaś aktywiści ruchu kontestacyjnego mogą uruchomić kontr-techniki, zwłaszcza jeśli dysponują wiedzą z zakresu strategicznej walki bez przemocy oraz alternatywnymi źródłami komunikacji. Autor argumentuje, że paradoks represji nie jest prostą konsekwencją stosowania brutalnych represji wobec słabszego przeciwnika, ale zależy w dużym stopniu od polityki komunikacyjnej obu stron konfliktu.
The purpose of the article is to analyze the phenomenon described in the literature as "the paradox of repression", "backfire" or "political jiu-jitsu". First of all, the explanation of its essence and the significance for the course of asymmetric conflict. Next, the history of scientific reflection on the paradox of repression was presented. The presentation of various forms of social control is a starting point for the analysis of the way in which the participants in a conflict called "asymmetric" manage repressions. State authorities try to apply a number of techniques to stop indignation, while activists of the contestation movement may activate counter-techniques, especially if they have knowledge of the strategic nonviolent struggle and alternative sources of communication.The author argues that the paradox of repression is not a simple consequence of using brutal repression against a weaker opponent, but depends to a large extent on the communication policy of both sides of the conflict.
Globalna fala protestu i rewolucji: przyczyny, cele, dyfuzja Abstrakt Globalną falę protestów i r... more Globalna fala protestu i rewolucji: przyczyny, cele, dyfuzja Abstrakt Globalną falę protestów i rewolucji, której punktem kulminacyjnym był rok 2011, można uznać za zjawisko o wielorakich konsekwencjach geopolitycznych, społecznych i kulturowych. Celem artykułu jest analiza głównych przyczyn mobilizacji, celów protestujących oraz mechanizmów globalnego rozprzestrzeniania się podobnych repertuarów kontestacji, ram interpretacyjnych, symboli, i sloganów. Refleksja zawarta w artykule obejmuje elementy analizy porównawczej, której celem jest uchwycenie głównych mechanizmów przyczynowych. W procesie wyjaśniającym odwołuję się do koncepcji dyfuzji, kultury światowej oraz analizy ramowej. Efektem są generalizacje historyczne na temat głównych mechanizmów dynamiki współczesnej mobilizacji globalnej.
Global wave of protests and revolutions, which climaxed in 2011, can be considered as the phenomenon of multiple geopolitical, social and cultural consequences. The purpose of the article is to analyze the main causes of the mobilization, goals of the protesters and mechanisms of the global spread of similar repertoires of contestation, interpretative frames, symbols and slogans. Reflection presented in the paper includes elements of the comparative analysis, the aim of which is to capture the major causal mechanisms. I referred to the concept of the diffusion, the world culture and frame analysis. Historical generalizations about the main mechanisms of the dynamics of contemporary global mobilization is the result.
The article aims to analyse the role of social media in initiating and organising protest and rev... more The article aims to analyse the role of social media in initiating and organising protest and revolutionary movements. Social media, particularly Facebook and Twitter, are widely believed to have been used by activists involved in the global wave of protests and revolutions after 2009. However, the assessment of their role wavers between technological determinism and minimising the impact of new technologies. Considering the current state of research, the author offers his answers to a number of questions: (1) To what extent and how are social media used in the processes of political communication, mobilisation and organisation of protest and revolutionary movements? (2) What is the relation between the old and the new media? (3) What is the relation between the online and offline dimension of collective action? (4) Why has the occupation of public space become the dominant tactic of protest and revolutionary movements in the age of social media?
Chodak, Jarosław. 2012. “Czy mogliśmy przewidzieć Arabską Wiosnę?” Pp. 171-178 in Społeczne światy wartości, edited by Agnieszka Kolasa-Nowak and Wojciech Misztal. Lublin: Wydawnictwo UMCS.
Chodak, Jarosław. 2016. “Symbols, Slogans and Taste in Tactics: Creation of Collective Identity in Social Movements.” In Identities of Central-Eastern European Nations, edited by Volodymyr Yevtukh, Artur Wysocki, Ganna Kisla, and Andrzej Jekaterynczuk, 277–97. Kyiv: Interservice LTD.
Chodak, Jarosław. 2013. “Dlaczego rewolucjoniści (nie) są pozbawieni emocji? Rola emocji w teoriach rewolucji.” Societas/Communitas. 14 (2):55-70.
