Fayoum University
Faculty of Archaeology
NEW PERSPECTIVES ON THE EXPEDITIONS TO THE
LAND OF PUNT
El-Sayed Mahfouz
Kuwait University
E-mail: elsayed.mahfouz@ku.edu.kw
ABSTRACT
The geographic location of Punt and its itinerary
occupied a great part of the scientific literature
in Egyptology since the discovery of the basrelief of Deir el-Bahari by the end of the XIXth
century. The discussion was concerning its
location where several hypothesis were realized
varied and extended sometimes in Somalia, in
Arabia, on the Nile River or one of its tributaries
or on around the Sudan-Eritrean borders. The
way to arrive it had also its place in these
assumptions, whether it was by the Nile, across
the Red Sea or even by land throughout Sinai
Peninsula.
By the second have of XXth century, major
studies not only enriched this scientific debate
but also changed the current theories of scholars
such as the study of Herzog published in 1968;
the recent discoveries of archaeological
evidences on the Red Sea Shore in the seventies
of last century and the last ten years and finally
the articles of Meeks appeared in 2002.
This study will deal with this problem in the
light of the geo-politic changes in Egypt and in
Nubia in exposing the principal sources of
information about Punt from the Old Kingdom,
through Middle Kingdom and New Kingdom,
ending by the Late and Greco-Roman periods.
Therefore, this article will show that the
geopolitical situation in Nubia and its
relationship with Egypt were a major factor in
directing the relationship between Egypt and the
land of Punt and the Egyptian way to deal with
exotic and important land.
الممخص
احتل موقع بونت الجغرافي وطريق الوصول ليا قد ار كبي ار من
اىتمامات األوساط العممية في عمم المصريات منذ اكتشاف
مناظر بعثة بونت المؤرخة بعيد الممكة حاتشبسوت في معبد
وكان النقاش حول.الدير البحري في نياية القرن التاسع عشر
موقعيا حيث تم تحقيق العديد من الفرضيات المتنوعة والموسعة
في بعض األحيان في الصومال أو في شبو الجزيرة العربية أو
عمى نير النيل أو عمى أحد روافده أو حول الحدود السودانية
.اإلريترية
كما كان لطريق الوصول إلييا مكانيا في ىذه النقاشات سواء
كان ذلك عن طريق النيل أو عبر البحر األحمر أو حتى بالبر
.عبر صحراء شبو جزيرة سيناء
،ظيرت خالل النصف الثاني من القرن العشرين نظريات جديدة
بل غيرت أيضا النظريات التي،لم تثر النقاش العممي فحسب
كانت موجودة مثل دراسة رالف ىرتزوج التي ُنشرت في عام
واالكتشافات الحديثة ألدلة أثرية عمى شاطئ البحر.8691
األحمر في سبعينيات القرن الماضي والعشر سنوات الماضية
.2002 أخير مقال ديمتري ميكس الذي ظير عام
و ًا
سيتعامل ىذا المقال مع ىذه المشكمة في ضوء التغيرات
الجيوسياسية في مصر وفي النوبة في الكشف عن المصادر
ثم، الرئيسية لممعمومات حول بونت في عصر الدولة القديمة
أخير في
و ًا،في عصر الدولة الوسطى وعصر الدولة الحديثة
.العصر المتأخر واليوناني الروماني
في النوبة
وبالتالي ستظير المقالة أن الوضع الجيوسياسي
ئيسيا في توجيو العالقة بين مصر
ً عامال ر
ً وعالقتيا بمصر كان
.والنوبة والطريقة المصرية لمتعامل مع األرض الغريبة والميمة
KEYWORDS
Punt – Kerma- Wadi Gawasis - Deir el-Bahari –
Hatchepsout – Red Sea – Nile – Nubia
- 143 -
الكممات الدالة
بونت – كرمة – وادي جواسيس – الدير البحري – حاتشبسوت
النوبة- – البحر األحمر – النيل
SHEDET Issue nu. 10 (2023), pp. 143─165
El-Sayed Mahfouz
SHEDET (10)
INTRODUCTION
The Egyptians were interested in the distant land of Punt for its local productions,
mentioned in Egyptian texts as "the wonders of Punt". These are exotic products, more
specifically aromatics and especially myrrh-incense whose use was essential in the context of
funeral and religious rites. (Falk 2013, 51-61) The land of Punt also offered other products,
including metals and animals highly coveted by the Egyptians, that appeared in the list on the
