PAKISTAN: Bi-Annual Research Journal
Vol. No 60, January-June 2022
COSMOPOLITAN AND DIALOGIC
COMMUNICATION IN SOUTH ASIA: A STUDY
OF ABUL KALAM AZAD AS A SOCIAL
CONSTRUCTIONIST
Syed Hanif Rasool
Abstract
During the first half of the twentieth century, the socio-political
scenario of South Asia in general and that of the Indian subcontinent in
particular was marked by two distinct trends among the Muslim
community: 1) Muslim nationalism and 2) composite nationalism
commonly known as Indian nationalism. Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958)
is commonly regarded as both a major ideologue and a frontline
proponent of the composite nationalism. This paper attempts to explore
Azad’s significant role as a cosmopolitan communicator in the multiethnic and socially diverse South Asia. The paper reads some of the
most important woks and addresses of Maulana Azad in light of broad
notions of Martin Buber’s dialogic ethics and Pearce and Cronen’s
cosmopolitan communication, arguing that Azad’s social
constructionist stance is the result of substantial elements of syncretism
and eclecticism in his works. Keeping in view the prevailing religious
fanaticism and socio-cultural intolerance in South Asia, the study of
Azad’s syncretic, eclectic, and anti-communal thoughts is need of the
hour. It is aspired that Azad’s dialogic and cosmopolitan
communication patterns establish a counter discourse to tackle the
ongoing ethnic and religious intolerance in South Asia.
Key Words: Pearce and Cronen’s cosmopolitan communication,
Martin Buber’s Dialogic Ethics, composite nationalism, South
Asia, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, social constructionist,
syncretism and eclecticism
Assistan Professor, Department of English, Khushal Khan Khattak
University, Karak, Pakistan
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Introduction
While giving a talk at a seminar being organized in
memory of the first death anniversary of Maulana Azad (18881958), Arnold Joseph Toynbee (1889-1975) identified the need
and necessity for the establishment of a universal modus vivendi
to bring all the world religions on a universal mode which would
allow their followers to peacefully co-exist and flourish and grow
freely in their own faith without harming the others’ faiths.
Toynbee regards religion as a source of ‘the prime motivation in
history’ and it has most often revealed its implications and
teachings “in terms of images which have universal meaning and
which reappear in the course of history” (Migval, 1966, p. 87).
Toynbee argues that the multifarious and multidimensional
progress in the fields of science and technology have finally
created a suitable setting for the emergence of a universal
religious thinking and cause (Migval,1966, p. 87).
Toynbee during his frequent visits to India was engaged
in such discussions with Maulana Azad. Maulana Azad is at one
with Toynbee and says that it is the spirit of religion that awakens
the best in man and that guides man towards peace and salvation.
Religion according to Azad must unify the humans and as it
regards God as Rabbul Alamin, the lord of all creation, it is
overwhelmed with unfathomable yearning after one God, it is ‘a
force to integrate human society rather than to disintegrate it’,
and it is both progressive in its essence because it stands by the
oppressed and the wretched of the earth and it resists against
oppression and tyranny to fulfill its basic role of servicing the
humanity (Nizami, 1990, p. 69).
Azad was born in Mecca (Arabia) in 1888 to an orthodox
Sunni Barelvi scholar and peer (mystic) of Delhi origin and an
Arab mother. He grew up as a prodigy in Calcutta, which then
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was the capital of British India. ‘Azad’s father always assumed
that anything new was likely to be nasty’ and he ‘disapproved of
wasting time over the study of nonreligious’ education at any
school, whereas he arranged for his son the tutelage in orthodox
religious texts and Arabic and Persian classics at home (Datta,
1990, p.14). Contrary to his father’s aspiration, Azad develops a
self-motivated autodidactic genius, and becomes a voracious
reader intrigued by the secular viewpoints of Sir Syed Ahmad
Khan and the modern Western thoughts. With the help of Bible,
Azad learns English from a friend, sets to study both the religious
texts of other Muslim sects and the contemporary nonreligious
text of science and philosophy, thereby freeing himself from the
fetters of his parental religious orthodoxy. It is because of Azad’s
diverse background and his constant engagement with various
philosophical and intellectual thoughts that he carves for himself
an eclectic path reflective of the broad notion of unity in diversity
and plurality of influences that shape him as a scholar, literatus,
sage, statesman, socio-political ideologue whose substantive
influences on the civilizational, cultural, and political aspects of
modern South Asian history can hardly be undermined (Datta,
1990, p.16-22).
