For more information, see his website: www.kevinwfogg.net
Trained at Duke and then Yale, with research collaboration across the State Islamic University network in Indonesia, Dr Fogg is a historian of Islam in Indonesia in the twentieth century. Phone: 919-843-9065 Address: Carolina Asia Center, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Campus Box 7582 Chapel Hill, NC 27599-7582
Terjemahan ke dalam bahasa Indonesia dari buku _Indonesia's Islamic Revolution_. https://mizansto... more Terjemahan ke dalam bahasa Indonesia dari buku _Indonesia's Islamic Revolution_. https://mizanstore.com/spirit_islam_pada_masa_70139
Sejarah Revolusi Indonesia dipenuhi penggambaran perang revolusi sebagai perang nasionalistis atau berbasis kelas. Dalam kajian baru ini, Kevin W. Fogg meninjau ulang Revolusi Indonesia (1945-1949) sebagai perjuangan umat Islam. Dalam spirit keagamaan inilah, kaum Muslim taat--yang jumlahnya hampir separuh populasi--berperang. Mereka teryakinkan dengan seruan jihad dari ulama dan kiai bahwa mereka sedang menjalankan perang sabil melawan kaum kafir penjajah.
Namun di kancah politik, para pemimpin nasional mengesampingkan unsur Islam ketika mereka merumuskan dokumen-dokumen pendirian Indonesia. Dengan cara itu, mereka menciptakan presenden revolusi yang terus berdampak pada negara sampai saat ini. Studi tentang perang anti-penjajah negeri berpenduduk Muslim terbanyak di dunia ini menunjukkan bagaimana Islam berfungsi sebagai ideologi revolusi pada era modern.
This flyer is for my book, Indonesia's Islamic Revolution, published in 2019 with Cambridge Unive... more This flyer is for my book, Indonesia's Islamic Revolution, published in 2019 with Cambridge University Press. The code on the flyer will provide a 20% discount when purchased directly through CUP's website.
Indonesia’s category of ‘national hero’ or pahlawan nasional has evolved since it first emerged ... more Indonesia’s category of ‘national hero’ or pahlawan nasional has evolved since it first emerged with Indonesian independence. This title went from a popular term for veterans, to a designated national category, to a centrepiece of New Order civil religion. This article chronicles further changes in the post-Suharto era both by a quantitative analysis of the entire pantheon of 179 pahlawan and by the case study of the first national hero for West Nusa Tenggara Province: TGKH M. Zainuddin Abdul Madjid, also known as Tuan Guru Pancor, from the island of Lombok. The category of pahlawan nasional has become both more diverse and more political in the last two decades.
Many studies of Islam in Indonesia have focused on the mass Islamic organisations that form the b... more Many studies of Islam in Indonesia have focused on the mass Islamic organisations that form the backbone of civil society and Indonesian religious life. However, studies of these organisations have not appreciated the central place of charisma amid their bureaucratic features. This article looks at the case of Alkhairaat, a mass Islamic organisation headquartered in Central Sulawesi but spread throughout eastern Indonesia, as a bureaucracy built to reinforce and perpetuate the charisma of its founder, Sayyid Idrus bin Salim al-Jufri. The case of Alkhairaat demonstrates how mass Islamic organisations in Indonesia bureaucratise Islam but also, in doing this, defy the broader trend of legalisation. Instead, the on-going veneration of the founder’s charisma helps to make sense of the continuing attention to supernatural occurrences among traditionalist Indonesian Muslims and the power of organisational leaders over their followers.