bas-relief of Deir el-Bahari are not found in Egypt such as gold, electrum, ebony, ivory, but
also baboons and long-tailed monkeys. The products. It looks interesting also to notice that
Punt, unlike the others foreign countries, was never mentioned as an enemy or as part of the
Nine-Bows, with the exception of a dipinto from the tomb of Sobeknakht. Except for this
testimony, we do not know anything other than peaceful relations with this country (V. Davies
2003, 38-44) (Valbelle, BIFAO 112, 2012, 450-451)
For more than a century, Punt has become a real object of study by many specialists,
who have discussed the location of this region as well as the routes taken to reach it, focusing
on its cultural, ethnic, and economic specificities. After having placed Punt, for a certain time,
in Arabia, and more particularly in Yemen, (BRUGSCH 1858, 14-16) (Gauthier 1925, 46)
(Hilzheimer 1932, 112-114) (Alliot 1951, 1-7) (Vycichi 1967, 45-46) since the publication by
August Mariette of the bas-relief representing the expedition of Queen Hatshepsut in the
temple of Deir el-Bahari, specialists have also located this country in Africa, because of the
African criteria that characterize the scenes. (Mariette 1887).
Problematic and Methodology
Rolf Herzog's study in 1968 sparked a new debate on this question. Herzog proposed
to locate Punt on the Nile or on one of its tributaries in present-day Sudan and rejected a
location on the Red Sea. In addition, his study suggested that access to Punt was by the Nile
and not by sea. (Herzog 1968) This hypothesis was based on his own study of the terms in the
texts that had hitherto been used to locate Punt on the African coast of the Red Sea, as well as
on his personal and literal interpretation of the bas-relief of Deir el-Bahari. Since this study, a
passionate debate has opened between supporters of the location of Punt on the Nile with
exclusively river access and those who prefer to locate it on the edge of the Red Sea with
access only by sea. (Tallet, RdE 64 2013, 203) (Bard and Fattovich, The Land of Punt 2013,
2-10).
Archaeological research carried out on the shores of the Red Sea in Egypt, particularly
in the site of Wadi Gawasis or in the region of Wadi Gach and, on the other hand, in Kassala,
Sudan, has provided indisputable evidence in favor of maritime access to the land of Punt and
its location near the Sudanese-Eritrean borders. (Sayed, RdE 29 1977, 176-177) (Sayed, CdE
58 1983, 23-37) (R. Fattovich 1991, 257-272) (Breyer 2016, 466-511).
Nevertheless, at the beginning of this century, Dimitri Meeks once again upset the
question and turned to Arabia, thus returning to the original theory of its location. (Meeks,
Locating Punt 2003, 53-80) (Meeks, Coptos 2002, 267-335) (Michaux-Colomot 2004, 353363) (Breyer 2016, 442-466). Similarly, Pierre Tallet, after the discoveries of a series of rock
inscriptions bearing the royal names of Ramses III on a track leaving the Eastern Delta
passing through Sinai and ending at the oasis of Tayma in Arabia, supports the hypothesis of
Meeks and suggests that Punt, between the end of the Eighteenth dynasty and the beginning
of the Twentieth dynasty, was located in the Arabian Peninsula. (Tallet, MIFAO 130 2013,
203). Nevertheless, some recent studies appeared after Meeks‘ article about the location of
Punt refuting his theory about the Asiatic or Arabian location. (Espinel 2011, 59-120) (Breyer
New Perspectives on The Expeditions to The land of Punt
- 144 -
SHEDET (10)
2023
2016, 466-511) (Taterka, CRE 16 2016, 114-123) (Quack 2018) (Taterka, CRE 16 2016)
(Taterka, JARCE 55, 2019, 189-203) (Taterka, CdE 96/191, 2021) (Taterka, historical reliefs
2022, 35-79).
