Journal of Experimental Psychology-learning Memory and Cognition, 2003
The authors demonstrate that intersentential context may influence syntactic integration processe... more The authors demonstrate that intersentential context may influence syntactic integration processes during online sentence comprehension, although this influence appears to be restricted to cases in which a contextual requirement must be fulfilled. By applying event-related brain potentials to the processing of clause-medial word order variations in German, the authors show that the local processing difficulty (a negativity from 300 to 450 ms) observed for object-initial sentences in a neutral context is also obtained in a (behaviorally) facilitating context in which the object is contextually given. By contrast, the processing pattern for a focused (questioned) initial object does not differ from that for a focused subject: both elicit a parietal positivity (280-480 ms) post-onset of the focused phrase. The authors interpret this early positivity as a general marker of focus integration, a process that appears to briefly supersede sentence-internal requirements.
Real-time language comprehension is a principal cognitive ability and thereby relates to central ... more Real-time language comprehension is a principal cognitive ability and thereby relates to central properties of the human cognitive architecture. Yet how do the presumably universal cognitive and neural substrates of language processing relate to the astounding diversity of human languages (over 5,000)? The authors present a neurocognitive model of online comprehension, the extended argument dependency model (eADM), that accounts for cross-linguistic unity and diversity in the processing of core constituents (verbs and arguments). The eADM postulates that core constituent processing proceeds in three hierarchically organized phases: (1) constituent structure building without relational interpretation, (2) argument role assignment via a restricted set of cross-linguistically motivated information types (e.g., case, animacy), and (3) completion of argument interpretation using information from further domains (e.g., discourse context, plausibility). This basic architecture is assumed to be universal, with cross-linguistic variation deriving primarily from the information types applied in Phase 2 of comprehension. This conception can derive the appearance of similar neurophysiological and neuroanatomical processing correlates in seemingly disparate structures in different languages and, conversely, of cross-linguistic differences in the processing of similar sentence structures.
In this paper, we present experimental evidence for the existence of syntax-independent (viz. the... more In this paper, we present experimental evidence for the existence of syntax-independent (viz. thematic) reanalysis effects. In an experiment using event-related brain potentials (ERPs), we manipulated the thematic structure of the verb in transitive, unambiguously case marked German verb-final clauses such that the processing of this verb either confirmed the "canonical" hierarchical thematic ordering between the sentential arguments (active verbs) or required a reversal of this ordering (object-experiencer verbs). The latter elicited a parietal positivity between 300 and 600 ms post onset, which, as we argue, must be interpreted as reflecting a thematic reanalysis. The second experimental manipulation, i.e., a variation of word order (SO vs. OS), revealed an early positivity at the position of the second NP in dative-nominative (OS) structures. Again, we account for this effect in terms of a thematic reanalysis, which becomes necessary when the original interpretation of the initial argument as thematically highest-ranking must be revised. We conclude from our data that case marking languages such as German may employ non-syntactic processing routes to determine the thematic interpretation of a sentence.
On the basis of an experiment using event-related brain potentials (EPRs), we argue that a charac... more On the basis of an experiment using event-related brain potentials (EPRs), we argue that a characterisation of language-related positivities as necessarily syntax-related is too restrictive. Our data show that, in verb-final German clauses, the processing of a verb which disconfirms the expectations with regard to the hierarchical thematic structure of a sentence (who is doing what to whom) gives rise to an early (200-600 ms) parietal positivity. Thus, positive ERP components elicited during language processing appear to be related to operations (most often revisions) applying to hierarchically structured linguistic information in general, rather than to syntactic structure in particular.
Low-frequency fluctuations (LFFs) are a major source of variation in fMRI data. This has been est... more Low-frequency fluctuations (LFFs) are a major source of variation in fMRI data. This has been established in numerous experiments-particularly in the resting state. Here we investigate LFFs in a task-dependent setting. We hypothesized that LFFs may contain information about cognitive networks that are specific to the overall task domain without being time locked to stimulus onsets. We analyzed data of 6 fMRI experiments, 4 of which belonged to the language domain. After regressing out specifics of the experimental design and low-pass filtering (<0.1 Hz), we found that the 4 language experiments produced a correlational pattern that was not present in the 2 nonlanguage studies. Specifically, a region in the posterior part of the left superior temporal sulcus/gyrus was consistently correlated with both the left Brodmann's area 44 and the left frontal operculum in all 4 language studies, whereas this correlation was not found in the 2 other experiments. This finding indicates the existence of a basic network that acts as a general framework for language processing. In contrast to networks obtained by a conventional conjunction analysis of activation maps, this network is independent of experimental specifics such as stimulus onsets and exists in the low-frequency range.
