The modern conception of individual rights took many centuries to emerge in its current state. Th... more The modern conception of individual rights took many centuries to emerge in its current state. The Europeans trace the origin of representative traditions of democratic political system and many aspects of their culture to ancient Greek and Roman civilizations, collectively referred as the ‘Western Heritage’. The idea germinated during the intellectual, cultural, and religious reform movements, and this growth took speed during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The movements of Renaissance, Reformation and Humanism played a key role in the emancipation of people. This paper recaptures the history of the origin and development of individual rights within European context. Key words: Renaissance, Reformation, Humanism, English Bill of Rights, French Revolution, Declaration of Independence, Declaration of Rights of Man and Citizen
Mass-Mobilization is one of the key ingredients for not only launching a movement but also for sp... more Mass-Mobilization is one of the key ingredients for not only launching a movement but also for spreading any political agenda. The involvement of the masses always plays an important role in a process of bringing change anywhere and at any time. The history of South Asia, however, witnessed that in the struggle against the colonial rulers, to begin with, started by the elite alone. Politics was considered as the domain of a selected few and the common men were considered as ignorant and perhaps irrelevant and thus were kept at a distance. It was only after the beginning of the twentieth century and especially after the entrance of Gandhi on the political screen that the masses gained importance and were directly involved in political affairs. They not only became part of the Non-Cooperation Movement but also played an important role in spreading the movement all across India. In this paper, an attempt has been made to highlight Gandhi’s efforts to mobilize Indian masses during the N...
Mass-Mobilization is one of the key ingredients for not only launching a movement but also for sp... more Mass-Mobilization is one of the key ingredients for not only launching a movement but also for spreading any political agenda. The involvement of the masses always plays an important role in a process of bringing change anywhere and at any time. The history of South Asia, however, witnessed that in the struggle against the colonial rulers, to begin with, started by the elite alone. Politics was considered as the domain of a selected few and the common men were considered as ignorant and perhaps irrelevant and thus were kept at a distance. It was only after the beginning of the twentieth century and especially after the entrance of Gandhi on the political screen that the masses gained importance and were directly involved in political affairs. They not only became part of the Non-Cooperation Movement but also played an important role in spreading the movement all across India. In this paper, an attempt has been made to highlight Gandhi’s efforts to mobilize Indian masses during the N...
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto came to power as a result of the first national General Elections held in Pak... more Zulfikar Ali Bhutto came to power as a result of the first national General Elections held in Pakistan. He had to play his part of leadership in exceptionally trying and tumultuous time in the history of the country, when half of Pakistan had seceded. Pakistan was economically and militarily humiliated and morale of the nation was at its lowest ebb. During a short election campaign that Bhutto carried out under the platform of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), he had promised to lessen the regional and class disparities, which were created during the Ayub regime. For the accomplishment of this task, he launched a series of economic reforms. Academic assessment of these economic reforms has been differing and since then there has been a continued debate whether economic reforms under Bhutto was a sagacious decision or it caused damage to the country’s economy. These reforms and ensuing debate is the subject of this article.
Company in colonial India. The East India Company officials had
almost a century of ruling experi... more Company in colonial India. The East India Company officials had almost a century of ruling experience in Indian subcontinent by that time and various models of ‘land settlement’ and ‘revenue collection’ had been implemented by them in different regions before the annexation of Punjab in 1849. Punjab not only held a unique position regarding the time of its annexation, it comprised vast tracts of virgin arable land, continuously flowing rivers for availability of water, strategic location bordering with Afghanistan and Russia and a turbulent population who had fiercely fought many battles with the British before the final victory and announcement of the Punjab’s annexation to the British Indian Empire. Resultantly, the then Governor General of East India Company Lord Dalhousie—Governor General of India (1848-1856)—devised a mechanism of administration which was despotic and personal. A three members Board of Administration was established: Henry Lawrence (b. 1806-d. 1857)as its President, John Lawrence (b. 1811-d. 1879) as junior member responsible for financial administration and Charles Mansell as senior member responsible for criminal justice system. As to the treatment with landlords of the Punjab and their future role in the Punjab and India, the Lawrence brothers developed severe difference of opinion between themselves. While Sir Henry Lawrence envisioned an embedded role for the landed aristocracy in administration and governance of the Punjab, John Lawrence wanted landlords to be dispossessed of their Sikh rule privileges and no active socio-political role in future. Lord Dalhousie, the Governor General, already not happy with 2 Pakistan Vision Vol. 19 No. 2 Henry Lawrence for his favorable attitude to local notables and landlords, sided with the younger brother John Lawrence and wanted him to prevail in this controversy regarding the way Punjab was to be governed. The vision of John Lawrence was yet to be completely implemented when War of Independence broke out in 1857. It was due to the massive uprising of 1857 that landlords of the Punjab succeeded in maintaining their privileges and role in administration because the British government—directly controlling affairs of India after India Act of 1858—revised its policy and decided to co-opt landlords in administration. This paper investigates into this controversy between the Lawrence brothers and its impact on the administration of the colonial Punjab.