On the other hand, D. Michaux-Colombot extended the concept of Punt to include the
two sides of the Red Sea in Asia and in Africa and even the Indian Ocean relying on the
analysis of the origin of the products mentioned on the bas-relief of Deir el-Bahari. She also
links the name with the toponym « l‘Inde mineur » that appeared in the classical sources.
(Michaux-Colomot 2004, 353-363)
After many years of research, it seems possible to provide, on this question, a
synthesis based on a set of significant epigraphic and iconographic testimonies, treated
chronologically.
Discussion
Testimonies of the Old Kingdom
Tallet recently proposed the existence of an expedition to Punt at the beginning of the
th
4 Dynasty. (Tallet, RdE 64 2013, 190-198) This opinion is based on several elements,
including the representation of a person with Puntite characteristics on the walls of the tomb
of a certain Sachat-hotep, in Giza cemetery. The date of this mastaba (Porter and Moss 1981,
149-150(G 5150)) has recently been revised according to the dating criteria proposed by
Nadine Cherpion and Michel Baud. (Baud 1999, 58) (Cherpion 1989, 108-181,185) The
second element of Tallet‘s proposition relates to the recent discovery of the port remains of
the site of Wadi el-Jarf, 25 km south of the city of Zafarana, on the shores of the Red Sea
which date from the beginning of the 4th Dynasty. (Tallet, Marouard and Laisney, BIFAO
112, 2012, 399-446)
According to the Tallet, the location of Sinai, geographically opposite, to the east,
explains neither the gigantic structure of the site, nor the importance of water reserves, and
therefore suggests that Punt was the destination of ships from there. (Tallet, RdE 64 2013,
197) Nevertheless, no evidence of a direct relationship between the Land of Punt and Wadi elJarf, or even further to the north at Ayn-Sokhna has been found until now.
Some blocks from the funerary temple of Sahure at Abusir provide new information
about an expedition sent to Punt, with the aim of bringing back frankincense trees to grow in
Egypt, an idea that later inspired Queen Hatshepsut. (El-Awady 2006, 37-44) Despite the
arrival of these trees at the Residence, as shown in the scene, this objective was not achieved,
certainly because of the climate not favorable to their growth. (Breyer 2016, 595-597, Dok.
2.)
The text of the Palermo Stone mentions another expedition dated from the 5th Dynasty
in connection with the contribution of incense and electrum. Some products were brought
from the "Terrace of Turquoise", i.e. the terraces of South Sinai, and others, from Punt.
(Breyer 2016, 594-595, Dok. 1) The association of the two toponyms led Meeks to consider
the two locations to have been visited in the same expedition. (Meeks, Coptos 2002, 313) He
adds that the use of the verb ini "to bring back" is compatible with a sea journey and could
fill the gap preceding the mention of Punt. (Meeks, Coptos 2002, 313) The inscriptions
would thus mention two expeditions, one in Sinai, the other in Punt.
Moreover, Herkhuf's biographical text (Urk. I, 128, 16-129, 1) states that King Pepi II
asked him, during his fourth expedition, to bring him a pygmy from the "land of the horizon
people", similar to that brought back from Punt by the chancellor of Wer-Djeded-Baou, a
contemporary of King Isesi. (Marcolin and Espinel 2011, 581-583) The king then specifies
that this pygmy was more important to him than all the products of "Bia-Punt". (Urk. I, 129,
- 145 -
DOI: 10.21608/shedet.2023.291531
El-Sayed Mahfouz
SHEDET (10)
15-130, 5) (Dixon 1958, 40-55) (Edel, Festschrift für H. Grapow 1955, 51-75) (M. Lichtheim,
Ancient Egyptian Literature 1975, 26) (Goedicke 1981, 1-20) (Kadish 1966, 23-33) (Kemp
2006, 129-130) (O'Connor, JARCE 26 1986, 27-50) (Breyer 2016, 597-8, Dok. 4).