This paper examines the following questions: Had the peasants understood the vision of the leader... more This paper examines the following questions: Had the peasants understood the vision of the leadership, would they still have participated in the revolt? Was the swift reluctance towards active military participation the result of a better understanding of the rebellion's aims as espoused by the core leadership? Are the Minangkabau peasantry prone to future profanations of great tradition narratives? By way of using various sources, the writer tries to trace the PRRI Rebellion in the light of grass-root perspective as it is reflected in the eye of interviewee given Om Fahmi's description, that believed that the Minang will continue to protest against the imperialism of Jakarta until this state of affairs appeared. / Artikel ini berupaya untuk menjawab pertanyaan berikut: apakah para petani paham dengan pandangan para pemimpin mereka?, apakah mereka masih akan tetap ikut terlibat dalam pemberontakan? Apakah sikap lekas curiga terhadap keterlibatan militer aktif merupakan bentuk pengertian yang lebih baik tentang tujuan pemberontakan seperti yang dipahami dan didukung oleh kepemimpinan inti mereka? Apakah petani Minangkabau cenderung menolak borok masa depan dalam narasi tradisi besar. Dengan menggunakan pelbagai sumber penulis coba melacak pemberontakan PRRI dari sudut pandang akar-rumput (petani) sebagaimana tercermin di mata orang yang diwawancarai seperti dikemukakan lewat deskripsi Om Fahmi yang percaya bahwa orang Minang akan tetap melakukan protes melawan imperialism Jakarta selama keadaan yang ditentang di masa pemberontakan itu masih tetap ada.
Although most policy studies argue there has been no influence of Islam on Indonesia's foreign po... more Although most policy studies argue there has been no influence of Islam on Indonesia's foreign policy, the foreign relations of the Republic of Indonesia during the revolution for independence provide a counterexample. Because of the greater role for society in conducting, rather than just influencing, foreign relations, Islam was used as a key element in Indonesia's diplomatic efforts in the Arab world between 1945 and 1949. This led to several key, early successes for Indonesia on the world stage, but changing circumstances meant that relations with the Arab world and thus the place of Islam in foreign policy were no longer prominent from 1948. [Meskipun sebagian besar studi mengenai kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia menyatakan tidak adanya pengaruh Islam dalam hal tersebut, kebijakan pada zaman revolusi kemerdekaan memperlihatkan adanya pengaruh itu. Karena adanya peran yang lebih besar bagi masyarakat dalam membentuk dan menjalankan kebijakan pada saat itu, Islam digunakan sebagai sebuah elemen pokok dalam menjalankan hubungan diplomatik Indonesia dengan dunia Arab dari tahun 1945 hingga 1949. Hal ini mengarah ke beberapa keberhasilan awal yang menonjol bagi Indonesia di pentas internasional. Namun, sesuai dengan perubahan keadaan dunia sesudah tahun 1948, hubungan dengan dunia Arab menjadi tidak sepenting sebelumnya serta peranan Islam semakin memudar dan tidak lagi menjadi elemen kebijakan luar negeri.]
In the 1940s and 1950s, several organs of the newly independent Indonesian state oversaw the stan... more In the 1940s and 1950s, several organs of the newly independent Indonesian state oversaw the standardisation of the Indonesian national language. In this process, Western-oriented bureaucrats pushed the language towards European normativity, significantly decreasing the influence of Arabic. While this reform carried symbolic meaning, the practical ramifications on Indonesian orthography, spelling, and word selection also carried real, non-symbolic effects on the accessibility of this language to Indonesian Islamic leaders. Standardising orthography to use the Roman alphabet rendered many Muslims illiterate in a language they had been using for decades. Choices in word selection and spelling limited the Islamic meanings that the new language could carry, thus impacting how Muslims could use the national language for religious and other purposes. Indonesian linguistic reform carried serious social and political consequences in addition to the symbolic meanings often studied.
This article provides a contextual biography of K.H. Ahmad Azhary, who was appointed as the Minis... more This article provides a contextual biography of K.H. Ahmad Azhary, who was appointed as the Minister of Religion in the first Amir Sjarifuddin cabinet of the Republic of Indonesia in 1947. The life of this man provides insight into Islamic activity in South Sumatra and its connections with the Middle East, as well as with the rest of Indonesia. Most importantly, the examination of Azhary’s appointment to the Indonesian cabinet — to a position that he was never able to hold — shines light onto the circumstances of the exit of Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia (PSII, Indonesian Islamic Union Party) from Masjumi. Contradictory evidence about the reasons for the exit as presented in PSII and Masjumi sources are evaluated in light of Azhary’s appointment and inability to join the cabinet. The article finds that PSII’s rhetoric about initiative from the provinces to split from Masjumi was probably based on truth.
My doctoral dissertation at Yale University, 2012.
This dissertation traces the fate of groups i... more My doctoral dissertation at Yale University, 2012.
