Regulatory restructuring of trucking, begun by the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) in 1977 a... more Regulatory restructuring of trucking, begun by the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) in 1977 and put into law with the Motor Carrier Act of 1980, fundamentally changed the industry. It formally removed most economic regulations by allowing existing firms to enter new markets, letting new firms enter markets of their choice, eliminating collective ratemaking (and ICC supervision of rates) and allowing carriers to discriminate in favor of large shippers. However, economic deregulation did not remove all regulations from the trucking industry. On the contrary, a patchwork of social regulation including commercial driver's licenses, drug and alcohol testing, new highway programs and extensive hazardous-materials handling rules was soon created to fill the void. The unanticipated consequences of economic deregulation need to be addressed. A new, carefully considered regulatory framework should be established that would minimize the burdens on trucking companies, their employees and consumers. Further, the ICC needs both direction and a mandate from Congress. If ICC policy continues on its current course, the institutional infrastructure of the entire transportation industry will continue to degrade.
Industrial and Labor Relations Review, Oct 1, 2004
geographic differences associated with the administration of these entry criteria. But the most s... more geographic differences associated with the administration of these entry criteria. But the most startling finding of this comprehensive study is how few immigrants were ever actually excluded despite all of the legal prohibitions. Only 79,000 persons were denied entry for medical reasons over this entire period, and only 11% of these were actually deported. Moreover, at no time was disease the basis for more than a minority of rejections. Most commonly cited, instead, was the prospect of dependency ("likely to become a public charge"). The study is extraordinarily well-documented (the endnotes alone run to 100 pages) and it is concisely written. It is a thoughtful discussion of a crucial period in the development of the American labor force and the effort of immigration policy to influence its composition when the level of immigration itself was uncontrolled.
Page 141. 4 RAILROAD DEREGULATION AND UNION LABOR EARNINGS Wayne K. Talley and Ann V. Schwarz-Mil... more Page 141. 4 RAILROAD DEREGULATION AND UNION LABOR EARNINGS Wayne K. Talley and Ann V. Schwarz-Miller INTRODUCTION Federal economic regulation of the US railroad industry began with passage of the Interstate ...
Industrial and Labor Relations Review, Jul 1, 1995
ment instrument will lead to higher unemployment in those Italian or British regions with a high ... more ment instrument will lead to higher unemployment in those Italian or British regions with a high concentration of industries sensitive to changes in exchange rates. Based on a comparison with the United States (with an already functioning monetary and economic union), he finds little support for such a view. As for the third topic of the book, the effects of integration on the rest of the world, Bent Hansen acknowledges a trend toward tightening immigration policies in the process of European integration. Adverse labor market effects can be expected, since such tightening has led in the past to an outward shift of the Beveridge curve, thus worsening matching problems. Considering the likely consequences of European integration on the U.S. economy, William Dickens concludes that unless a trade war between the United States and Europe develops, the consequences of integration will be minimal. In contrast, for Eastern Europe,Jasminka Sohinger and Daniel Rubinstein argue that the effects will be dramatic, if protectionist forces gain the upper hand in Europe and immigration and trade are restricted. This volume is essential reading for all concerned with the questions of economic integration, and in particular for those interested in the making of Europe. The interdisciplinary character of the book, as well as the important place it assigns institutions, makes it basic reading for a broad variety of scholars in different disciplines in the social sciences, and the clear structure of the volume enhances its usefulness. The comparative angle of many of the articles is another strength of the volume. Many views expressed by different authors have, since publication, been confirmed: for example, the predicted tightening of immigration policies for nationals of non-member countries. I disagree with the authors, however, on two matters. First, it is assumed in some chaptersas also, apparently, by some European policy makers-that the creation of the U.S. "single market" is comparable to the integration of Europe. In fact, Europe's problems are of a very different order from those of the United States, involving as they do historically different nation-states with different political economies, institutions, cultures, and languages. Language alone is a very potent barrier (especially, perhaps, for labor, which is not always as experienced with high-level international bargaining as is top management). Europe also seems very different from the United States in the relative speed of political versus economic integration, with real political integration in Europe on the far horizon. European integration, involving the integration of independent (while interlocked) nation states' economies, is more comparable to an economic integration along the lines of NAFTA than to processes within any one country, and I would therefore like to have seen more references to the implications of and debates about NAFTA. Second, the limits of institutional transfers and the historic character of country models are not discussed. Although the strength of the German model is forcefully affirmed, whether that model can be adopted wholly or in part by other countries, and whether it will withstand the strains of a globalizing economy, is not thoroughly discussed. As the recent problems of the "Swedish model" show, such models are not built for all time or all circumstances. It may well be that the German model has found the middle path between market-driven, decentralized economies, which usually combine high skill/high wage sectors with low skill/low wage sectors, and more regulated and centralized "up market product" economies, in which lowskill, low-wage alternatives seem not to exist. Still, given high unemployment among the lowskilled and increasing global competitive pressures, a more thorough discussion of not only the strength but also the weaknesses of such country models would have been worth-while.
Regulatory restructuring of trucking, begun by the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) in 1977 a... more Regulatory restructuring of trucking, begun by the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) in 1977 and put into law with the Motor Carrier Act of 1980, fundamentally changed the industry. It formally removed most economic regulations by allowing existing firms to enter new markets, letting new firms enter markets of their choice, eliminating collective ratemaking (and ICC supervision of rates) and allowing carriers to discriminate in favor of large shippers. However, economic deregulation did not remove all regulations from the trucking industry. On the contrary, a patchwork of social regulation including commercial driver's licenses, drug and alcohol testing, new highway programs and extensive hazardous-materials handling rules was soon created to fill the void. The unanticipated consequences of economic deregulation need to be addressed. A new, carefully considered regulatory framework should be established that would minimize the burdens on trucking companies, their employees and consumers. Further, the ICC needs both direction and a mandate from Congress. If ICC policy continues on its current course, the institutional infrastructure of the entire transportation industry will continue to degrade.