Emotions belonged to the expłanatory premise of rhe early rheoretical reflec tion on revołution.... more Emotions belonged to the expłanatory premise of rhe early rheoretical reflec tion on revołution. Both G. Le Bon and the school of the natura] bistory of the revolution nored the irnportance of the feeliugs in the behavior of revolution aries. Psycho-sociologicał theorists of revolution in the 1960s and 1970s also pointed to the collective emotional state of mind of the revolurionary actors. Emotions "disappear" from the theory of revolution in the second half of the rwentieth century. The stare-centred perspective pur emphasis on structural re lationships and conflicts between differently situated groups, sociał classes and states, Emorions were also irrełevant to the rationa! choice theorists who ana lyzed me rational actor. The prospect of the return of emotions to the analysis of the revołution came with the new rrends in sociał research. The next gene ration of theorists of revolution attemptcd to take into account the earlier "ne glected" variables, Taking culrures into account allows for the analysis of the relationship berween collective memory, the role of symbołs and rituals, and cmotional states of the revolutionaries. Emotions have also becomc an impor tant variabłe in theories of socia! movements. Adaptation of theorericał frame works devełoped in the sociology of emorions and social movements makes it possible to incorporate the emotional component in the theory of revolution.
Chodak, Jarosław. 2014. “From a Revolutionary Wave to Authoritarian Revival: The impact of ‘Colour Revolutions’ in the Post-Soviet Space.” Pp. 155-169 in Sociology from Lublin, edited by Ryszard Radzik, Bogdan Szajkowski, and Artur Wysocki. Lublin: Maria Curie-Skłodowska University Press.
Chodak, J. (2014). From a Revolutionary Wave to Authoritarian Revival: The impact of ‘Colour Revo... more Chodak, J. (2014). From a Revolutionary Wave to Authoritarian Revival: The impact of ‘Colour Revolutions’ in the Post-Soviet Space. In R. Radzik, B. Szajkowski, & A. Wysocki (Eds.), Sociology from Lublin (pp. 155-169). Lublin: Maria Curie-Skłodowska University Press.
Chodak, J. (2015). Historyczno-porównawcze studia rewolucji: U progu (r)ewolucji perspektywy bada... more Chodak, J. (2015). Historyczno-porównawcze studia rewolucji: U progu (r)ewolucji perspektywy badawczej? W: B. Cymbrowski & K. Frysztacki (red.), Socjologia historyczna: Wokół wyzwań teoretycznych i praktyki badawczej (s. 113-135). Opole: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Opolskiego.
The article aims to analyse the role of social media in initiating and organising protest and rev... more The article aims to analyse the role of social media in initiating and organising protest and revolutionary movements. Social media, particularly Facebook and Twitter, are widely believed to have been used by activists involved in the global wave of protests and revolutions after 2009. However, the assessment of their role wavers between technological determinism and minimising the impact of new technologies. Considering the current state of research, the author offers his answers to a number of questions: (1) To what extent and how are social media used in the processes of political communication, mobilisation and organisation of protest and revolutionary movements? (2) What is the relation between the old and the new media? (3) What is the relation between the online and offline dimension of collective action? (4) Why has the occupation of public space become the dominant tactic of protest and revolutionary movements in the age of social media?
The article aims to analyse the role of social media in initiating and organising protest and rev... more The article aims to analyse the role of social media in initiating and organising protest and revolutionary movements. Social media, particularly Facebook and Twitter, are widely believed to have been used by activists involved in the global wave of protests and revolutions after 2009. However, the assessment of their role wavers between technological determinism and minimising the impact of new technologies. Considering the current state of research, the author offers his answers to a number of questions: (1) To what extent and how are social media used in the processes of political communication, mobilisation and organisation of protest and revolutionary movements? (2) What is the relation between the old and the new media? (3) What is the relation between the online and offline dimension of collective action? (4) Why has the occupation of public space become the dominant tactic of protest and revolutionary movements in the age of social media?
Published as a chapter of the book: Czas Euromajdanu, edited by Robert Potocki, Marcin Domagała, ... more Published as a chapter of the book: Czas Euromajdanu, edited by Robert Potocki, Marcin Domagała, and Dorota Miłoszewska. Warszawa: Europejskie Centrum Analiz Geopolitycznych 2014.