This dissertation traces the fate of groups in Indonesia who sought to make their country an Islamic state by transforming politics and society. Although these groups played a critical role in winning Indonesia's independence during the Indonesian Revolution (1945-1949), divisions between political leaders, theological leaders, and the grassroots split the movement, and by 1960 these divisions caused the failure of Islam as a political movement for an Islamic state.
During revolution, Dutch-educated political leaders took the leadership of the Islamic movement through appointments in the Socialist-led cabinets. These political leaders brought their Western norms to the struggle to establish an Islamic state. Theological leaders, prominent for their roles in Islamic education and mass organizations, also sought to establish an Islamic state, but they were less involved in Indonesia's modern governance. Across Indonesia, pious Muslims disconnected from the national leadership of the Islamic movement also contributed to the revolution. At this grassroots level, the Indonesian Revolution was experienced as an Islamic fight for independence. The diversity of Muslim experiences in the revolution, including many heterodox practices, demonstrated the distance between the syncretic Islamic grassroots and the new leadership of the Islamic movement nationally.
After Indonesia's independence was recognized in late 1949, Islamic political parties and mass organizations sought to shape the state and nation to make them more Islamic. They were hindered in this by tensions between the political and theological leaders in the Islamic bloc, tensions that climaxed in the 1952 departure of Nandlatul Ulama from the major Islamic party Masjumi. The Islamic movement experienced many successes after independence, such as the expansion of Islamic organizations and education, but national trends such as the standardization of language limited the influence of Islamic ideas and activists.
Things came to a head in the national elections of 1955, when the political leaders, theological leaders, and Islamic grassroots not only battled political parties opposed to Islam but also battled each other. Facing the elections, political interests proved to be paramount over existing social and cultural interests in the Indonesian Islamic movement. Although they expected an unambiguous victory, Islamic parties won only 45% of the seats in the resulting parliament and Constituent Assembly, severely restricting their ability to implement their vision of an Islamic state.
After this defeat, the strain between the Islamic political elite and the Islamic grassroots and theological leaders became too great. Islamic political leaders were pushed into increasing irrelevance, failing to pass legislation, failing in the constitutional assembly, and committing half-heartedly to the PRRI rebellion of 1958-61. As a result, the debilitated Masjumi party was dissolved. Islamic mass organizations freed themselves from political parties and embraced the Sukarno regime. The Islamic movement as a bloc struggling for Indonesia to become an Islamic state fell apart.
This edited volume in English is the product of collaboration between researchers in Southeast As... more This edited volume in English is the product of collaboration between researchers in Southeast Asia and those connected to the Japan International Cooperation Agency Research Institute. Its ten studies, framed by an introduction and conclusion, look at specific cases from across both majority- and minority-Muslim countries in Southeast Asia, ranging from broad comparative studies to very specific cases.
Terjemahan ke dalam bahasa Indonesia dari buku _Indonesia's Islamic Revolution_. https://mizansto... more Terjemahan ke dalam bahasa Indonesia dari buku _Indonesia's Islamic Revolution_. https://mizanstore.com/spirit_islam_pada_masa_70139
Sejarah Revolusi Indonesia dipenuhi penggambaran perang revolusi sebagai perang nasionalistis atau berbasis kelas. Dalam kajian baru ini, Kevin W. Fogg meninjau ulang Revolusi Indonesia (1945-1949) sebagai perjuangan umat Islam. Dalam spirit keagamaan inilah, kaum Muslim taat--yang jumlahnya hampir separuh populasi--berperang. Mereka teryakinkan dengan seruan jihad dari ulama dan kiai bahwa mereka sedang menjalankan perang sabil melawan kaum kafir penjajah.
Namun di kancah politik, para pemimpin nasional mengesampingkan unsur Islam ketika mereka merumuskan dokumen-dokumen pendirian Indonesia. Dengan cara itu, mereka menciptakan presenden revolusi yang terus berdampak pada negara sampai saat ini. Studi tentang perang anti-penjajah negeri berpenduduk Muslim terbanyak di dunia ini menunjukkan bagaimana Islam berfungsi sebagai ideologi revolusi pada era modern.
This flyer is for my book, Indonesia's Islamic Revolution, published in 2019 with Cambridge Unive... more This flyer is for my book, Indonesia's Islamic Revolution, published in 2019 with Cambridge University Press. The code on the flyer will provide a 20% discount when purchased directly through CUP's website.