In the early 1920s, Azad rises to prominence with his
exceptional grasp of the diction and oratory to stimulate the
South Asian Muslim intelligentsia with his pragmatic
philosophical and revolutionary stance. Through his progressive
and enlightened journalistic writings mainly critical of both the
stagnant Muslim masses of South Asia and the British Raj, Azad
takes the Muslim intelligentsia by storm, launching his audacious
paper, Al-Hilal in 1912. Azad considers two essential aims to
achieve: first, to rejuvenate and regenerate the divided Muslim
community of India through the eclectic message of the Koran
reflective of the pure spirit of Islam and second, to build a
counter narrative against the ‘Loyal Muhammadans’ of the
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Aligarh, diffusing their strategies of subservience to the British,
political passivity, and the surging theorization of communalism
in India. Then Al-Hilal was seen as ‘soul-stirring appeal’ of an
inspired scholar ‘who knew how to touch the deeper chords of
the Muslim community to do its duty’ (Datta, 1990, 82).
Perturbed about the audacity of the paper, the British government
forfeited the paper’s security and demanded a fresh security of
Rs. 10,000 on 17 November, 1914, but reiterating the same
mission Azad launches another paper, Al-Balagh on 12
November 1915, which continues till 13 March 1916 when the
government externed him from Calcutta. Thus he becomes a
political detenu and his journals are banned by the Raj due to
their strong subversive role. During the Ranchi internment, the
solitary Azad ‘with his introspective nature’ finds a good
opportunity to use ‘his creative faculties’, taking upon ‘his
cherished dream of Tarjuman al Quran’, reimagining the
inclusive and eclectic notion of religion, seeing in ‘an intuitive
flash’ his future destiny, envisaging ‘the signs of a new goal’
(Datta, 1990, p. 93-102). This period proves to be the most
productive in his literary and scholastic genius. Released from
Ranchi on 27 December, 1919, Azad finds ‘a new world and a
new age in India’ and resolves to the most cherished passions: the
freedom of India from the British rule and the composite
nationalism.
The religious and philosophical thoughts of Maulana
Azad revolve around the notions of God, Man, and Universe,
which Azad sees in unison as a whole. Expounding eloquently in
his monumental commentary of the first Surah of the Qur’an,
Azad elucidates his eclectic argument by inviting the reader’s
attention to the Quranic concept of God as the supreme
Cherisher, Nourisher and Sustainer of the Universe, whose grace
and bounty is all-inclusive (Latif, 1958, p. 2-18). Grounding on
this discourse, Azad lays the foundation of his eclecticism and
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syncretism and to him, religion, ‘according to the Quranic’ is ‘not
a name of any groupism’ and people are the family of God (Latif,
1958, p. 98).
Thus Azad’s syncretism in diverse South Asia can be read
in the emerging concept of cosmopolitan communication, a style
of communication that W. Barnett Pearce and Vernon E. Cronen
(1980) deduced from their works on several patterns of
communication for about three decades. According to Pearce this
model of communication can be applied to the individuals who
could be better called as cosmopolitan communicators
demonstrating as social constructionists seeing themselves as
active and integral participants in a “pluralistic world” (Griffin,
2012, p. 79). Such individuals interact and coordinate with the
people and communities of different and diverse cultural, ethnic,
social, and religious backgrounds. They do not have any
hindrance in dealing with the people who hold ‘different values
and express discrepant beliefs’ (Griffin, 2012, p. 79-80).