Celem artykułu jest analiza zjawiska określanego w literaturze przedmiotu jako „paradoks represji... more Celem artykułu jest analiza zjawiska określanego w literaturze przedmiotu jako „paradoks represji”, „backfire” lub „polityczne ju-jitsu”. W pierwszej kolejności dokonano wyjaśnienia jego istoty oraz znaczenia dla przebiegu konfliktu asymetrycznego. Następnie przedstawiono historię refleksji naukowej nad paradoksem represji. Prezentacja różnych form kontroli społecznej była punktem wyjścia do analizy sposobu zarządzania represjami przez uczestników konfliktu. Władze starają się zastosować szereg technik powstrzymania oburzenia, zaś aktywiści ruchu kontestacyjnego mogą uruchomić kontr-techniki, zwłaszcza jeśli dysponują wiedzą z zakresu strategicznej walki bez przemocy oraz alternatywnymi źródłami komunikacji. Autor argumentuje, że paradoks represji nie jest prostą konsekwencją stosowania brutalnych represji wobec słabszego przeciwnika, ale zależy w dużym stopniu od polityki komunikacyjnej obu stron konfliktu.
The purpose of the article is to analyze the phenomenon described in the literature as "the paradox of repression", "backfire" or "political jiu-jitsu". First of all, the explanation of its essence and the significance for the course of asymmetric conflict. Next, the history of scientific reflection on the paradox of repression was presented. The presentation of various forms of social control is a starting point for the analysis of the way in which the participants in a conflict called "asymmetric" manage repressions. State authorities try to apply a number of techniques to stop indignation, while activists of the contestation movement may activate counter-techniques, especially if they have knowledge of the strategic nonviolent struggle and alternative sources of communication.The author argues that the paradox of repression is not a simple consequence of using brutal repression against a weaker opponent, but depends to a large extent on the communication policy of both sides of the conflict.
Globalna fala protestu i rewolucji: przyczyny, cele, dyfuzja Abstrakt Globalną falę protestów i r... more Globalna fala protestu i rewolucji: przyczyny, cele, dyfuzja Abstrakt Globalną falę protestów i rewolucji, której punktem kulminacyjnym był rok 2011, można uznać za zjawisko o wielorakich konsekwencjach geopolitycznych, społecznych i kulturowych. Celem artykułu jest analiza głównych przyczyn mobilizacji, celów protestujących oraz mechanizmów globalnego rozprzestrzeniania się podobnych repertuarów kontestacji, ram interpretacyjnych, symboli, i sloganów. Refleksja zawarta w artykule obejmuje elementy analizy porównawczej, której celem jest uchwycenie głównych mechanizmów przyczynowych. W procesie wyjaśniającym odwołuję się do koncepcji dyfuzji, kultury światowej oraz analizy ramowej. Efektem są generalizacje historyczne na temat głównych mechanizmów dynamiki współczesnej mobilizacji globalnej.
Global wave of protests and revolutions, which climaxed in 2011, can be considered as the phenomenon of multiple geopolitical, social and cultural consequences. The purpose of the article is to analyze the main causes of the mobilization, goals of the protesters and mechanisms of the global spread of similar repertoires of contestation, interpretative frames, symbols and slogans. Reflection presented in the paper includes elements of the comparative analysis, the aim of which is to capture the major causal mechanisms. I referred to the concept of the diffusion, the world culture and frame analysis. Historical generalizations about the main mechanisms of the dynamics of contemporary global mobilization is the result.
The article aims to analyse the role of social media in initiating and organising protest and rev... more The article aims to analyse the role of social media in initiating and organising protest and revolutionary movements. Social media, particularly Facebook and Twitter, are widely believed to have been used by activists involved in the global wave of protests and revolutions after 2009. However, the assessment of their role wavers between technological determinism and minimising the impact of new technologies. Considering the current state of research, the author offers his answers to a number of questions: (1) To what extent and how are social media used in the processes of political communication, mobilisation and organisation of protest and revolutionary movements? (2) What is the relation between the old and the new media? (3) What is the relation between the online and offline dimension of collective action? (4) Why has the occupation of public space become the dominant tactic of protest and revolutionary movements in the age of social media?
Chodak, Jarosław. 2012. “Czy mogliśmy przewidzieć Arabską Wiosnę?” Pp. 171-178 in Społeczne światy wartości, edited by Agnieszka Kolasa-Nowak and Wojciech Misztal. Lublin: Wydawnictwo UMCS.