Meeks drew our attention to the mention of the pygmy carried from Punt by the
chancellor of the god Wer-Djeded-Baou. He then links this, in his opinion, to the mention, on
an ostracon discovered in Wadi Gawasis, of the same anthroponym of the chancellor used as
the name of a ship immortalizing the memory of the official of the Old Kingdom. (Meeks,
Coptos 2002, 313-314) However, the reading George Posener (Sayed, CdE 58 1983, 23-37)
on which Meeks‘s hypothesis is based, was corrected by Pascal Vernus (Vernus 1986, 139140) and republished in my article on the hieratic ostraca of Wadi Gawasis. (Mahfouz, RdE
59 2008, 283, doc. 10-11).
The exact translation is "... what the chamberlain of Jed-baou, Senwosret, brought",
which has no connection with the name of the official of the Old Kingdom. Similarly, the
royal order as well as all the details of Herkhuf's expedition refer to the land of Yam, in Nubia,
and to the "land of the horizon people" which probably has nothing to do with Arabia, the
inhabitants of Yam playing the role of intermediaries between Egypt and "the land of Horizon
People" at that time, (O'Connor, JARCE 26 1986, 35) (Obsomer, Abgadiyat 11 2016, 127134) regardless of the imprecise location of the latter.
Several Egyptologists (Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs 1962, 59) (Peet, Gardiner and
Černý 1955, 1-2) (M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature 1975, 27, note. 7) believe that
this same text links Sinai and Punt based on the expression "Bia-Punt", interpreting "Bia",
which literally means "mine", (Hannig 2010, 262, no 9529) as designating "the mines of
Sinai" and coordinating it with Punt. The grammatical relationship between Bia and Punt is a
direct genitive to be translated as "the mine of Punt", which can be compared with other texts
that refer to it with the indirect genitive ―Bia-n-Punt‖. (Sayed, RdE 29 1977, 176-177)
Nevertheless, in a recent study, Filip Taterka identifies the term ―Bia-Punt‖ with the
coastal region of the Red Sea encompassing the harbour site. This identification explains the
extensive presence of the geographical term in Wadi Gawasis epigraphic materials and its
absence in other testimonies dealing with Punt especially during the New Kingdom. (Taterka,
CdE 96/191, 2021, 60-75)
The biographical text of Pepinakht, also from the same cemetery of Qubbet el-Hawa,(
Urk I, p. 134, l. 13-15.) indicates that King Pepi II sent him to the land of ‘Aamou to bring
back the body of a certain ‗Anankhta. The last one was a "director of the dragomen" —a title
that often appears in the titulary of Aswan nomarchs during the Old Kingdom— who had
been killed while assembling a kebenet-boat to be sent to Punt.
Once again, the discussion over the meaning of the terms ‘Aamou and "bateaukebenet" -a type of boats that was used often to travel to the country of Punt- -muddied the
waters. (Tallet, RdE 64 2013, 190-192) ‘Aamou is a term for the Bedouins who inhabited the
deserts east of the Nile Valley in general, not just ―Asiatics‖, and the kebenet-boat refers to a
large ships made of cedar imported from Byblos.
The previously appointed leaders were from Aswan and responsible for the policy
concerning the southern regions of the state. (Bissing 1955, 319-338) (Roccati 1982, 61-63)
Furthermore, the historical and geopolitical data relating to their autobiographies, including
the mention of Punt and its access, was part of this policy.
The discovery of these testimonies revealing the travels and adventures of a high
official in Nubia and in neighbouring countries, including desert lands, undoubtedly confirm
that the access to Punt, as well as to "the land of the Horizon People" passed most often
through Aswan, with the exception of the third journey of Herkhuf. This expedition, which
New Perspectives on The Expeditions to The land of Punt
- 146 -
SHEDET (10)
2023
departed from This (Abydos) took the track of the forty days (Darb Al-Arbaien), and was
done, at least at that time, under the responsibility of the leaders of the first Nome of Upper
Egypt.
Testimonies from the Middle Kingdom
The inscription of Henenu in Wadi Hammamat (M 114) recounts in detail a composite
mission sent by King Mentuhotep III, in the year 8 of his reign, under the command of the
steward Henenu. It was a question of exploiting stones from the region of Wadi Hammamat,
including the famous stone of bekhen, and to prepare a maritime expedition to bring back
incense from the country of Punt. (Porter and Moss 1981, 331) (Couyat and Montet 1912, 8184, pl.31) (Bradbury, JARCE 25 1988, 127-138) (Gasse 2016, 44-50) (Breyer 2016, 599-602,
Dok. 7.)