Indonesia’s category of ‘national hero’ or pahlawan nasional has evolved since it first emerged ... more Indonesia’s category of ‘national hero’ or pahlawan nasional has evolved since it first emerged with Indonesian independence. This title went from a popular term for veterans, to a designated national category, to a centrepiece of New Order civil religion. This article chronicles further changes in the post-Suharto era both by a quantitative analysis of the entire pantheon of 179 pahlawan and by the case study of the first national hero for West Nusa Tenggara Province: TGKH M. Zainuddin Abdul Madjid, also known as Tuan Guru Pancor, from the island of Lombok. The category of pahlawan nasional has become both more diverse and more political in the last two decades.
Many studies of Islam in Indonesia have focused on the mass Islamic organisations that form the b... more Many studies of Islam in Indonesia have focused on the mass Islamic organisations that form the backbone of civil society and Indonesian religious life. However, studies of these organisations have not appreciated the central place of charisma amid their bureaucratic features. This article looks at the case of Alkhairaat, a mass Islamic organisation headquartered in Central Sulawesi but spread throughout eastern Indonesia, as a bureaucracy built to reinforce and perpetuate the charisma of its founder, Sayyid Idrus bin Salim al-Jufri. The case of Alkhairaat demonstrates how mass Islamic organisations in Indonesia bureaucratise Islam but also, in doing this, defy the broader trend of legalisation. Instead, the on-going veneration of the founder’s charisma helps to make sense of the continuing attention to supernatural occurrences among traditionalist Indonesian Muslims and the power of organisational leaders over their followers.
This paper examines the following questions: Had the peasants understood the vision of the leader... more This paper examines the following questions: Had the peasants understood the vision of the leadership, would they still have participated in the revolt? Was the swift reluctance towards active military participation the result of a better understanding of the rebellion's aims as espoused by the core leadership? Are the Minangkabau peasantry prone to future profanations of great tradition narratives? By way of using various sources, the writer tries to trace the PRRI Rebellion in the light of grass-root perspective as it is reflected in the eye of interviewee given Om Fahmi's description, that believed that the Minang will continue to protest against the imperialism of Jakarta until this state of affairs appeared. / Artikel ini berupaya untuk menjawab pertanyaan berikut: apakah para petani paham dengan pandangan para pemimpin mereka?, apakah mereka masih akan tetap ikut terlibat dalam pemberontakan? Apakah sikap lekas curiga terhadap keterlibatan militer aktif merupakan bentuk pengertian yang lebih baik tentang tujuan pemberontakan seperti yang dipahami dan didukung oleh kepemimpinan inti mereka? Apakah petani Minangkabau cenderung menolak borok masa depan dalam narasi tradisi besar. Dengan menggunakan pelbagai sumber penulis coba melacak pemberontakan PRRI dari sudut pandang akar-rumput (petani) sebagaimana tercermin di mata orang yang diwawancarai seperti dikemukakan lewat deskripsi Om Fahmi yang percaya bahwa orang Minang akan tetap melakukan protes melawan imperialism Jakarta selama keadaan yang ditentang di masa pemberontakan itu masih tetap ada.
Although most policy studies argue there has been no influence of Islam on Indonesia's foreign po... more Although most policy studies argue there has been no influence of Islam on Indonesia's foreign policy, the foreign relations of the Republic of Indonesia during the revolution for independence provide a counterexample. Because of the greater role for society in conducting, rather than just influencing, foreign relations, Islam was used as a key element in Indonesia's diplomatic efforts in the Arab world between 1945 and 1949. This led to several key, early successes for Indonesia on the world stage, but changing circumstances meant that relations with the Arab world and thus the place of Islam in foreign policy were no longer prominent from 1948. [Meskipun sebagian besar studi mengenai kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia menyatakan tidak adanya pengaruh Islam dalam hal tersebut, kebijakan pada zaman revolusi kemerdekaan memperlihatkan adanya pengaruh itu. Karena adanya peran yang lebih besar bagi masyarakat dalam membentuk dan menjalankan kebijakan pada saat itu, Islam digunakan sebagai sebuah elemen pokok dalam menjalankan hubungan diplomatik Indonesia dengan dunia Arab dari tahun 1945 hingga 1949. Hal ini mengarah ke beberapa keberhasilan awal yang menonjol bagi Indonesia di pentas internasional. Namun, sesuai dengan perubahan keadaan dunia sesudah tahun 1948, hubungan dengan dunia Arab menjadi tidak sepenting sebelumnya serta peranan Islam semakin memudar dan tidak lagi menjadi elemen kebijakan luar negeri.]