The aforementioned cosmopolitan communicators assume
the multiplicity of truth and therefore do not change the thoughts
and beliefs of the others. Further elaborating the concept, Pearce
uses the term ‘dialogue’ for ‘the optimum form of interaction’
(Griffin, 2012, p. 79-80) likewise Martin Buber, a Jewish
Philosopher, maintains that in the dialogic communication there
remains a tension between being on our own perspective and
being ‘profoundly open to the other’ views (Griffin, 2012, p 79).
To Buber ‘dialogue’ is synonymous to ‘ethical communication’,
creating ‘a mutuality in communication’ that constructs ‘the
Between through which we help each other to be more human’
(Griffin, 2012, p. 79). Contrasting the two kinds of relationships
I-It versus I-Thou, Buber maintains that in the former ‘we treat
the other person as a thing to be used, an object to be
manipulated’ created by ‘monologue’, lacking ‘mutuality’,
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whereas in the latter, ‘we regard our partner as the very one we
are’ seeing ‘the other as created in the image of God and resolve
to treat him or her as a valued end rather than a means to our own
end’ (Griffin, 2012, p. 79).
Grounding on the aforementioned theoretical framework,
this article argues that there are substantive reasons to revisit
Azad as an eclectic cosmopolitan communicator, using the
dialogic and ethical patterns of interaction with the peoples of
divergent creeds. Azad’s liberated mind is fascinated by India’s
diverse socio-cultural credos, shaping his eclectic and syncretic
notions that have deeply influenced his political, religious and
intellectual life and that have overwhelmed his multidimensional
roles as a statesman, philosopher, scholar, and literati.
Literature Review
Baljon Jr. (1952) in his article, “A Modern Tafsir”
foregrounds Azad’s universalism and consideration for other
religious notions and his resolution to look for the possibilities of
a universal religious harmony in the Quran. Baljon maintains that
‘moderation and broad mindedness are the significant features of
this tafsir’ and that Azad has proved to be tolerant to ‘all sorts of
trends of thought and faith, but everything in moderation’, and
that the tafsir is equally loaded with ‘[m]ystical allusions”, and
“reverence for religious laws’, ‘but legalism is fiercely
condemned’ (p. 107).
Asghar All Engineer (1998) in his review of Hameed’s
book on Azad, published in Economic and Political Weekly as
“Azad: Paragon of Syncretism” highlights the author’s attempt to
foreground Azad’s syncretism and notion of the unity of religion
(p. 2665).
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Shakeb Jamal (2013) in his research article on Maulana
Azad’s works maintains that Azad’s pluralistic ideas are deeply
rooted in the ‘broader notion of Islamic mysticism well-imbedded
in the established Sufi Islamic traditions of wahdatul wujud
(unity of being) and his inspiration from India’s forgotten
Muslim mystic “Sarmad Shaheed who was executed by Emperor
Aurangzeb for being charged with heresy’ (p. 2).
Balraj Puri (1996) in his article, “Azad and Iqbal: A
Comparative Study” discussing the radically different ideas about
the role of Islam in the subcontinent by the two greatest Islamic
thinkers of the 20th century, emphasizes Azad’s broad humanistic
approach to the communal conflict in the British India. To
Balraj, Azad bases ‘his concept of composite Indian nationalism’
on ‘a theological analogy of Prophet Mohammad's accord with
non-Muslim communities at Medina’ and on ‘the doctrine of
'wahdat-e-adyan' (unity of religions) which he deduced from the
Quran’ (p.593).
Ayesha Jalal (1989) in her review of Henderson
Douglas’s book on Azad highlights the most engaging parallel in
the recent historiography of Modern India, focusing on the
polarized roles of Azad and Jinnah on Partition of India.
Estimating the divergent ideas of both the leaders in question,
Jalal regards the sherwani-clad Azad a personality in total
contrast to Jinnah in his Savile Row double-breasted suits,
emphasizing the notion that appearances are usually deceptive.