Chodak, Jarosław. 2016. “Symbols, Slogans and Taste in Tactics: Creation of Collective Identity in Social Movements.” In Identities of Central-Eastern European Nations, edited by Volodymyr Yevtukh, Artur Wysocki, Ganna Kisla, and Andrzej Jekaterynczuk, 277–97. Kyiv: Interservice LTD.
Chodak, Jarosław. 2013. “Dlaczego rewolucjoniści (nie) są pozbawieni emocji? Rola emocji w teoriach rewolucji.” Societas/Communitas. 14 (2):55-70.
Emotions belonged to the expłanatory premise of rhe early rheoretical reflec tion on revołution.... more Emotions belonged to the expłanatory premise of rhe early rheoretical reflec tion on revołution. Both G. Le Bon and the school of the natura] bistory of the revolution nored the irnportance of the feeliugs in the behavior of revolution aries. Psycho-sociologicał theorists of revolution in the 1960s and 1970s also pointed to the collective emotional state of mind of the revolurionary actors. Emotions "disappear" from the theory of revolution in the second half of the rwentieth century. The stare-centred perspective pur emphasis on structural re lationships and conflicts between differently situated groups, sociał classes and states, Emorions were also irrełevant to the rationa! choice theorists who ana lyzed me rational actor. The prospect of the return of emotions to the analysis of the revołution came with the new rrends in sociał research. The next gene ration of theorists of revolution attemptcd to take into account the earlier "ne glected" variables, Taking culrures into account allows for the analysis of the relationship berween collective memory, the role of symbołs and rituals, and cmotional states of the revolutionaries. Emotions have also becomc an impor tant variabłe in theories of socia! movements. Adaptation of theorericał frame works devełoped in the sociology of emorions and social movements makes it possible to incorporate the emotional component in the theory of revolution.
Chodak, Jarosław. 2014. “From a Revolutionary Wave to Authoritarian Revival: The impact of ‘Colour Revolutions’ in the Post-Soviet Space.” Pp. 155-169 in Sociology from Lublin, edited by Ryszard Radzik, Bogdan Szajkowski, and Artur Wysocki. Lublin: Maria Curie-Skłodowska University Press.
Chodak, J. (2014). From a Revolutionary Wave to Authoritarian Revival: The impact of ‘Colour Revo... more Chodak, J. (2014). From a Revolutionary Wave to Authoritarian Revival: The impact of ‘Colour Revolutions’ in the Post-Soviet Space. In R. Radzik, B. Szajkowski, & A. Wysocki (Eds.), Sociology from Lublin (pp. 155-169). Lublin: Maria Curie-Skłodowska University Press.
Chodak, J. (2015). Historyczno-porównawcze studia rewolucji: U progu (r)ewolucji perspektywy bada... more Chodak, J. (2015). Historyczno-porównawcze studia rewolucji: U progu (r)ewolucji perspektywy badawczej? W: B. Cymbrowski & K. Frysztacki (red.), Socjologia historyczna: Wokół wyzwań teoretycznych i praktyki badawczej (s. 113-135). Opole: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Opolskiego.
The article aims to analyse the role of social media in initiating and organising protest and rev... more The article aims to analyse the role of social media in initiating and organising protest and revolutionary movements. Social media, particularly Facebook and Twitter, are widely believed to have been used by activists involved in the global wave of protests and revolutions after 2009. However, the assessment of their role wavers between technological determinism and minimising the impact of new technologies. Considering the current state of research, the author offers his answers to a number of questions: (1) To what extent and how are social media used in the processes of political communication, mobilisation and organisation of protest and revolutionary movements? (2) What is the relation between the old and the new media? (3) What is the relation between the online and offline dimension of collective action? (4) Why has the occupation of public space become the dominant tactic of protest and revolutionary movements in the age of social media?
The article aims to analyse the role of social media in initiating and organising protest and rev... more The article aims to analyse the role of social media in initiating and organising protest and revolutionary movements. Social media, particularly Facebook and Twitter, are widely believed to have been used by activists involved in the global wave of protests and revolutions after 2009. However, the assessment of their role wavers between technological determinism and minimising the impact of new technologies. Considering the current state of research, the author offers his answers to a number of questions: (1) To what extent and how are social media used in the processes of political communication, mobilisation and organisation of protest and revolutionary movements? (2) What is the relation between the old and the new media? (3) What is the relation between the online and offline dimension of collective action? (4) Why has the occupation of public space become the dominant tactic of protest and revolutionary movements in the age of social media?