In the 1940s and 1950s, several organs of the newly independent Indonesian state oversaw the stan... more In the 1940s and 1950s, several organs of the newly independent Indonesian state oversaw the standardisation of the Indonesian national language. In this process, Western-oriented bureaucrats pushed the language towards European normativity, significantly decreasing the influence of Arabic. While this reform carried symbolic meaning, the practical ramifications on Indonesian orthography, spelling, and word selection also carried real, non-symbolic effects on the accessibility of this language to Indonesian Islamic leaders. Standardising orthography to use the Roman alphabet rendered many Muslims illiterate in a language they had been using for decades. Choices in word selection and spelling limited the Islamic meanings that the new language could carry, thus impacting how Muslims could use the national language for religious and other purposes. Indonesian linguistic reform carried serious social and political consequences in addition to the symbolic meanings often studied.
This article provides a contextual biography of K.H. Ahmad Azhary, who was appointed as the Minis... more This article provides a contextual biography of K.H. Ahmad Azhary, who was appointed as the Minister of Religion in the first Amir Sjarifuddin cabinet of the Republic of Indonesia in 1947. The life of this man provides insight into Islamic activity in South Sumatra and its connections with the Middle East, as well as with the rest of Indonesia. Most importantly, the examination of Azhary’s appointment to the Indonesian cabinet — to a position that he was never able to hold — shines light onto the circumstances of the exit of Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia (PSII, Indonesian Islamic Union Party) from Masjumi. Contradictory evidence about the reasons for the exit as presented in PSII and Masjumi sources are evaluated in light of Azhary’s appointment and inability to join the cabinet. The article finds that PSII’s rhetoric about initiative from the provinces to split from Masjumi was probably based on truth.
My doctoral dissertation at Yale University, 2012.
This dissertation traces the fate of groups i... more My doctoral dissertation at Yale University, 2012.
This dissertation traces the fate of groups in Indonesia who sought to make their country an Islamic state by transforming politics and society. Although these groups played a critical role in winning Indonesia's independence during the Indonesian Revolution (1945-1949), divisions between political leaders, theological leaders, and the grassroots split the movement, and by 1960 these divisions caused the failure of Islam as a political movement for an Islamic state.
During revolution, Dutch-educated political leaders took the leadership of the Islamic movement through appointments in the Socialist-led cabinets. These political leaders brought their Western norms to the struggle to establish an Islamic state. Theological leaders, prominent for their roles in Islamic education and mass organizations, also sought to establish an Islamic state, but they were less involved in Indonesia's modern governance. Across Indonesia, pious Muslims disconnected from the national leadership of the Islamic movement also contributed to the revolution. At this grassroots level, the Indonesian Revolution was experienced as an Islamic fight for independence. The diversity of Muslim experiences in the revolution, including many heterodox practices, demonstrated the distance between the syncretic Islamic grassroots and the new leadership of the Islamic movement nationally.
After Indonesia's independence was recognized in late 1949, Islamic political parties and mass organizations sought to shape the state and nation to make them more Islamic. They were hindered in this by tensions between the political and theological leaders in the Islamic bloc, tensions that climaxed in the 1952 departure of Nandlatul Ulama from the major Islamic party Masjumi. The Islamic movement experienced many successes after independence, such as the expansion of Islamic organizations and education, but national trends such as the standardization of language limited the influence of Islamic ideas and activists.
Things came to a head in the national elections of 1955, when the political leaders, theological leaders, and Islamic grassroots not only battled political parties opposed to Islam but also battled each other. Facing the elections, political interests proved to be paramount over existing social and cultural interests in the Indonesian Islamic movement. Although they expected an unambiguous victory, Islamic parties won only 45% of the seats in the resulting parliament and Constituent Assembly, severely restricting their ability to implement their vision of an Islamic state.