This study provides evidence for the role of semantic composition in compound word processing. We... more This study provides evidence for the role of semantic composition in compound word processing. We examined the online processing of isolated two meaning unit compounds in Chinese, a language that uses compounding to 'disambiguate' meaning. Using auditory presentation, we manipulated the semantic meaning and syntactic category of the two meaning units forming a compound. Event-related brain potential-recordings revealed a significant influence of semantic information, which was reflected in an N400 signature for compounds whose meaning differed from the constituent meanings. This finding suggests that the combination of distinct constituent meanings to form an overall compound meaning consumes processing resources. By contrast, no comparable difference was observed based on syntactic category information. Our findings indicate that combinatory semantic processing at the word level correlates with N400 effects.
In two visual ERP studies, we investigated whether Mandarin Chinese shows a subject-preference in... more In two visual ERP studies, we investigated whether Mandarin Chinese shows a subject-preference in spite of the controversial status of grammatical relations in this language. We compared ERP responses at the position of the verb and the second NP in object-verb-subject (OVS) and subject-verb-object (SVO) structures. While SVO is the basic word order in Chinese and OV with subject-drop is possible, OVS is strongly dispreferred. At the position of the verb, which disambiguated towards an object or a subject reading of NP1, Experiment 1 revealed an N400 for both subject-initial control conditions in comparison with the critical object-initial condition. Experiment 2 showed that this result was due to differences in lexical-semantic relatedness between NP1 and the verb. When these were controlled for, we observed an N400 for the disambiguation towards an object-initial order, i.e., evidence for a subject-preference. At the postverbal NP, the object-initial condition showed a biphasic N400-late positivity pattern in both experiments. We interpret the N400 as reflecting the processing of an unexpected argument and the late positivity as a correlate of a well-formedness mismatch. Overall, our results suggest that Mandarin Chinese shows a subject-preference for an initial argument, thus providing further converging support for the notion that the subject-preference might constitute a universal processing strategy. We argue that the functional basis for this strategy lies in cross-linguistically applicable economy principles that serve to constrain incremental interpretation.
Journal of Experimental Psychology-learning Memory and Cognition, 2003
The authors demonstrate that intersentential context may influence syntactic integration processe... more The authors demonstrate that intersentential context may influence syntactic integration processes during online sentence comprehension, although this influence appears to be restricted to cases in which a contextual requirement must be fulfilled. By applying event-related brain potentials to the processing of clause-medial word order variations in German, the authors show that the local processing difficulty (a negativity from 300 to 450 ms) observed for object-initial sentences in a neutral context is also obtained in a (behaviorally) facilitating context in which the object is contextually given. By contrast, the processing pattern for a focused (questioned) initial object does not differ from that for a focused subject: both elicit a parietal positivity (280-480 ms) post-onset of the focused phrase. The authors interpret this early positivity as a general marker of focus integration, a process that appears to briefly supersede sentence-internal requirements.
Real-time language comprehension is a principal cognitive ability and thereby relates to central ... more Real-time language comprehension is a principal cognitive ability and thereby relates to central properties of the human cognitive architecture. Yet how do the presumably universal cognitive and neural substrates of language processing relate to the astounding diversity of human languages (over 5,000)? The authors present a neurocognitive model of online comprehension, the extended argument dependency model (eADM), that accounts for cross-linguistic unity and diversity in the processing of core constituents (verbs and arguments). The eADM postulates that core constituent processing proceeds in three hierarchically organized phases: (1) constituent structure building without relational interpretation, (2) argument role assignment via a restricted set of cross-linguistically motivated information types (e.g., case, animacy), and (3) completion of argument interpretation using information from further domains (e.g., discourse context, plausibility). This basic architecture is assumed to be universal, with cross-linguistic variation deriving primarily from the information types applied in Phase 2 of comprehension. This conception can derive the appearance of similar neurophysiological and neuroanatomical processing correlates in seemingly disparate structures in different languages and, conversely, of cross-linguistic differences in the processing of similar sentence structures.