The racial identity of Bengal played a significant role in shaping and determining the political ... more The racial identity of Bengal played a significant role in shaping and determining the political discourse in South Asia at different periods of history. The most violent expression of this identity occurred during the 1970-71 crisis between East and West wings of Pakistan and culminated in the dismemberment of Pakistan and the emergence of separate independent state of Bangladesh with the support of India. This violent episode of assertion of racial identity was marked with drama, trauma and tragedy. The tragic memories of violence are still alive and affect the attitude of people and state as well. While for Bengalis the war of 1971 was a war of liberation and deliverance from tyrannical and exploitative rule of West Pakistan, for Indians the victory was a great national achievement and a good lesson and settling of score with Pakistan. For Pakistanis it was the act of betrayal from Bengalis and an Indian conspiracy. An attempt will be made in this study to understand the development of racial identity in East Bengal and its culmination in armed conflict of 1971. An effort will be made to understand the xenophobia of Bengali nationalists and the xenophobic response of Pakistani military. The study will trace historical and structural roots of this phenomenon to understand the way this xenophobia was politicized and to understand the dynamics of this crisis through application of xenophobic response of conflicting identities. Xenophobia, in East Pakistan, acquired the general character and was institutionalized and manifested itself in mass scale. This study will be an effort to approach this problem through historical perspective; where the humans' social behavior determined and guided the political conduct of a certain community.
The end of the British colonial rule in India culminated into
the partition of subcontinent and t... more The end of the British colonial rule in India culminated into the partition of subcontinent and the genesis of two successor nation states of Pakistan and India in 1947.The Punjab (a province of British India) was also parted into two halves. Eventually, it experienced communal massacre at an unprecedented scale. Millions of people were displaced and migrated from one to the other state. This massive exodus on communal basis was not anticipated either by hitherto rulers of India or the Indian National Congress and the All India Muslim League. Various explanations have been offered for the tragedy of partition and concomitant communal violence but one that endures and is popular in Pakistan is the idea that Hindus and Muslims constituted two identifiable and separate nations,which could not live in one ‘nation state’ further. This argument augmentsthe trauma of communal carnage happened due to violent assertion of ∗ Assistant Professor, University of Sargodha, Sargodha, Pakistan. 26 Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXVI, No.2 (2015) ‘essentialist’ and ‘primordial’ Hindu-Muslim-Sikh identities. There is a need to explore the process and bring out factors of mutually exclusive communal ‘instrumental’ identities due to which the strict boundaries were drawn up between religious communities. It is equally important to consider evidence that suggests the socio-cultural and political variables which transcend the communal boundaries and testify existence of composite cultural milieu in pre-colonial and colonial Punjab side by side the markers of communal identities. This paper is an attempt to trace out the process and comprehend the contributing factors of demarcation of religious boundaries and construction of communal identities in the colonial Punjab.
Anjuman Khuddam-i-Kaaba or Society of the Servants of Kaaba
was established in May 1913 in coloni... more Anjuman Khuddam-i-Kaaba or Society of the Servants of Kaaba was established in May 1913 in colonial India. Colonial India witnessed mushroom growth in social socities or organizations but formed on communal basis since almost every society owed its members and resources to a particular community. The genesis and growth of a large number of such anjumans were due to peculiar socio-structure of Indian society, to use the words of Karl Marx. Moreover, under the umbrella of British government, the Christian missionaries had introduced model of social work and they were reaping i ts results too. Individuals from various rel igious communities were converted to Christianity. As a response, the Indians established anjumans to work for the betterment of religious communities of their affiliation. A pan Islamic element is also impor tant wi th relat ion to the establ i shment of Anjuman Khuddam-i-Kaaba. The contemporary declining conditions of Muslims and their subjugation by colonial powers encouraged their solidarity on the basis of ummah as increasingly relevant to take refuge in. The establishment of Anjuman Khudam-i-Kaaba was but once such expression of assertion of Muslim identity by bringing XJŠÍusW;gE-Ôõg@*%ÔWz6,kZ * sanctity of the sacred places of Islam in political perspective. It envisioned massive projects for the welfare of Muslim community of India including making its own shi--making company to work for pilgrims of Hajj besides its main function of the protection of holy places of Islam in Makkah and Madina from any impending aggression. The British government in India viewed this anjuman as a corollary of the onging Indian political movement and perceived it as a threat to the law and order in their Indian Empire. It was, moreover, taken as a grave threat to the Muslim and non-Muslim unity and cordial relations between religious communities. Since the anjuman had outlined making a volunteer force of Shaidaian-i-Kaaba (votaries of the Kaaba), the government viewd it as a tool of politico-criminal propaganda in the hands of workers of anjuman. The present paper is an endeavor to invest igate Anjuman Khuddam-i-Kaaba with relation to its contribution in constructing Muslim identity in colonial north India. It will also explain the way this anjuman contributed in preparing ground for ensuing pan-Islamic Khilafat movement in India because it was the platform of this organization that provided the prominent leadership to Khilafat movement.