Industrial and Labor Relations Review, Oct 1, 2004
geographic differences associated with the administration of these entry criteria. But the most s... more geographic differences associated with the administration of these entry criteria. But the most startling finding of this comprehensive study is how few immigrants were ever actually excluded despite all of the legal prohibitions. Only 79,000 persons were denied entry for medical reasons over this entire period, and only 11% of these were actually deported. Moreover, at no time was disease the basis for more than a minority of rejections. Most commonly cited, instead, was the prospect of dependency ("likely to become a public charge"). The study is extraordinarily well-documented (the endnotes alone run to 100 pages) and it is concisely written. It is a thoughtful discussion of a crucial period in the development of the American labor force and the effort of immigration policy to influence its composition when the level of immigration itself was uncontrolled.
Page 141. 4 RAILROAD DEREGULATION AND UNION LABOR EARNINGS Wayne K. Talley and Ann V. Schwarz-Mil... more Page 141. 4 RAILROAD DEREGULATION AND UNION LABOR EARNINGS Wayne K. Talley and Ann V. Schwarz-Miller INTRODUCTION Federal economic regulation of the US railroad industry began with passage of the Interstate ...
Industrial and Labor Relations Review, Jul 1, 1995
ment instrument will lead to higher unemployment in those Italian or British regions with a high ... more ment instrument will lead to higher unemployment in those Italian or British regions with a high concentration of industries sensitive to changes in exchange rates. Based on a comparison with the United States (with an already functioning monetary and economic union), he finds little support for such a view. As for the third topic of the book, the effects of integration on the rest of the world, Bent Hansen acknowledges a trend toward tightening immigration policies in the process of European integration. Adverse labor market effects can be expected, since such tightening has led in the past to an outward shift of the Beveridge curve, thus worsening matching problems. Considering the likely consequences of European integration on the U.S. economy, William Dickens concludes that unless a trade war between the United States and Europe develops, the consequences of integration will be minimal. In contrast, for Eastern Europe,Jasminka Sohinger and Daniel Rubinstein argue that the effects will be dramatic, if protectionist forces gain the upper hand in Europe and immigration and trade are restricted. This volume is essential reading for all concerned with the questions of economic integration, and in particular for those interested in the making of Europe. The interdisciplinary character of the book, as well as the important place it assigns institutions, makes it basic reading for a broad variety of scholars in different disciplines in the social sciences, and the clear structure of the volume enhances its usefulness. The comparative angle of many of the articles is another strength of the volume. Many views expressed by different authors have, since publication, been confirmed: for example, the predicted tightening of immigration policies for nationals of non-member countries. I disagree with the authors, however, on two matters. First, it is assumed in some chaptersas also, apparently, by some European policy makers-that the creation of the U.S. "single market" is comparable to the integration of Europe. In fact, Europe's problems are of a very different order from those of the United States, involving as they do historically different nation-states with different political economies, institutions, cultures, and languages. Language alone is a very potent barrier (especially, perhaps, for labor, which is not always as experienced with high-level international bargaining as is top management). Europe also seems very different from the United States in the relative speed of political versus economic integration, with real political integration in Europe on the far horizon. European integration, involving the integration of independent (while interlocked) nation states' economies, is more comparable to an economic integration along the lines of NAFTA than to processes within any one country, and I would therefore like to have seen more references to the implications of and debates about NAFTA. Second, the limits of institutional transfers and the historic character of country models are not discussed. Although the strength of the German model is forcefully affirmed, whether that model can be adopted wholly or in part by other countries, and whether it will withstand the strains of a globalizing economy, is not thoroughly discussed. As the recent problems of the "Swedish model" show, such models are not built for all time or all circumstances. It may well be that the German model has found the middle path between market-driven, decentralized economies, which usually combine high skill/high wage sectors with low skill/low wage sectors, and more regulated and centralized "up market product" economies, in which lowskill, low-wage alternatives seem not to exist. Still, given high unemployment among the lowskilled and increasing global competitive pressures, a more thorough discussion of not only the strength but also the weaknesses of such country models would have been worth-while.
An edited version of this article will soon appear in The Economic and Labour Relations Review http://journals.sagepub.com/toc/elra/0/0
We estimate the labor supply curve for long-haul truck drivers in the United States, applying ord... more We estimate the labor supply curve for long-haul truck drivers in the United States, applying ordinary least squares regression to a survey of truck drivers in the United States. We start with the standard model of the labor supply curve and then develop two novel extensions of the standard model, incorporating pay level and pay method, testing the target earnings hypothesis. We distinguish between long-haul and short-haul jobs driving commercial motor vehicles. Truck and bus drivers choose between long-distance jobs requiring very long hours of work away from home and short-distance jobs generally requiring fewer hours. The labor supply curve exhibits a classic backward bending shape reflecting drivers' preference to work until they reach target earnings. Above target earnings, at a "safe rate" for truck drivers, they trade labor for leisure; they work fewer hours, leading to greater highway safety. While other research has shown that higher paid truck and bus drivers are safer, this is the first study showing why higher paid drivers are safer. Drivers work fewer hours at a higher pay rate and likely have less fatigue. Pay rates also have implications for driver health because worker health deteriorates as working time exceeds 40 hours.
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