After this defeat, the strain between the Islamic political elite and the Islamic grassroots and theological leaders became too great. Islamic political leaders were pushed into increasing irrelevance, failing to pass legislation, failing in the constitutional assembly, and committing half-heartedly to the PRRI rebellion of 1958-61. As a result, the debilitated Masjumi party was dissolved. Islamic mass organizations freed themselves from political parties and embraced the Sukarno regime. The Islamic movement as a bloc struggling for Indonesia to become an Islamic state fell apart.
This edited volume in English is the product of collaboration between researchers in Southeast As... more This edited volume in English is the product of collaboration between researchers in Southeast Asia and those connected to the Japan International Cooperation Agency Research Institute. Its ten studies, framed by an introduction and conclusion, look at specific cases from across both majority- and minority-Muslim countries in Southeast Asia, ranging from broad comparative studies to very specific cases.
This handout is for my lecture in General History XIII (1914-1945) on 13 May 2016, on anti-imperi... more This handout is for my lecture in General History XIII (1914-1945) on 13 May 2016, on anti-imperial nationalism.
This handout is for my lecture in General History XIII (1914-1945) on 9 May 2016, on structures o... more This handout is for my lecture in General History XIII (1914-1945) on 9 May 2016, on structures of empire.
This graduate option paper is open to Oxford University students in the masters programmes in Eco... more This graduate option paper is open to Oxford University students in the masters programmes in Economic and Social History or Imperial and Global History (as a tutorial stream) in Hilary Term
An undergraduate, optional Further Subject paper at the University of Oxford, covering Southeast ... more An undergraduate, optional Further Subject paper at the University of Oxford, covering Southeast Asia from the mid-nineteenth century to the end of colonialism
This handout is for students in Oxford's General History XIII, 1914-1945, who attend the lecture ... more This handout is for students in Oxford's General History XIII, 1914-1945, who attend the lecture on 'Empires and their Enemies', 13 May 2015
Spreadsheet of numbers pulled from the most recent census data for the six countries in maritime ... more Spreadsheet of numbers pulled from the most recent census data for the six countries in maritime Southeast Asia (Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Timor Leste) tabulating the number of followers of major religions in these countries. Source websites on the census bureaux pages are found with the data. Bear in mind that the categories between countries are not always parallel. Created to accompany my lecture on "Religion in Maritime Southeast Asia" on 6 February 2014.
A list of selected recent works on Islam, Christianity, and Hinduism in Maritime Southeast Asia, ... more A list of selected recent works on Islam, Christianity, and Hinduism in Maritime Southeast Asia, to support my lecture on 6 February 2014.
Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia, Koleksi RA9 Konstituante, #300 “Surat mengenai riwayat berdiri... more Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia, Koleksi RA9 Konstituante, #300 “Surat mengenai riwayat berdirinya Barisan Samadi Republik Indonesia (BASRI) dari Agama Jawa Asli.”
Arsip Sulawesi Selatan, Koleksi 11, Kantor Wilayah Departemen Agama Propinsi Sulawesi Selatan, Pe... more Arsip Sulawesi Selatan, Koleksi 11, Kantor Wilayah Departemen Agama Propinsi Sulawesi Selatan, Periode Tahun 1947-1990, #227, Kementerian Agama, Sekretaris Jenderal: Surat tanggal 14 April 1954 tentang Pedoman mengenai tugas menjaga kemerdekaan agama.
A circular letter from Guburnur Sulawesi (No. Aga/4/1/5) dated 11 May 1954, leading up the the na... more A circular letter from Guburnur Sulawesi (No. Aga/4/1/5) dated 11 May 1954, leading up the the national elections, regarding the use of certain terms like "kafir"; held in the private collections of Prof Jennifer Nourse of the University of Richmond
Arsip Sulawesi Selatan, Koleksi 11, Kantor Wilayah Departemen Agama Propinsi Sulawesi Selatan, Pe... more Arsip Sulawesi Selatan, Koleksi 11, Kantor Wilayah Departemen Agama Propinsi Sulawesi Selatan, Periode Tahun 1947-1990, #111, Kementerian Agama, Kepala Bagian Politik dan Perkumpulan/ Aliran-aliran Agama: Surat pengantar No. F/I/2655 tanggal 18 Pebruari 1952 tentang Daftar organisasi yang memakai dasar agama Tahun 1951 dan daftar aliran/ kepercayaan di luar Islam/ Kristen tahun 1951
An archival document from the private collection of Prof Jennifer Nourse, University of Richmond,... more An archival document from the private collection of Prof Jennifer Nourse, University of Richmond, about the process of religious census undertaken by the local Kantor Urusan Agama in the 1950s in Central Sulawesi, Indonesia (mirroring efforts elsewhere in the archipelago)
This is the research proposal for my upcoming sabbatical research in Indonesia, July 2016 - April... more This is the research proposal for my upcoming sabbatical research in Indonesia, July 2016 - April 2017, as approved by the Ministry of Research, Technology, and Higher Education. (Because it was prepared for the purpose of the official permitting process, the selection of material included and excluded from the research outline is tailored for that purpose.) I also look forward to working with fantastic partners from the home regions of Jamiyatul Washliyah, Alkhairaat, and Nahdlatul Wathan.