Jalal maintains that the former’s life testifies ‘deep religious
convictions and advocacy of a composite Indian nationalism’,
whereas the latter’s secular persona and ‘espousal of a
specifically Muslim demand for a Pakistan hint at rich
complexities [defy] austere explanation’ (p.1159).
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Discussion
Arguably, among the Muslim community, Azad can be
regarded as the first audacious communicator of eclectic thoughts
in India during the first half of the twentieth century amidst the
prevalent frenzy of separatism, communalism and narrow
religiosity that threatened the cultural integration of South Asia.
Azad’s faith in the unity in diversity is not the result of any
political expediency. It emerges predominantly from his deep
contemplation on the essence and spirit of the Quran, assimilating
further with his sharp perception of the world history and his
keen interest in the diverse socio-cultural ethos of South Asia. He
strongly believes in the power of knowledge and culture,
expounding that knowledge is above all prejudices and biases and
is the most common heritage of mankind. Delivering the
Convocation address to Patna University on 21 December 1947,
Azad underlines that one can seal all worldly belongings with
geographical and national limits, but one cannot seal knowledge,
learning and civilization, because they are always ‘outside the
pale of boundaries’ and narrow regional limits, and are ‘free from
stains of race, colour, or factions’ therefore, always ‘above
nationalities’ and irrespective of the fact that they ‘originated in
any part of the world but they are now common heritage of
mankind and are the joint property of all countries and nations’
(Guha, 1956, p. 20).
Maulana Azad further contends that ‘narrow-mindedness’
is the greatest hindrance in the way to achievements and progress
of a people, whereas a broad outlook cultivates spirit of tolerance
and peaceful co-existence. Reiterating the dangers of narrowmindedness morphing in several shapes and appearing in several
guises in almost every field of thought and action, Azad
underscores how both religious bigotry ‘in the form of blind
faith’ deceives us ‘in the name of orthodoxy’ in politics and in
knowledge and culture betrays us in the name of nationalism
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(Guha 1956, p.20). Azad affirms his commitment to the cause of
harmony and tolerance, declaring that ‘there is no room for
narrow-mindedness in this modern age’, suggesting that we can
‘find a secure place in the comity of nations only if we are
international-minded and tolerant (Guha, 1956, p. 20).
Pondering at the socio-cultural history of South Asia, Azad
argues that India’s eclectic and syncretic traditions have prevailed
in the region for thousands of years. He adds that when the rest of
the world was engaged in warfare and bloodsheds on the
differences of thought and action, the people in India, bearing
different beliefs remained steadfast to the essence of cooperation
and tolerance and it was in this region that every kind of faith,
every kind of culture, and every mode of living that had entered
India flourished, sustained, grew and prospered (Guha, 1956, p.
20).
Azad’s conviction about the universal brotherhood,
tolerance and inter-faith amity is a reflection of his deep sense of
history. His oeuvre frequently resonates the eclectic notions
projected by South Asia’s great minds and sages. On the
heterogeneity of Indian philosophical tradition, Azad argues that
Indian mind has been inclusive since the dawn of history and it
has always accepted every kind of thought, therefore, new groups
of various people and cultures came to find their best abodes here
and they have enjoyed the tolerant social life in India. Azad
asserts that the broad Indian mind remained open to all creeds
and religion, and it was here that the both the main schools of
Vedantism and agnosticism flourished peacefully co-existed
(Guha, 1956, p.21-23). Dwelling on the eclectic tradition of
India, Azad observes.
Today the world is wonderstruck at the vast allcomprehensive nature of Indian philosophy. There is no
school of philosophical thought which is not found here.
What we actually do not find is the clash of opinions or
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the breaking of heads merely because of the differences of
opinion . . . If liberality of thought and toleration are most
precious heritage of ancient Indian civilization, shall we
not prove worthy inheritors of this great heritage? (Guha,
1956, p. 21-22).