In this paper, we present experimental evidence for the existence of syntax-independent (viz. the... more In this paper, we present experimental evidence for the existence of syntax-independent (viz. thematic) reanalysis effects. In an experiment using event-related brain potentials (ERPs), we manipulated the thematic structure of the verb in transitive, unambiguously case marked German verb-final clauses such that the processing of this verb either confirmed the "canonical" hierarchical thematic ordering between the sentential arguments (active verbs) or required a reversal of this ordering (object-experiencer verbs). The latter elicited a parietal positivity between 300 and 600 ms post onset, which, as we argue, must be interpreted as reflecting a thematic reanalysis. The second experimental manipulation, i.e., a variation of word order (SO vs. OS), revealed an early positivity at the position of the second NP in dative-nominative (OS) structures. Again, we account for this effect in terms of a thematic reanalysis, which becomes necessary when the original interpretation of the initial argument as thematically highest-ranking must be revised. We conclude from our data that case marking languages such as German may employ non-syntactic processing routes to determine the thematic interpretation of a sentence.
On the basis of an experiment using event-related brain potentials (EPRs), we argue that a charac... more On the basis of an experiment using event-related brain potentials (EPRs), we argue that a characterisation of language-related positivities as necessarily syntax-related is too restrictive. Our data show that, in verb-final German clauses, the processing of a verb which disconfirms the expectations with regard to the hierarchical thematic structure of a sentence (who is doing what to whom) gives rise to an early (200-600 ms) parietal positivity. Thus, positive ERP components elicited during language processing appear to be related to operations (most often revisions) applying to hierarchically structured linguistic information in general, rather than to syntactic structure in particular.
Low-frequency fluctuations (LFFs) are a major source of variation in fMRI data. This has been est... more Low-frequency fluctuations (LFFs) are a major source of variation in fMRI data. This has been established in numerous experiments-particularly in the resting state. Here we investigate LFFs in a task-dependent setting. We hypothesized that LFFs may contain information about cognitive networks that are specific to the overall task domain without being time locked to stimulus onsets. We analyzed data of 6 fMRI experiments, 4 of which belonged to the language domain. After regressing out specifics of the experimental design and low-pass filtering (<0.1 Hz), we found that the 4 language experiments produced a correlational pattern that was not present in the 2 nonlanguage studies. Specifically, a region in the posterior part of the left superior temporal sulcus/gyrus was consistently correlated with both the left Brodmann's area 44 and the left frontal operculum in all 4 language studies, whereas this correlation was not found in the 2 other experiments. This finding indicates the existence of a basic network that acts as a general framework for language processing. In contrast to networks obtained by a conventional conjunction analysis of activation maps, this network is independent of experimental specifics such as stimulus onsets and exists in the low-frequency range.
This study provides evidence for the role of semantic composition in compound word processing. We... more This study provides evidence for the role of semantic composition in compound word processing. We examined the online processing of isolated two meaning unit compounds in Chinese, a language that uses compounding to 'disambiguate' meaning. Using auditory presentation, we manipulated the semantic meaning and syntactic category of the two meaning units forming a compound. Event-related brain potential-recordings revealed a significant influence of semantic information, which was reflected in an N400 signature for compounds whose meaning differed from the constituent meanings. This finding suggests that the combination of distinct constituent meanings to form an overall compound meaning consumes processing resources. By contrast, no comparable difference was observed based on syntactic category information. Our findings indicate that combinatory semantic processing at the word level correlates with N400 effects.
In two visual ERP studies, we investigated whether Mandarin Chinese shows a subject-preference in... more In two visual ERP studies, we investigated whether Mandarin Chinese shows a subject-preference in spite of the controversial status of grammatical relations in this language. We compared ERP responses at the position of the verb and the second NP in object-verb-subject (OVS) and subject-verb-object (SVO) structures. While SVO is the basic word order in Chinese and OV with subject-drop is possible, OVS is strongly dispreferred. At the position of the verb, which disambiguated towards an object or a subject reading of NP1, Experiment 1 revealed an N400 for both subject-initial control conditions in comparison with the critical object-initial condition. Experiment 2 showed that this result was due to differences in lexical-semantic relatedness between NP1 and the verb. When these were controlled for, we observed an N400 for the disambiguation towards an object-initial order, i.e., evidence for a subject-preference. At the postverbal NP, the object-initial condition showed a biphasic N400-late positivity pattern in both experiments. We interpret the N400 as reflecting the processing of an unexpected argument and the late positivity as a correlate of a well-formedness mismatch. Overall, our results suggest that Mandarin Chinese shows a subject-preference for an initial argument, thus providing further converging support for the notion that the subject-preference might constitute a universal processing strategy. We argue that the functional basis for this strategy lies in cross-linguistically applicable economy principles that serve to constrain incremental interpretation.
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Papers by Ina Bornkessel-Schlesewsky