Journal of the Punjab University Historical Society, 2017
Pakistan has been a victim of leadership crisis throughout its history of seven decades. This cri... more Pakistan has been a victim of leadership crisis throughout its history of seven decades. This crisis owes its origin and development mainly to over development of non-representative institutions of civil and military bureaucracy and recurrent experience of military authoritarian regimes. In such a restrictive political atmosphere there rose to the political scene a leader who had will, guts and popular acclaim to challenge Ayub Khan when Ayub's grip on power was yet firm. This leader was Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who established his political party—Pakistan People's Party—and developed it into a mass movement during the anti-Ayub campaign which culminated into the downfall of Ayub and his resignation from power in 1969. Bhutto gave his nascent party new heights and was able to successfully contest elections of 1970 with securing 81 National Assembly seats but all from the West Pakistan. The party that won 1970 elections was the Pakistan Awami League which got overall simple majority but almost all seats from East Pakistan (160 out of 162). However, the crisis of transfer of power deepened when Yahya Khan showed unwillingness to transfer power and the political movement in East Pakistan developed into a separatist movement culminating into secession of East Pakistan in December 1971. The Pakistan People's Party, in comparison to Awami League, was a new entrant but its meteoric rise was, in fact, due to the charisma of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who galvanized the party and achieved stunning success. However, Bhutto's downfall was also as meteoric as was his rise. There were many factors but his political behaviour—the way he exercised power— contributed enormously in his downfall. This article outlines, first, his formative influences and the process through which he assumed leadership role and was able to leave an indelible imprint on the history of country. Second, while in power he carried out reforms not only those he had pledged in his election manifesto but more: in this way he resorted to broaden his powerbase in transactional and transformational leadership paradigm. Third, having entrenched himself in the power spectrum of Pakistan he started behaving like a typical Sindhi wadera. He resorted to exercising power in a very arbitrary manner and this political behavior, the details of which ensue in this paper, explains his downfall and ouster from power. Formative Influences: Zulfikar Ali Bhutto " s downfall was as meteoric as was his rise to power. He stemmed from feudalistic social structure and imbibed feudal idiosyncratic
The challenges of colonialism and Christian missionaries were responded by many socio-religious o... more The challenges of colonialism and Christian missionaries were responded by many socio-religious organizations established by all the religious communities of Punjab including Hindus, Muslims and the Sikhs. These anjumans (societies) were organized on modern lines and in many ways imitated the organizational structures of the institutions of missionaries. However, many of them carried on local traditions of effective dissemination of their message in language and style that was deemed popular in Indian social environment. Poetry had historically been popular in India which was further patronized and popularized during later Mughal period. To effectively inculcate Muslim consciousness in the Punjab, the Anjuman Himayat-i-Islam (established. 1884) encouraged poetry that eulogized the past glory of Muslim civilizations and lamented on their contemporary decline in India and abroad. This poetry used to be heavily tinged with emotionalism and the need for re-assertion of Islam was stressed in it. The most famous Muslim poet of colonial Punjab, Allama Muhammad Iqbal, started public recitation of his poetry on the platform of
Karl Marx is one of the nineteenth century's most influential philosophers of history. He, beside... more Karl Marx is one of the nineteenth century's most influential philosophers of history. He, besides history, was a philosopher of sociology, economics and political economy. He advocated joining and strengthening an intellectual working class movement the destiny of which, he predicted, was to overthrow capitalism as a socio-political and economic system and replace it with a more humane system that could deliver people while discouraging sheer inequities and disparities. He believed his writings would provide this movement with a theoretical insight and make it stronger. There is no denying that he often emphasized that the movement is propelled by circumstances and will accomplish its mission of universal human emancipation. He created differences with others on the basis of not only his interpretation of history but also on the nature of political-activism and ideological fervour engendered by his amalgam of ideology and history. Marx was the one whose intellectual endeavours and achievements, in economics, social theory and history, deserves to be called 'philosophical' exposition in the most honorific sense of this term. He interpreted human past in a way that unfolds materialistic aspect of
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto came to power as a result of the first national General Elections held in Pak... more Zulfikar Ali Bhutto came to power as a result of the first national General Elections held in Pakistan. He had to play his part of leadership in exceptionally trying and tumultuous time in the history of the country, when half of Pakistan had seceded. Pakistan was economically and militarily humiliated and morale of the nation was at its lowest ebb. During a short election campaign that Bhutto carried out under the platform of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), he had promised to lessen the regional and class disparities, which were created during the Ayub regime. For the accomplishment of this task, he launched a series of economic reforms. Academic assessment of these economic reforms has been differing and since then there has been a continued debate whether economic reforms under Bhutto was a sagacious decision or it caused damage to the country's economy. These reforms and ensuing debate is the subject of this article.