Though his sobering influence on the mainstream Indian
nationalist intelligentsia, always a strong aspect of his
personality, Azad urges his countrymen to shun the narrowmindedness in every walk of life, reassuring them to shape the
mental mould that should be ‘all-inclusive’ and that has been a
strong feature of South Asia, one of the most diverse regions of
the world throughout the ages (Guha, 1956, p. 21). Reflecting on
Azad’s eclecticism, Dr. Zakir Husain, India’s former President,
regards Azad’s comprehensive understanding and interpretation
of religion as his greatest contribution to the world of creed.
Zakir Hussain states that Maulana Azad’s greatest service was to
teach people of every religion that there are two aspects of
religion. One separates and the other creates hatred. The former is
the false aspect, whereas the later is ‘the true spirit of religion’,
bridging people together, creating understanding, inculcating
tolerance, promoting humanity, encouraging spirit of sacrifice
and belief in unity in diversity (Jamal, 2013, p. 9).
The combination of mind and character has always been
quite rare in the history of great people. Maulana Azad’s life is
such a rare example of the triumph of mind and character over
circumstances. The fact that a man who has never been to any
school, college, university or any place of learning throughout his
life as a student, yet inspires generations of scholars, literati,
politicians, statesmen, and theologians, is a testimony of his
greatness. Azad has ‘an innate enlightenment that would not be
contained by tradition or fashion’, and he is more interested in
‘the destiny of man than in the personal glory of a scholastic or
theological eminence’ (Husain, 1986, p. 11-12).
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Researchers on Azad acknowledge the fact that he
appears in the public as a daring and enlightened humanist with
his journal Al-Hilal in 1912. Al-Hilal set progressive trends in the
socio-political life of the Muslims of South Asia. Azad
controverts the views of both the politically stagnant Muslim
intelligentsia that was devoutly following the British Raj and the
medieval religious Muslim orthodoxy that characterized narrow
religiosity and fanaticism. Al-Hilal, within a brief span of its life,
‘brought about turmoil in the thinking of Indian Muslims and it
had fed the fire of nationalism in a lasting measure’ (Husain,
1986, p. 12).
The publications of both Al-Hilal (1912) and when it was
banned by the British government then Al-Balagh (1914) can
arguably be seen as landmark events in the history of the
subversive and progressive literature in South Asia. Azad
radically criticizes the Muslim masses on their blind acceptance
of the colonial rule and their communal approach. Azad is among
the very few Indian leaders who had a deep insight into the ethos
of unity in diversity and humanism.
From 1910 to 1920 Azad gyrates his deep religious
passion and furvour towards his two most cherished ideals
(adarshes); non-communal and united India, religious and
political enlightenment of the Muslims. From now onwards he
dedicates every single moment of his life to the cause of noncommunal national struggle and to promoting rational and
pragmatic approaches among his co-religionists. The principals
of religious eclecticism and political syncretism remain most
cherished throughout his life. These aspects of Azad make him
the most furtive and authentic paragon of South Asia’s composite
ethos of Indo-Muslim civilization.
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The genesis of Azad’s eclecticism can be traced as early
as 1910 when he writes a remarkable essay about the martyrdom
of the Muslim divine Sarmad Shaheed (1590-1661). Quite apart
from its literary grandeur and excellence, the essay epitomizes
Azad’s inclusivity, humanism, and secular political and religious
ideas. This essay opens the vistas to the understanding of Azad’s
mind, beliefs and character. Scholars, by and large, have
overlooked the aforementioned thematic worth of the essay. On
every stage of Azad’s political and religious endeavors, the halo
of this remarkable essay remains lucid and Azad cherishes it dear
throughout his life.