The geopolitical significance of this testimony is indisputable since it indicates a path
passing the Eastern desert through Wadi Hammamat to reach the Red Sea, where an operation
of reassembling of the kebenet-boats was carried out, probably in the port of Wadi Gawasis.
Thus, a departure was planned from the coast of the Red Sea to Punt. A second observation to
be drawn from the content of the text is that the interlocutors are not inhabitants of Punt but,
"the chiefs of the desert" Heqau desheret, and thus were located halfway between the
production areas and the Nile Valley. These people represented, at that time, a commercial
intermediary between the producers probably located in Punt and the consumers. (Saleh,
Orientalia 42 1973, 370-380)
Abdel Aziz Saleh tried to develop this idea about commercial intermediaries by
translating the term Heqaou desheret as "the sheikhs of the desert". Consequently, he
expanded the territory of Punt to include Arabia or, at least, the Arabian coast of the Red Sea
where the desert sheikhs lived. His hypothesis is also based on the mention "genebtyou" in the
Annals of Thutmose III. (Saleh, Orientalia 42 1973, 370-382) The term refers to a people
whose messengers came to pay their tribute consisting of myrrh, gum, and other products.
Saleh considers this expression to be an ancient form of the term semitic "gebbanitae",
mentioned in the writings of the Greek geographer Pliny, which probably refers to the
Qatabanians of Yemen. (Saleh, BIFAO 72 1972, 258-261) This analysis, however, ignores
the chronological gap between the Middle Kingdom, the reign of Thutmose III and the first
appearance of Qataban in history. A theory that was totally refuted by A. M. Sayed who
wrote an accurate study about the non-existence of relations between Egypt pharaonic and
Arabia. (Sayed, Proceedings Arab. 19 1989, 155-166) Nevertheless, the recent discoveries of
pharaonic inscriptions and objects in the peninsula Arab and even in Gulf Area could upset
his hypothesis. (Sperveslage, 2019).
Rodolfo Fattovich took up the hypothesis of Saleh and proposes the existence of an
Afro-Arab trade circuit between 2300 and 1400 BC, with the population of the Gach group
ensuring an important role in this circuit. Spices were imported from southern Arabia directly
through the routes of Western Arabia and indirectly through the African coast of the Red Sea.
Therefore, the "concept" of Punt had been expanded to include the sources of incense from
Yemen. (R. Fattovich 1991, 257-272) (R. Fattovich, BSF 6 1996, 399-405) (R. Fattovich,
Punt 1993, 399-405) (Fattovich and Bard, Harbour of the Pharaohs 2007, 17-24) It is also
possible that the sailors depicted in TT 143, which dates from the 18th dynasty, came from the
south of the Arabian Peninsula. (R. Fattovich 1991, 267)
(Farout, Expeditions to the Red Sea at the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty 2006)All
the epigraphic testimonies discovered on the maritime site of Wadi Gawasis since the
discovery of the stele of Khentykhetyour, those of the archaeological mission of the
- 147 -
DOI: 10.21608/shedet.2023.291531
El-Sayed Mahfouz
SHEDET (10)
University of Alexandria in 1977-1978, (Nibbi, JEA 62 1976, 46-50) (Obsomer, Sesostris I,
Chronological and historical study of the reign 1995, doc. 170, 709-710.) and finally those of
the Italo-American mission in 2002-2010,( A. M. Sayed, 1977, 140-178, pl. 12 (b)) (A. M.
Sayed, 1980, 154-157) (Farout, BIFAO 94 1994, 143-4, 151-5, pl. I, p. 23-37) (Farout,
Expeditions to the Red Sea at the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty 2006, 48)(C. Obsomer,
Sesostris I, doc. 172-174, p. 711- 714) commemorate a series of expeditions to the land of
Punt to look for exotic products, "the wonders of Punt", by way of the Red Sea. Posener
affirmed that the discoveries of pharaonic monuments, by Sayed, on the site of the Wadi
Gawasis, on the Red Sea, confirm that this place was used as a starting point for voyages to
the land of Punt.( A. M. Sayed, RdE 29, 1977, pp. 138-179) (A. M. Sayed, CdE 58 (1983),
pp. 23-37.)