The modern conception of individual rights took many centuries to emerge in its current state. Th... more The modern conception of individual rights took many centuries to emerge in its current state. The Europeans trace the origin of representative traditions of democratic political system and many aspects of their culture to ancient Greek and Roman civilizations, collectively referred as the ‘Western Heritage’. The idea germinated during the intellectual, cultural, and religious reform movements, and this growth took speed during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The movements of Renaissance, Reformation and Humanism played a key role in the emancipation of people. This paper recaptures the history of the origin and development of individual rights within European context. Key words: Renaissance, Reformation, Humanism, English Bill of Rights, French Revolution, Declaration of Independence, Declaration of Rights of Man and Citizen
Mass-Mobilization is one of the key ingredients for not only launching a movement but also for sp... more Mass-Mobilization is one of the key ingredients for not only launching a movement but also for spreading any political agenda. The involvement of the masses always plays an important role in a process of bringing change anywhere and at any time. The history of South Asia, however, witnessed that in the struggle against the colonial rulers, to begin with, started by the elite alone. Politics was considered as the domain of a selected few and the common men were considered as ignorant and perhaps irrelevant and thus were kept at a distance. It was only after the beginning of the twentieth century and especially after the entrance of Gandhi on the political screen that the masses gained importance and were directly involved in political affairs. They not only became part of the Non-Cooperation Movement but also played an important role in spreading the movement all across India. In this paper, an attempt has been made to highlight Gandhi’s efforts to mobilize Indian masses during the N...
Mass-Mobilization is one of the key ingredients for not only launching a movement but also for sp... more Mass-Mobilization is one of the key ingredients for not only launching a movement but also for spreading any political agenda. The involvement of the masses always plays an important role in a process of bringing change anywhere and at any time. The history of South Asia, however, witnessed that in the struggle against the colonial rulers, to begin with, started by the elite alone. Politics was considered as the domain of a selected few and the common men were considered as ignorant and perhaps irrelevant and thus were kept at a distance. It was only after the beginning of the twentieth century and especially after the entrance of Gandhi on the political screen that the masses gained importance and were directly involved in political affairs. They not only became part of the Non-Cooperation Movement but also played an important role in spreading the movement all across India. In this paper, an attempt has been made to highlight Gandhi’s efforts to mobilize Indian masses during the N...
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto came to power as a result of the first national General Elections held in Pak... more Zulfikar Ali Bhutto came to power as a result of the first national General Elections held in Pakistan. He had to play his part of leadership in exceptionally trying and tumultuous time in the history of the country, when half of Pakistan had seceded. Pakistan was economically and militarily humiliated and morale of the nation was at its lowest ebb. During a short election campaign that Bhutto carried out under the platform of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), he had promised to lessen the regional and class disparities, which were created during the Ayub regime. For the accomplishment of this task, he launched a series of economic reforms. Academic assessment of these economic reforms has been differing and since then there has been a continued debate whether economic reforms under Bhutto was a sagacious decision or it caused damage to the country’s economy. These reforms and ensuing debate is the subject of this article.
Company in colonial India. The East India Company officials had
almost a century of ruling experi... more Company in colonial India. The East India Company officials had almost a century of ruling experience in Indian subcontinent by that time and various models of ‘land settlement’ and ‘revenue collection’ had been implemented by them in different regions before the annexation of Punjab in 1849. Punjab not only held a unique position regarding the time of its annexation, it comprised vast tracts of virgin arable land, continuously flowing rivers for availability of water, strategic location bordering with Afghanistan and Russia and a turbulent population who had fiercely fought many battles with the British before the final victory and announcement of the Punjab’s annexation to the British Indian Empire. Resultantly, the then Governor General of East India Company Lord Dalhousie—Governor General of India (1848-1856)—devised a mechanism of administration which was despotic and personal. A three members Board of Administration was established: Henry Lawrence (b. 1806-d. 1857)as its President, John Lawrence (b. 1811-d. 1879) as junior member responsible for financial administration and Charles Mansell as senior member responsible for criminal justice system. As to the treatment with landlords of the Punjab and their future role in the Punjab and India, the Lawrence brothers developed severe difference of opinion between themselves. While Sir Henry Lawrence envisioned an embedded role for the landed aristocracy in administration and governance of the Punjab, John Lawrence wanted landlords to be dispossessed of their Sikh rule privileges and no active socio-political role in future. Lord Dalhousie, the Governor General, already not happy with 2 Pakistan Vision Vol. 19 No. 2 Henry Lawrence for his favorable attitude to local notables and landlords, sided with the younger brother John Lawrence and wanted him to prevail in this controversy regarding the way Punjab was to be governed. The vision of John Lawrence was yet to be completely implemented when War of Independence broke out in 1857. It was due to the massive uprising of 1857 that landlords of the Punjab succeeded in maintaining their privileges and role in administration because the British government—directly controlling affairs of India after India Act of 1858—revised its policy and decided to co-opt landlords in administration. This paper investigates into this controversy between the Lawrence brothers and its impact on the administration of the colonial Punjab.