Readers and researchers on the political and religious
endeavors of Azad can hardly overlook the overtones of
eclecticism and humanism that Azad saw in the characters of
both Sarmad Shaheed and Dara Shikoh. Azad sketches Sarmad’s
portrait by highlighting ‘the finest values of Islam’ in this great
humanist whose liberal spirit is ‘imbued with universalist
outlook’ that transcended the differences of caste creed and
religion and that makes ‘no distinction between temple and
mosque’ (Datta, 1990, p. 28). Sarmad according to Azad is an
enlightened man, selfless, humble, decent’ and courageous
enough to counter the narrow religiosity and fanaticism of
Mughal emperor and his religious courtiers. In the vanguard of
this essay one can easily trace the eclectic character of Azad and
his religious and political manifesto promoting broad humanistic
understanding irrespective of caste, creed, and language among
the diverse communities of South Asia.
Azad explores deeper meanings in lives and martyrdoms
of the two eclectic dervishes who coloured the pages of Mughal
history with their sublime blood: Sarmad Shaheed in the guise of
a faqeer and his admirer Dara Shikoh (1615-1659) in the guise of
a scholar prince. Azad in his peculiar suggestive style remarks
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that the communal setting of India would have been altogether
different, had this scholar prince succeeded Shah Jahan (15921666) as the emperor of India. Critiquing the tyranny of Emperor
Aurangzeb’s reign, Azad laments over ‘historical veracity’ of the
time that the pen which documented history of ‘the Mughal
period was always held by Prince Dara Shikoh’s enemies’ and
that behind ‘the screen of political manoeuvres, the real picture
has become blurred’ (Hameed, 2010, p. 29-30). Azad asserts:
From his early years Dara displayed the attributes of a
Dervish. He always kept company with philosophers and
Sufis. His writings indicate that the author was a man of
excellent taste. The overwhelming proof of his taste is
that in pursuing his goal he lost the distinction between
the temple and the mosque. The humility with which he
met the Muslim divines was matched by the devotion
with which he bowed his head before the Hindu saints and
sadhus (Hameed, 2010, p. 29-30).
Azad elaborates the purity of Dara’s eclecticism and
tolerance. Capturing this aspect Dara’s character, Azad highlights
the significance of unity in diversity, assimilation and integration
among the diverse faiths and the fact that Dara condemns and
rejects the attitudes of narrow religiosity, fanaticism, and blind
adherence to the obscure traditions of his time. Azad invites us to
go into the ‘exalted state of mind’ and then see ‘if one can still
distinguish between Kufr and Islam’ (Hameed, 30). He adds that
the narrow religiosity and the lack of true complementary essence
of religion mislead the voyageur of the ultimate Truth. ‘The moth
should seek the flame, if it is desirous of the lamp which is lit
only in the mosque; its desire for self-immolation is not
complete’ (Hameed, 2010, p. 30).
Azad further expounds the communicative and interactive
encounters between the devotional traditions of the Hindu Bhakti
and the Muslim Sufi traditions in South Asia which are often
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disregarded by both the Muslim and Hindu historiographers and
scholars. This concurrence of the diverse thoughts and faiths
remains the most prominent essence of the South Asian
mysticism and Sarmad Shaheed epitomizes its essence in his
Rubaiyat.
His home is confined
Not only to the temple and mosque.
The earth and the sky are equally His abode.
The entire universe
Is in love with His story
But the wise one
Loves only Him.
(Hameed, 2010, p. 51)
Azad regards such interfaith interactions as an ultimate
and inevitable consequence of the process of social and cultural
integration in South Asia. This interactive and friendly cultural
and religious legacy overwhelms his mind and character
throughout his life. On every forum he refutes and rebuts the
narrow approaches of the communalists and he invites the
Indians to mutual settlement and peaceful co-existence. Presiding
over a Special Session of Congress on 15 December 1923, Azad
underscores the communal harmony and peaceful co-existence in
the Subcontinent that without this foundation of communal unity,
the tryst with freedom and the ‘country’s social life and progress
will remain a dream and without communal understanding and
harmony we cannot create the most important values of
humanism (Hameed, 2010, p. 145). Epitomizing the
aforementioned his mission of eclecticism and communal
harmony in the diverse India, a mission that remained most
cherished to him throughout his life, while addressing to a public
gathering, Azad unequivocally declares.