The missions attested throughout the epigraphic materials discovered in-situ according
to chronological order are:
expedition of the year 22 of the reign of Senusret I; Vandersleyen believes that the two
operations mentioned on the stele of Antefoker/Ameny would, in fact simply
designate two levels of administrative responsibility and not two separate actions in
two different regions: the vizier is responsible to the king and the herald is responsible
to the vizier. In this sense, Wadj-Wer, associated with the Nile Valley, can no longer
be translated as "the sea" and the road of Punt no longer needs to go through the Red
Sea. This note was intended to deny the existence of a maritime expedition departing
from the port at that time, but with the recent discoveries at Wadi Gawasis of several
stelae mentioning trips to Punt, pieces of boats, sailors' ropes and stone anchors in
situ, the use of the site as a seaport is now indisputable (Vandersleyen, Ouadj our
1999, 13, 413-5). Besides, the theory of Taterka about the location of Bia-Punt on
Wadi Gawasis itself and perhaps its hinterland makes any discussion about ignoring
the sea voyages across the Red Sea to Punt during the Middle Kingdom maritime
pointless. (F. Taterka, CdE 96/191, 2021, 60-75)
expedition of the year 28 of Amenemhat II; the expedition of the year 1 of Senusret II;
expedition of the year 5 of Senusret III;
expedition of the year 23 of Amenemhat III ;
expedition of the year 42 of the same sovereign,
expedition of the year 8 of Amenemhat IVth. (Mahfouz and Pirelli, Epigraphy 2007,
31-34) (Mahfouz, BIFAO 108 2008, 253-279) (Mahfouz, BIFAO 110 2010, 165-175)
(Mahfouz, RdE 59 2008, 275-322) (PIRELLI 2007) (Mahfouz, Abgadiat 6 2011, 5167) (Mahfouz and Pirelli, Epigraphy 2007, 117-132) (Bard and Fattovich, Egyptian
Long-Distanc 2015, 1-10) (Bard and Fattovich, The Land of Punt 2013, 3-11) (Breyer
2016, . 603-620, Dok. 8-26) (Obsomer, Bulletin de l‘académie 8 2019, 6-66)
L. Bradbury traced the overland route of the expeditions of the Middle Kingdom.
Those who left Wadi Gawasis by sea, towards Punt, took the road from Wadi Hammamat to
Bir el-Fawakhir where all the inscriptions end; from this point, they went north, via Wadi
Attala, where are the graffiti of both Senusret I and Ramses III; then the expeditions entered
Wadi Saqi which leads to Wadi Gawasis, the starting point of the maritime trip intending to
reach the land of Punt. (Bradbury, JARCE 25 1988, 127-156) Moreover, two fragments of a
stela dated to the seventh year of the reign of Amenemhat IV were discovered on the site of
Berenice whose text mentions a certain Ptah-hotep, official at the Royal Palace invites us to
suggest the existence of a marine station on the maritime itinerary reaching Punt. (Hense,
Kaper and Geerts 2015, 585-601)
New Perspectives on The Expeditions to The land of Punt
- 148 -
SHEDET (10)
2023
The end of the Second Intermediate Period is marked by important evidence
concerning the localization of Punt in the tomb of the Sobeknakht of El-Kab (No. 10). A
dipinto reveals that the kingdom of Kush, whose capital was at Kerma, organized a coalition
of several Nubian tribes, including the inhabitants of Wawat (Lower Nubia), those of the
islands of Khenthennefer (Upper Nubia), the Puntites and the Medjayu to attack the southern
part of Egypt towards the end of the 17th dynasty. (V. Davies 2003, 38-44) (Valbelle, BIFAO
112, 2012, 450-451)
Punt, according to this text, does not seem far from Nubia. The presence, on the site of
Doukki Gel, of African-culture architecture, different from that of the neighbouring city of
Kerma also implies the presence in this ceremonial city of populations from other regions of
Sudan, engaged in the resistance against Egypt. (Bonnet, BIFAO 115 2015, 1-14) (Bonnet,
CRAIBL II 2013, 807-823)
Testimonies from the New Kingdom
I.