This paper, presented at the Annual Indonesian Conference on Islamic Studies on 4 September 2015,... more This paper, presented at the Annual Indonesian Conference on Islamic Studies on 4 September 2015, discusses various cases around the world where ethnicity and religion interact. It forms a call to consider the other elements of dialogue that are implicitly part of any inter-religious dialogue.
Indonesia's Islamic Mass Organizations since 1945: From Ubiquity to Back Foot, 2022
This presentation is for the Southeast Conference of the Association of Asian Studies, hosted by ... more This presentation is for the Southeast Conference of the Association of Asian Studies, hosted by the University of Louisville, January 15-16, 2022.
This presentation was prepared for Universitas Muhammadiyah - Surabaya, for a conference on Decem... more This presentation was prepared for Universitas Muhammadiyah - Surabaya, for a conference on December 16, 2021.
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Sejarah Revolusi Indonesia dipenuhi penggambaran perang revolusi sebagai perang nasionalistis atau berbasis kelas. Dalam kajian baru ini, Kevin W. Fogg meninjau ulang Revolusi Indonesia (1945-1949) sebagai perjuangan umat Islam. Dalam spirit keagamaan inilah, kaum Muslim taat--yang jumlahnya hampir separuh populasi--berperang. Mereka teryakinkan dengan seruan jihad dari ulama dan kiai bahwa mereka sedang menjalankan perang sabil melawan kaum kafir penjajah.
Namun di kancah politik, para pemimpin nasional mengesampingkan unsur Islam ketika mereka merumuskan dokumen-dokumen pendirian Indonesia. Dengan cara itu, mereka menciptakan presenden revolusi yang terus berdampak pada negara sampai saat ini. Studi tentang perang anti-penjajah negeri berpenduduk Muslim terbanyak di dunia ini menunjukkan bagaimana Islam berfungsi sebagai ideologi revolusi pada era modern.
This dissertation traces the fate of groups in Indonesia who sought to make their country an Islamic state by transforming politics and society. Although these groups played a critical role in winning Indonesia's independence during the Indonesian Revolution (1945-1949), divisions between political leaders, theological leaders, and the grassroots split the movement, and by 1960 these divisions caused the failure of Islam as a political movement for an Islamic state.
During revolution, Dutch-educated political leaders took the leadership of the Islamic movement through appointments in the Socialist-led cabinets. These political leaders brought their Western norms to the struggle to establish an Islamic state. Theological leaders, prominent for their roles in Islamic education and mass organizations, also sought to establish an Islamic state, but they were less involved in Indonesia's modern governance. Across Indonesia, pious Muslims disconnected from the national leadership of the Islamic movement also contributed to the revolution. At this grassroots level, the Indonesian Revolution was experienced as an Islamic fight for independence. The diversity of Muslim experiences in the revolution, including many heterodox practices, demonstrated the distance between the syncretic Islamic grassroots and the new leadership of the Islamic movement nationally.
After Indonesia's independence was recognized in late 1949, Islamic political parties and mass organizations sought to shape the state and nation to make them more Islamic. They were hindered in this by tensions between the political and theological leaders in the Islamic bloc, tensions that climaxed in the 1952 departure of Nandlatul Ulama from the major Islamic party Masjumi. The Islamic movement experienced many successes after independence, such as the expansion of Islamic organizations and education, but national trends such as the standardization of language limited the influence of Islamic ideas and activists.