The racial identity of Bengal played a significant role in shaping and determining the political ... more The racial identity of Bengal played a significant role in shaping and determining the political discourse in South Asia at different periods of history. The most violent expression of this identity occurred during the 1970-71 crisis between East and West wings of Pakistan and culminated in the dismemberment of Pakistan and the emergence of separate independent state of Bangladesh with the support of India. This violent episode of assertion of racial identity was marked with drama, trauma and tragedy. The tragic memories of violence are still alive and affect the attitude of people and state as well. While for Bengalis the war of 1971 was a war of liberation and deliverance from tyrannical and exploitative rule of West Pakistan, for Indians the victory was a great national achievement and a good lesson and settling of score with Pakistan. For Pakistanis it was the act of betrayal from Bengalis and an Indian conspiracy. An attempt will be made in this study to understand the development of racial identity in East Bengal and its culmination in armed conflict of 1971. An effort will be made to understand the xenophobia of Bengali nationalists and the xenophobic response of Pakistani military. The study will trace historical and structural roots of this phenomenon to understand the way this xenophobia was politicized and to understand the dynamics of this crisis through application of xenophobic response of conflicting identities. Xenophobia, in East Pakistan, acquired the general character and was institutionalized and manifested itself in mass scale. This study will be an effort to approach this problem through historical perspective; where the humans' social behavior determined and guided the political conduct of a certain community.
The end of the British colonial rule in India culminated into
the partition of subcontinent and t... more The end of the British colonial rule in India culminated into the partition of subcontinent and the genesis of two successor nation states of Pakistan and India in 1947.The Punjab (a province of British India) was also parted into two halves. Eventually, it experienced communal massacre at an unprecedented scale. Millions of people were displaced and migrated from one to the other state. This massive exodus on communal basis was not anticipated either by hitherto rulers of India or the Indian National Congress and the All India Muslim League. Various explanations have been offered for the tragedy of partition and concomitant communal violence but one that endures and is popular in Pakistan is the idea that Hindus and Muslims constituted two identifiable and separate nations,which could not live in one ‘nation state’ further. This argument augmentsthe trauma of communal carnage happened due to violent assertion of ∗ Assistant Professor, University of Sargodha, Sargodha, Pakistan. 26 Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXVI, No.2 (2015) ‘essentialist’ and ‘primordial’ Hindu-Muslim-Sikh identities. There is a need to explore the process and bring out factors of mutually exclusive communal ‘instrumental’ identities due to which the strict boundaries were drawn up between religious communities. It is equally important to consider evidence that suggests the socio-cultural and political variables which transcend the communal boundaries and testify existence of composite cultural milieu in pre-colonial and colonial Punjab side by side the markers of communal identities. This paper is an attempt to trace out the process and comprehend the contributing factors of demarcation of religious boundaries and construction of communal identities in the colonial Punjab.
Anjuman Khuddam-i-Kaaba or Society of the Servants of Kaaba
was established in May 1913 in coloni... more Anjuman Khuddam-i-Kaaba or Society of the Servants of Kaaba was established in May 1913 in colonial India. Colonial India witnessed mushroom growth in social socities or organizations but formed on communal basis since almost every society owed its members and resources to a particular community. The genesis and growth of a large number of such anjumans were due to peculiar socio-structure of Indian society, to use the words of Karl Marx. Moreover, under the umbrella of British government, the Christian missionaries had introduced model of social work and they were reaping i ts results too. Individuals from various rel igious communities were converted to Christianity. As a response, the Indians established anjumans to work for the betterment of religious communities of their affiliation. A pan Islamic element is also impor tant wi th relat ion to the establ i shment of Anjuman Khuddam-i-Kaaba. The contemporary declining conditions of Muslims and their subjugation by colonial powers encouraged their solidarity on the basis of ummah as increasingly relevant to take refuge in. The establishment of Anjuman Khudam-i-Kaaba was but once such expression of assertion of Muslim identity by bringing XJŠÍusW;gE-Ôõg@*%ÔWz6,kZ * sanctity of the sacred places of Islam in political perspective. It envisioned massive projects for the welfare of Muslim community of India including making its own shi--making company to work for pilgrims of Hajj besides its main function of the protection of holy places of Islam in Makkah and Madina from any impending aggression. The British government in India viewed this anjuman as a corollary of the onging Indian political movement and perceived it as a threat to the law and order in their Indian Empire. It was, moreover, taken as a grave threat to the Muslim and non-Muslim unity and cordial relations between religious communities. Since the anjuman had outlined making a volunteer force of Shaidaian-i-Kaaba (votaries of the Kaaba), the government viewd it as a tool of politico-criminal propaganda in the hands of workers of anjuman. The present paper is an endeavor to invest igate Anjuman Khuddam-i-Kaaba with relation to its contribution in constructing Muslim identity in colonial north India. It will also explain the way this anjuman contributed in preparing ground for ensuing pan-Islamic Khilafat movement in India because it was the platform of this organization that provided the prominent leadership to Khilafat movement.