The bas-relief of Deir el-Bahari
The iconographic program of the Punt expedition evoked in Queen Hatshepsut's
temple in Deir el-Bahari has been used as essential and irrefutable evidence dealing with the
location of Punt, the access routes to this country, the physical characteristics of its
inhabitants, as well as the specificities of its fauna and flora. (Smith 1962, 59-60) (Servajean
2016, 179-226) (Breyer 2016, 520-289, 622-642, Dok. 28.) (F. Taterka, CRE 16 2016, 114123) (F. Taterka, JARCE 55, 2019, 189-203) (F. Taterka, historical reliefs 2022, 35-79).
The peculiarities of the Queen of Punt and her daughter in the representations have
been interpreted by R. Herzog as being characteristic of the "pygmies of Khoismid", the tribes
of Bushmen and Hottentots who lived, perhaps at that time, further north than in the present
Kalahari Desert. (Herzog 1968, 56-61) Nevertheless, according to him, the presence of
pygmies has never been demonstrated on the African coast of the Red Sea. Herzog also relied
on a geobotanical argument to say that the production of incense from southern Sudan was
sufficient to supply all that Egypt needed. (Herzog 1968, 56-61) By sea and. more particularly
in southern Somalia, only the palm trees depicted on the bas-relief of Hatshepsut are attested
and there were, however, no incense trees. This second argument has been used to argue
against the location of Punt in a coastal area. (Herzog 1968, 62-67)
The presence of cattle with deformed horns, giraffes, and rhinoceroi in the scenes of
Punt in Deir el-Bahari is also considered as a clue to its location in the interior of Africa. The
huts on stilts depicted on the bas-relief are unique in Egyptian art. Herzog believes that the
construction of these types of structures occurred in southern Sudan, but never existed on the
shores of the Red Sea. (Herzog 1968, 67-71) Ch. Bonnet the presence of ladders in the basrelief of Deir el-Bahari -rare in Egyptian iconography- on a painted base fragment of the
funerary temple K XI of the necropolis of Kerma, to access the huts on stilts. (Bonnet,
Edifices et rites 2000, 107, fig. 68, 75-76)
Finally, Herzog (Herzog 1968, 78-80) suggested that the Nile was the only way to get
to Punt since he translates Wadj-Wer as "the Nile" and not as "the sea", believing that the
Egyptians would not have been able to build adequate boats to navigate the Red Sea. (Herzog
1968, 73-77) A. Nibbi took the reasoning of R. Herzog and C. Vandersleyen to postulate that
the Egyptians of the pharaonic period never navigated the Red Sea. Their hypotheses are
multiple but remain vague such as: the Egyptians had a natural fear of the sea; in addition,
there was no single original word for the sea in the Egyptian language; finally, Egyptian
religion never had a god of the sea. (Nibbi, The Mariner's Mirror 65 1979, 201-208) (Nibbi,
- 149 -
DOI: 10.21608/shedet.2023.291531
El-Sayed Mahfouz
SHEDET (10)
Neighbours 1981, 72) Moreover, Cl. Vandersleyen who translates the term Ouadj-our by
"Nile Valley" refuted its translation as "the sea". (Vandersleyen, L'Égypte et la vallée du Nil
1995, 282,n.4) In 1999, he published a book on Wadj-wer in which the 401 examples taken
from Egyptian texts are analyzed to prove his hypothesis. (Vandersleyen, Ouadj our 1999, 3031, 53-54, 73-74,132-142, 156.) According to him, the representations of fish in Deir elBahari are not precise and do not give a real idea of the aquatic environment. (Danelius and
Steinitz 1967, 21)
Kenneth Kitchen accepted the location of Punt, proposed by R. Herzog, however, he
extended his proposal for the location to the Blue Nile region and integrated the Sudanese Red
Sea coast. (Kitchen, Punt 1971, 184-206) (Kitchen, the land 1993, 587-608) (Kitchen, Further
Thoughts 1999, 173-178) The representations of Punt on the bas-relief of Deir el-Bahari
would thus correspond to images of the African coast of the Red Sea to the east — between