Things came to a head in the national elections of 1955, when the political leaders, theological leaders, and Islamic grassroots not only battled political parties opposed to Islam but also battled each other. Facing the elections, political interests proved to be paramount over existing social and cultural interests in the Indonesian Islamic movement. Although they expected an unambiguous victory, Islamic parties won only 45% of the seats in the resulting parliament and Constituent Assembly, severely restricting their ability to implement their vision of an Islamic state.
After this defeat, the strain between the Islamic political elite and the Islamic grassroots and theological leaders became too great. Islamic political leaders were pushed into increasing irrelevance, failing to pass legislation, failing in the constitutional assembly, and committing half-heartedly to the PRRI rebellion of 1958-61. As a result, the debilitated Masjumi party was dissolved. Islamic mass organizations freed themselves from political parties and embraced the Sukarno regime. The Islamic movement as a bloc struggling for Indonesia to become an Islamic state fell apart.
Sejarah Revolusi Indonesia dipenuhi penggambaran perang revolusi sebagai perang nasionalistis atau berbasis kelas. Dalam kajian baru ini, Kevin W. Fogg meninjau ulang Revolusi Indonesia (1945-1949) sebagai perjuangan umat Islam. Dalam spirit keagamaan inilah, kaum Muslim taat--yang jumlahnya hampir separuh populasi--berperang. Mereka teryakinkan dengan seruan jihad dari ulama dan kiai bahwa mereka sedang menjalankan perang sabil melawan kaum kafir penjajah.
Namun di kancah politik, para pemimpin nasional mengesampingkan unsur Islam ketika mereka merumuskan dokumen-dokumen pendirian Indonesia. Dengan cara itu, mereka menciptakan presenden revolusi yang terus berdampak pada negara sampai saat ini. Studi tentang perang anti-penjajah negeri berpenduduk Muslim terbanyak di dunia ini menunjukkan bagaimana Islam berfungsi sebagai ideologi revolusi pada era modern.
This dissertation traces the fate of groups in Indonesia who sought to make their country an Islamic state by transforming politics and society. Although these groups played a critical role in winning Indonesia's independence during the Indonesian Revolution (1945-1949), divisions between political leaders, theological leaders, and the grassroots split the movement, and by 1960 these divisions caused the failure of Islam as a political movement for an Islamic state.
During revolution, Dutch-educated political leaders took the leadership of the Islamic movement through appointments in the Socialist-led cabinets. These political leaders brought their Western norms to the struggle to establish an Islamic state. Theological leaders, prominent for their roles in Islamic education and mass organizations, also sought to establish an Islamic state, but they were less involved in Indonesia's modern governance. Across Indonesia, pious Muslims disconnected from the national leadership of the Islamic movement also contributed to the revolution. At this grassroots level, the Indonesian Revolution was experienced as an Islamic fight for independence. The diversity of Muslim experiences in the revolution, including many heterodox practices, demonstrated the distance between the syncretic Islamic grassroots and the new leadership of the Islamic movement nationally.
After Indonesia's independence was recognized in late 1949, Islamic political parties and mass organizations sought to shape the state and nation to make them more Islamic. They were hindered in this by tensions between the political and theological leaders in the Islamic bloc, tensions that climaxed in the 1952 departure of Nandlatul Ulama from the major Islamic party Masjumi. The Islamic movement experienced many successes after independence, such as the expansion of Islamic organizations and education, but national trends such as the standardization of language limited the influence of Islamic ideas and activists.
Things came to a head in the national elections of 1955, when the political leaders, theological leaders, and Islamic grassroots not only battled political parties opposed to Islam but also battled each other. Facing the elections, political interests proved to be paramount over existing social and cultural interests in the Indonesian Islamic movement. Although they expected an unambiguous victory, Islamic parties won only 45% of the seats in the resulting parliament and Constituent Assembly, severely restricting their ability to implement their vision of an Islamic state.
After this defeat, the strain between the Islamic political elite and the Islamic grassroots and theological leaders became too great. Islamic political leaders were pushed into increasing irrelevance, failing to pass legislation, failing in the constitutional assembly, and committing half-heartedly to the PRRI rebellion of 1958-61. As a result, the debilitated Masjumi party was dissolved. Islamic mass organizations freed themselves from political parties and embraced the Sukarno regime. The Islamic movement as a bloc struggling for Indonesia to become an Islamic state fell apart.