Journal of the Punjab University Historical Society, 2017
Pakistan has been a victim of leadership crisis throughout its history of seven decades. This cri... more Pakistan has been a victim of leadership crisis throughout its history of seven decades. This crisis owes its origin and development mainly to over development of non-representative institutions of civil and military bureaucracy and recurrent experience of military authoritarian regimes. In such a restrictive political atmosphere there rose to the political scene a leader who had will, guts and popular acclaim to challenge Ayub Khan when Ayub's grip on power was yet firm. This leader was Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who established his political party—Pakistan People's Party—and developed it into a mass movement during the anti-Ayub campaign which culminated into the downfall of Ayub and his resignation from power in 1969. Bhutto gave his nascent party new heights and was able to successfully contest elections of 1970 with securing 81 National Assembly seats but all from the West Pakistan. The party that won 1970 elections was the Pakistan Awami League which got overall simple majority but almost all seats from East Pakistan (160 out of 162). However, the crisis of transfer of power deepened when Yahya Khan showed unwillingness to transfer power and the political movement in East Pakistan developed into a separatist movement culminating into secession of East Pakistan in December 1971. The Pakistan People's Party, in comparison to Awami League, was a new entrant but its meteoric rise was, in fact, due to the charisma of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who galvanized the party and achieved stunning success. However, Bhutto's downfall was also as meteoric as was his rise. There were many factors but his political behaviour—the way he exercised power— contributed enormously in his downfall. This article outlines, first, his formative influences and the process through which he assumed leadership role and was able to leave an indelible imprint on the history of country. Second, while in power he carried out reforms not only those he had pledged in his election manifesto but more: in this way he resorted to broaden his powerbase in transactional and transformational leadership paradigm. Third, having entrenched himself in the power spectrum of Pakistan he started behaving like a typical Sindhi wadera. He resorted to exercising power in a very arbitrary manner and this political behavior, the details of which ensue in this paper, explains his downfall and ouster from power. Formative Influences: Zulfikar Ali Bhutto " s downfall was as meteoric as was his rise to power. He stemmed from feudalistic social structure and imbibed feudal idiosyncratic
The challenges of colonialism and Christian missionaries were responded by many socio-religious o... more The challenges of colonialism and Christian missionaries were responded by many socio-religious organizations established by all the religious communities of Punjab including Hindus, Muslims and the Sikhs. These anjumans (societies) were organized on modern lines and in many ways imitated the organizational structures of the institutions of missionaries. However, many of them carried on local traditions of effective dissemination of their message in language and style that was deemed popular in Indian social environment. Poetry had historically been popular in India which was further patronized and popularized during later Mughal period. To effectively inculcate Muslim consciousness in the Punjab, the Anjuman Himayat-i-Islam (established. 1884) encouraged poetry that eulogized the past glory of Muslim civilizations and lamented on their contemporary decline in India and abroad. This poetry used to be heavily tinged with emotionalism and the need for re-assertion of Islam was stressed in it. The most famous Muslim poet of colonial Punjab, Allama Muhammad Iqbal, started public recitation of his poetry on the platform of
Karl Marx is one of the nineteenth century's most influential philosophers of history. He, beside... more Karl Marx is one of the nineteenth century's most influential philosophers of history. He, besides history, was a philosopher of sociology, economics and political economy. He advocated joining and strengthening an intellectual working class movement the destiny of which, he predicted, was to overthrow capitalism as a socio-political and economic system and replace it with a more humane system that could deliver people while discouraging sheer inequities and disparities. He believed his writings would provide this movement with a theoretical insight and make it stronger. There is no denying that he often emphasized that the movement is propelled by circumstances and will accomplish its mission of universal human emancipation. He created differences with others on the basis of not only his interpretation of history but also on the nature of political-activism and ideological fervour engendered by his amalgam of ideology and history. Marx was the one whose intellectual endeavours and achievements, in economics, social theory and history, deserves to be called 'philosophical' exposition in the most honorific sense of this term. He interpreted human past in a way that unfolds materialistic aspect of
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto came to power as a result of the first national General Elections held in Pak... more Zulfikar Ali Bhutto came to power as a result of the first national General Elections held in Pakistan. He had to play his part of leadership in exceptionally trying and tumultuous time in the history of the country, when half of Pakistan had seceded. Pakistan was economically and militarily humiliated and morale of the nation was at its lowest ebb. During a short election campaign that Bhutto carried out under the platform of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), he had promised to lessen the regional and class disparities, which were created during the Ayub regime. For the accomplishment of this task, he launched a series of economic reforms. Academic assessment of these economic reforms has been differing and since then there has been a continued debate whether economic reforms under Bhutto was a sagacious decision or it caused damage to the country's economy. These reforms and ensuing debate is the subject of this article.
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Papers by Muhammad Abrar Zahoor
almost a century of ruling experience in Indian subcontinent by that
time and various models of ‘land settlement’ and ‘revenue
collection’ had been implemented by them in different regions
before the annexation of Punjab in 1849. Punjab not only held a
unique position regarding the time of its annexation, it comprised
vast tracts of virgin arable land, continuously flowing rivers for availability of water, strategic location bordering with Afghanistan
and Russia and a turbulent population who had fiercely fought many
battles with the British before the final victory and announcement of
the Punjab’s annexation to the British Indian Empire. Resultantly,
the then Governor General of East India Company Lord
Dalhousie—Governor General of India (1848-1856)—devised a
mechanism of administration which was despotic and personal. A
three members Board of Administration was established: Henry
Lawrence (b. 1806-d. 1857)as its President, John Lawrence (b.