Today, if an angel were to descend from the heaven and
declare from the top of the Qutub Minar, that India will
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get Swaraj [freedom] within twenty-four hours, provided
she relinquishes Hindu-Muslim unity, I will relinquish
Swaraj rather than give up Hindu- Muslim unity. Delay in
the attainment of Swaraj will be a loss to India, but if our
unity is lost, it will be a loss for entire mankind (Hameed,
2010, p. 145).
Azad’s frequent reflection on authenticity of the
composite culture of South Asia affirms his role of a cosmocommunicator. Delivering his Presidential address in the 53rd
Session of Indian National Congress at Ramgarh in 1940, Azad
declares with his proverbial audacity that he is ‘a Muslim and
profoundly conscious of the fact that’ he has ‘inherited Islam’s
glorious traditions of the last thirteen hundred years’ and he is
‘not prepared to lose even a small part of that legacy’ and that the
‘history and teachings of Islam, its arts and letters, its civilization
and culture, are all part of his ‘wealth’ and it is his ‘duty to
cherish and guard them’ and as ‘a Muslim’ he has ‘a special
identity within the field of religion and culture’ that he ‘cannot
tolerate any undue interference with it’, but ‘with all these
feelings’, he has ‘another equally deep realization, born out of his
‘life’s experience, which is strengthened and not hindered by the
spirit of Islam’ that he is ‘equally proud of the fact’ that he is ‘an
Indian, an essential part of the indivisible unity of Indian
nationhood, a vital factor in its total make-up without which this
noble edifice will remain incomplete’ (Hameed, 2010, p. 161).
Dwelling on the history of South Asia, Azad highlights
India’s unique integration and cultural diversity, expounding the
role of communication in the process of co-existence. Contending
that the confluence of various faiths is an inevitable end and a
natural law, Azad propounds the idea of incredibly inclusive
India. He adduces that it was indeed India’s momentous destiny
that its soil ‘should become the destination of many different
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caravans of races, cultures and religions’ and even before the
history’s morning, these manifold groups voyaged along India
and such odysseys has continued since, whereas India’s
enormous and generous land hailed them all and nestled them on
her bosom, the last of these pilgrims were the Muslims following
their predecessors’ tracks, resulting in the tryst ‘of two different
currents of culture’ flowing ‘along their separate courses’ for a
time, ‘but Nature’s immutable law brought them together into a
confluence’ and the blending ‘was a notable historic event’
(Hameed, 2010, p. 161) Azad proclaims that the Muslims had
brought their ‘treasures’ with them ‘to this land which was rich
with its own great cultural heritage’, presenting ‘her with
something she needed urgently, the most precious gifts in Islam’s
treasury, the message of democracy, human equality and
brotherhood’ (Hameed,2010, p. 161)
Illustrating the humanitarian and cosmopolitan traits of
religion, Azad remains firm and resolute in his thought and action
throughout his life. We have numerous references from his works
like Tazkira, Tarjuman-ul-Quran, Ghubar-i-Khatir and his
speeches and addresses in various capacities as a scholar,
statesman and the Union minister of Independent India. The
ecumenism of Tarjuman suggests the Quran as an eclectic
message to the humanity. Approaching the Quranic text with an
open, receptive and meditative mind, Azad breaks out the
shackles of what Sri Aurobindo (1875-1950) calls, ‘ecclesiastical
tyranny’, unfolding the meaning that text of the Quran enshrines.
Religion, to Azad, is a ladder not a fence, a scaffolding not a
prison. Referring to the Quranic admonition warning the humans
against dividing ‘themselves into exclusive religious groups in
the name of God, Azad maintains that the belief in God ‘if
entertained in sincerity, must, in the field of action, express itself
in the Unity of man’ (Latif, 1958, p. 98).