The purpose of the article is to analyze political, economic and social changes in Poland in the ... more The purpose of the article is to analyze political, economic and social changes in Poland in the years 1944–1956 with the help of the category of revolution. The author refers to various definitions and typologies of revolution that have been used in historical sociology. He takes into account wide comparative context, including the Russian Revolution of 1917 and changes in the Eastern European countries after World War II. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the category: „revolution from without” more adequately describes the radical change in Poland in the years 1944–1956, than narrower terms used in historiography, such as: „building the system of the power” or „satellite system of the power.”
Not very long ago, Kaplan and Haenlein (2010) announced that “Today, everything is about Social M... more Not very long ago, Kaplan and Haenlein (2010) announced that “Today, everything is about Social Media”. The meaning of this statement is straightforward – if you do not have an account on social media platform, you are out of online domain. Nowadays, this claim appears to be soft or even out of date. It is more likely that if you do not have an account on social media, you are absent both online and offline. Whether we like it or not, the explosive growth of social media has changed the ways modern society is conceptualized, diagnosed, and examined. By sharing, liking, commenting, tweeting, rating, following up etc. users have established new communicational practices spreading beyond social media into a wider social context. Television viewers use Twitter to express live their emotions evoked by presidential candidates debating on controversial issues. Tourists take ‘selfies’ and put them on Instagram to share a wonderful holiday they have. Headhunters use LinkedIn to find candidat...
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the phenomenon described in the literature as "the paradox of repression", "backfire" or "political jiu-jitsu". First of all, the explanation of its essence and the significance for the course of asymmetric conflict. Next, the history of scientific reflection on the paradox of repression was presented. The presentation of various forms of social control is a starting point for the analysis of the way in which the participants in a conflict called "asymmetric" manage repressions. State authorities try to apply a number of techniques to stop indignation, while activists of the contestation movement may activate counter-techniques, especially if they have knowledge of the strategic nonviolent struggle and alternative sources of communication.The author argues that the paradox of repression is not a simple consequence of using brutal repression against a weaker opponent, but depends to a large extent on the communication policy of both sides of the conflict.
Global wave of protests and revolutions, which climaxed in 2011, can be considered as the phenomenon of multiple geopolitical, social and cultural consequences. The purpose of the article is to analyze the main causes of the mobilization, goals of the protesters and mechanisms of the global spread of similar repertoires of contestation, interpretative frames, symbols and slogans. Reflection presented in the paper includes elements of the comparative analysis, the aim of which is to capture the major causal mechanisms. I referred to the concept of the diffusion, the world culture and frame analysis. Historical generalizations about the main mechanisms of the dynamics of contemporary global mobilization is the result.
SOCIETAS/COMMUNITAS 2(14) 2012 55
The purpose of the article is to analyze the phenomenon described in the literature as "the paradox of repression", "backfire" or "political jiu-jitsu". First of all, the explanation of its essence and the significance for the course of asymmetric conflict. Next, the history of scientific reflection on the paradox of repression was presented. The presentation of various forms of social control is a starting point for the analysis of the way in which the participants in a conflict called "asymmetric" manage repressions. State authorities try to apply a number of techniques to stop indignation, while activists of the contestation movement may activate counter-techniques, especially if they have knowledge of the strategic nonviolent struggle and alternative sources of communication.The author argues that the paradox of repression is not a simple consequence of using brutal repression against a weaker opponent, but depends to a large extent on the communication policy of both sides of the conflict.
Global wave of protests and revolutions, which climaxed in 2011, can be considered as the phenomenon of multiple geopolitical, social and cultural consequences. The purpose of the article is to analyze the main causes of the mobilization, goals of the protesters and mechanisms of the global spread of similar repertoires of contestation, interpretative frames, symbols and slogans. Reflection presented in the paper includes elements of the comparative analysis, the aim of which is to capture the major causal mechanisms. I referred to the concept of the diffusion, the world culture and frame analysis. Historical generalizations about the main mechanisms of the dynamics of contemporary global mobilization is the result.
SOCIETAS/COMMUNITAS 2(14) 2012 55