1811-d. 1879) as junior member responsible for financial
administration and Charles Mansell as senior member responsible
for criminal justice system. As to the treatment with landlords of
the Punjab and their future role in the Punjab and India, the
Lawrence brothers developed severe difference of opinion between
themselves. While Sir Henry Lawrence envisioned an embedded
role for the landed aristocracy in administration and governance of
the Punjab, John Lawrence wanted landlords to be dispossessed of
their Sikh rule privileges and no active socio-political role in future.
Lord Dalhousie, the Governor General, already not happy with
2 Pakistan Vision Vol. 19 No. 2
Henry Lawrence for his favorable attitude to local notables and
landlords, sided with the younger brother John Lawrence and
wanted him to prevail in this controversy regarding the way Punjab
was to be governed. The vision of John Lawrence was yet to be
completely implemented when War of Independence broke out in
1857. It was due to the massive uprising of 1857 that landlords of
the Punjab succeeded in maintaining their privileges and role in
administration because the British government—directly
controlling affairs of India after India Act of 1858—revised its
policy and decided to co-opt landlords in administration. This paper
investigates into this controversy between the Lawrence brothers
and its impact on the administration of the colonial Punjab.
the partition of subcontinent and the genesis of two
successor nation states of Pakistan and India in 1947.The
Punjab (a province of British India) was also parted into two
halves. Eventually, it experienced communal massacre at an
unprecedented scale. Millions of people were displaced and
migrated from one to the other state. This massive exodus
on communal basis was not anticipated either by hitherto
rulers of India or the Indian National Congress and the All
India Muslim League. Various explanations have been
offered for the tragedy of partition and concomitant
communal violence but one that endures and is popular in
Pakistan is the idea that Hindus and Muslims constituted two
identifiable and separate nations,which could not live in one
‘nation state’ further. This argument augmentsthe trauma of
communal carnage happened due to violent assertion of
∗ Assistant Professor, University of Sargodha, Sargodha, Pakistan.
26 Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXVI, No.2 (2015)
‘essentialist’ and ‘primordial’ Hindu-Muslim-Sikh identities.
There is a need to explore the process and bring out factors
of mutually exclusive communal ‘instrumental’ identities due
to which the strict boundaries were drawn up between
religious communities. It is equally important to consider
evidence that suggests the socio-cultural and political
variables which transcend the communal boundaries and
testify existence of composite cultural milieu in pre-colonial
and colonial Punjab side by side the markers of communal
identities. This paper is an attempt to trace out the process
and comprehend the contributing factors of demarcation of
religious boundaries and construction of communal identities
in the colonial Punjab.
was established in May 1913 in colonial India. Colonial India
witnessed mushroom growth in social socities or organizations but
formed on communal basis since almost every society owed its
members and resources to a particular community. The genesis and
growth of a large number of such anjumans were due to peculiar
socio-structure of Indian society, to use the words of Karl Marx.
Moreover, under the umbrella of British government, the Christian
missionaries had introduced model of social work and they were
reaping i ts results too. Individuals from various rel igious
communities were converted to Christianity. As a response, the
Indians established anjumans to work for the betterment of religious
communities of their affiliation. A pan Islamic element is also
impor tant wi th relat ion to the establ i shment of Anjuman
Khuddam-i-Kaaba. The contemporary declining conditions of
Muslims and their subjugation by colonial powers encouraged their
solidarity on the basis of ummah as increasingly relevant to take
refuge in. The establishment of Anjuman Khudam-i-Kaaba was but
once such expression of assertion of Muslim identity by bringing
XJŠÍusW;gE-Ôõg@*%ÔWz6,kZ *
sanctity of the sacred places of Islam in political perspective. It
envisioned massive projects for the welfare of Muslim community of
India including making its own shi--making company to work for
pilgrims of Hajj besides its main function of the protection of holy
places of Islam in Makkah and Madina from any impending
aggression. The British government in India viewed this anjuman as a
corollary of the onging Indian political movement and perceived it as
a threat to the law and order in their Indian Empire. It was,
moreover, taken as a grave threat to the Muslim and non-Muslim
unity and cordial relations between religious communities. Since the
anjuman had outlined making a volunteer force of Shaidaian-i-Kaaba
(votaries of the Kaaba), the government viewd it as a tool of
politico-criminal propaganda in the hands of workers of anjuman.
The present paper is an endeavor to invest igate Anjuman
Khuddam-i-Kaaba with relation to its contribution in constructing
Muslim identity in colonial north India. It will also explain the way
this anjuman contributed in preparing ground for ensuing
pan-Islamic Khilafat movement in India because it was the platform
of this organization that provided the prominent leadership to
Khilafat movement.
almost a century of ruling experience in Indian subcontinent by that
time and various models of ‘land settlement’ and ‘revenue
collection’ had been implemented by them in different regions
before the annexation of Punjab in 1849. Punjab not only held a
unique position regarding the time of its annexation, it comprised
vast tracts of virgin arable land, continuously flowing rivers for availability of water, strategic location bordering with Afghanistan
and Russia and a turbulent population who had fiercely fought many
battles with the British before the final victory and announcement of
the Punjab’s annexation to the British Indian Empire. Resultantly,
the then Governor General of East India Company Lord
Dalhousie—Governor General of India (1848-1856)—devised a
mechanism of administration which was despotic and personal. A
three members Board of Administration was established: Henry
Lawrence (b. 1806-d. 1857)as its President, John Lawrence (b.