The essential mission of the Quran was to unite the
humans in ‘a common bond’ and to pave ‘the way to a wider
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unity of mankind’ (Latif,1958, p. 99). The divine Truth is not
exclusive to any race, people, or community. It does not bear any
‘national stamp’ and similarly the ‘Truth of God wherever found
and in whatever form is man’s treasure and man is heir to it’
(Latif, 1958, p. 98-100).
Mushirul Haq views Azad’s Turjuman al Quran as ‘the
most profound statement on how diverse religio-cultural
traditions could co-exist in a composite plural society’ (2014, p.
121). In Tarjuman, Azad brings to the fore, ‘transcendental
oneness of all faiths and the theology of multi-religious
cooperation’ and these concepts were quite novel in the religious
and secular setting of South Asia (Haq, 2014, p. 121). The same
pluralism and eclecticism are reflected in the later writings and
speeches of Azad, authenticating him as a paragon of cultural and
ethnic unity in South Asia. Affirming Azad’s syncretism, Nehru
describes him as man who has always been above the conflicts
and biases and has seen the vital unity behind all India’s diversity
and has realized that ‘only in this unity can there be hope for
India as a whole and for those great and varied currents of life
which course through her veins’ (Haq, 2014, p. 126).
As a product of a cultural milieu blending Arab, Turkish,
Persian and Indo-Muslim traditions of South Asia, Azad’s
humanistic mind offers a working socio-cultural panacea for the
communal issues of the region. India was fortunate, in the words
of the eminent Persian scholar Saeed Naficy, that it had a
visionary, an erudite scholar, a resplendent intellectual Azad as
her first Minister of Education. Azad was rightly fit into the role
of cosmopolitan communicator in Modern India (Nizami, 1990,
p. 85).
Relationship remains imperative for Azad. His ethical,
liberal, and humanitarian efforts contributed to promoting the
amiable relationship among the people of different faiths.
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Replicating Buber’s notion dialogic relationship, Azad’s concept
of relationship echoes what Rumi has epitomized in his verse.
Tu Baraye vasl Kardan amdi
Na Baraya fasl kardan amdi
Tr. You have come to unite people but not to divide them
(Quoted in Datta, 1990, p. 195)
Appreciating the humans as family of God created in His
image, Azad resolves to treat humanity as valued ends rather than
means. Azad’s concept of relationship brings mankind closer to
God, disregarding the monopolies of this or that religions.
Reiterating the patterns of dialogic and ethical communication,
Azad stands firm on his own ground and at the same time he
remains open to the peoples of other religions and nations,
creating mutuality and the Between through which he discovers
the ethical aspects of his relationship in the diverse South Asia.
Indicative of the aforementioned notion of cosmopolitan and
dialogic communication, built on the concept of I-Thou, Azad
resonates Buber’s metaphor of the Between; ‘on the far side of
the subjective, on this side of the objective, on the narrow ridge,
where I and Thou meet, there is the realm of the Between’ (1958,
p. 204).
Conclusion
To sum up, few Muslim intellectuals have been so selfconsciously modern and relevant in their ideas as Azad; fewer
still have shared his intense, seemingly paradoxical
preoccupation with the personal and collective past continuously
connecting them to the contemporary progress in modern
thoughts. Born of a traditional orthodox parents bearing
censorious attitude towards modern education, nothing in his
immediate ancestry offers the remotest hint that he would live to
become a most emancipated Muslim thinker of his day, a
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statesman of universal outlook, and a scholar of comparative
civilization, whose thought and action are free from any trace
theological narrowness and political and cultural biases.
Throughout his public life Azad remains committed to
creating this Between among the obviously conflicting
communities in India. Azad is in the realm of the between,
coordinating with other diverse communities of India without
trying to change them, promoting a better understanding of
people, and gradually creating a social world through dialogue
and communication. Azad values participation and coordination
among the diverse people of India, urging, particularly, the
Muslims of South Asia to be tolerant and amiable to the people of
other faiths. It was through this ethical imperative that Azad
transcended all religious and political affiliations and emerged as
a social constructionist in pluralistic South Asia.
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