1811-d. 1879) as junior member responsible for financial
administration and Charles Mansell as senior member responsible
for criminal justice system. As to the treatment with landlords of
the Punjab and their future role in the Punjab and India, the
Lawrence brothers developed severe difference of opinion between
themselves. While Sir Henry Lawrence envisioned an embedded
role for the landed aristocracy in administration and governance of
the Punjab, John Lawrence wanted landlords to be dispossessed of
their Sikh rule privileges and no active socio-political role in future.
Lord Dalhousie, the Governor General, already not happy with
2 Pakistan Vision Vol. 19 No. 2
Henry Lawrence for his favorable attitude to local notables and
landlords, sided with the younger brother John Lawrence and
wanted him to prevail in this controversy regarding the way Punjab
was to be governed. The vision of John Lawrence was yet to be
completely implemented when War of Independence broke out in
1857. It was due to the massive uprising of 1857 that landlords of
the Punjab succeeded in maintaining their privileges and role in
administration because the British government—directly
controlling affairs of India after India Act of 1858—revised its
policy and decided to co-opt landlords in administration. This paper
investigates into this controversy between the Lawrence brothers
and its impact on the administration of the colonial Punjab.
the partition of subcontinent and the genesis of two
successor nation states of Pakistan and India in 1947.The
Punjab (a province of British India) was also parted into two
halves. Eventually, it experienced communal massacre at an
unprecedented scale. Millions of people were displaced and
migrated from one to the other state. This massive exodus
on communal basis was not anticipated either by hitherto
rulers of India or the Indian National Congress and the All
India Muslim League. Various explanations have been
offered for the tragedy of partition and concomitant
communal violence but one that endures and is popular in
Pakistan is the idea that Hindus and Muslims constituted two
identifiable and separate nations,which could not live in one
‘nation state’ further. This argument augmentsthe trauma of
communal carnage happened due to violent assertion of
∗ Assistant Professor, University of Sargodha, Sargodha, Pakistan.
26 Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXVI, No.2 (2015)
‘essentialist’ and ‘primordial’ Hindu-Muslim-Sikh identities.
There is a need to explore the process and bring out factors
of mutually exclusive communal ‘instrumental’ identities due
to which the strict boundaries were drawn up between
religious communities. It is equally important to consider
evidence that suggests the socio-cultural and political
variables which transcend the communal boundaries and
testify existence of composite cultural milieu in pre-colonial
and colonial Punjab side by side the markers of communal
identities. This paper is an attempt to trace out the process
and comprehend the contributing factors of demarcation of
religious boundaries and construction of communal identities
in the colonial Punjab.
was established in May 1913 in colonial India. Colonial India
witnessed mushroom growth in social socities or organizations but
formed on communal basis since almost every society owed its
members and resources to a particular community. The genesis and
growth of a large number of such anjumans were due to peculiar
socio-structure of Indian society, to use the words of Karl Marx.
Moreover, under the umbrella of British government, the Christian
missionaries had introduced model of social work and they were
reaping i ts results too. Individuals from various rel igious
communities were converted to Christianity. As a response, the
Indians established anjumans to work for the betterment of religious
communities of their affiliation. A pan Islamic element is also
impor tant wi th relat ion to the establ i shment of Anjuman
Khuddam-i-Kaaba. The contemporary declining conditions of
Muslims and their subjugation by colonial powers encouraged their
solidarity on the basis of ummah as increasingly relevant to take
refuge in. The establishment of Anjuman Khudam-i-Kaaba was but
once such expression of assertion of Muslim identity by bringing
XJŠÍusW;gE-Ôõg@*%ÔWz6,kZ *
sanctity of the sacred places of Islam in political perspective. It
envisioned massive projects for the welfare of Muslim community of
India including making its own shi--making company to work for
pilgrims of Hajj besides its main function of the protection of holy
places of Islam in Makkah and Madina from any impending
aggression. The British government in India viewed this anjuman as a
corollary of the onging Indian political movement and perceived it as
a threat to the law and order in their Indian Empire. It was,
moreover, taken as a grave threat to the Muslim and non-Muslim
unity and cordial relations between religious communities. Since the
anjuman had outlined making a volunteer force of Shaidaian-i-Kaaba
(votaries of the Kaaba), the government viewd it as a tool of
politico-criminal propaganda in the hands of workers of anjuman.
The present paper is an endeavor to invest igate Anjuman
Khuddam-i-Kaaba with relation to its contribution in constructing
Muslim identity in colonial north India. It will also explain the way
this anjuman contributed in preparing ground for ensuing
pan-Islamic Khilafat movement in India because it was the platform
of this organization that provided the prominent leadership to
Khilafat movement.