Port Sudan to the north and Marsa Ibrahim to the south— and the Nilotic region — between
Berber to the north and Kassala to the south. This area covers 400 km in distance from the sea
to the Nile inland. (Kitchen, Punt 1971, 202-203)
On the other hand, Kitchen translates the expression Wadj-Wer as "Red Sea" and not
as "Nile"; he criticizes Herzog's hypothesis regarding the journey to Punt and does not support
the Nile as a route. Kitchen analyzed the geomorphological nature of the Red Sea and its ports
between Suez and Marsa Ibrahim and the ability of Egyptian ships to navigate the Red Sea, to
confirm that the Red Sea was the route that led to Punt. (Kitchen, Punt 1971, 189)
K. A. KITCHEN depended on Middle Kingdom texts, such as the stele of Khentkhetour
found at Wadi Gasus or the inscription of Henenu in Wadi Hammamat, and on New Kingdom
texts, such as the Harris I Papyrus, to support his theory. He hardly used late texts, such as
those of the temples of Dendera and Edfu, studied by R. HERZOG. (Kitchen, Punt 1971, 197202) According to his studies, the journey between Suez and Suakin, about 900 km, lasted
between 30 and 45 days. (Kitchen, Punt 1971, 196) Moreover, he claims that from their port
of arrival, Egyptians would have walked inland to reach the areas with exotic products.
(Kitchen, Punt 1971, 196) This 400 km journey overland would have taken about 25 days to
reach the Sudanese-Eritrean border (Kassala and its surroundings). It is this route that would
have been taken by the expedition under Hatshepsut to bring back 31 incense trees and ebony
wood with the help of the Puntites. (Kitchen, Punt 1971, 203)
G. Posener (Posener 1977, 370) stated that only archaeological excavations can reveal
traces of the Egyptian presence in Punt. Unfortunately, the territory likely to correspond to
this country is far too vast to allow systematic investigations. Moreover, Posener stated that
the scribes of the bas-relief of Deir el-Bahari did not seek to imitate reality by arranging the
subjects, but rather that "the guiding idea that presided over the design of the bas-relief is the
search for exoticism". However, he considered several mentions such as products from Punt:
gold-wadj of ‘Aamu; (Posener 1977, 371) electrum of ‗Aamu; white gold of ‗Amu. ‗Amu,
according to him, is a toponym related to the sector of the Third Cataract, (Vercoutter, Kush 6,
1958, 70-71) because, on the list, appearing in the temple of Luxor of the mining areas
exploited during the reign of Ramses II, the term ‗Amu is placed after the Gebel Barkal region
and before the land of Kush (Upper Nubia).( KRI II, 618, 2-10) (Posener 1977, 337-342)
(Vercoutter, Kush 7, 1959, 120-153).
The mines of ‗Amu were as accessible from Nubia as from Punt. As the gold zone
stops at the 18th parallel, Punt should not have been too far from this boundary in a southerly
direction. Kitchen (Posener 1977, 337-342) places Punt, more precisely, between Ras Shagara
and Suakin (KITCHEN, RITANC II, 416) while Louise Bradbury situated it at the latitude of
Kurgus (Abu Hamad). (Bradbury, JARCE 33 1997, 37-60)
New Perspectives on The Expeditions to The land of Punt
- 150 -
SHEDET (10)
2023
Meeks (Meeks, Coptos 2002, 317) considered other sequences of toponyms such as
that of Ramses III in the temple of Medinet Habu who places the gold of ‗Amu in the same
context as the lapis lazuli of Tefrer and the turquoise of Ro-Chaout, as well as those
attestations on a hieratic papyrus of Tebtynis, and in the texts of the temples of Edfu, Dendera
and Kom Ombo. Based on these, Meeks points out that an African localization of Punt is far
from proven. (KRI V, 328, 4) Anyway, it is not a list of toponyms such as that of the temple
of Luxor, but a scene representing the valuable products in the treasury of the temple.
He added that Egyptian had arrived Punt by land called sometimes by "from above"
(Urk IV, 324, 10 et voir supra, 24 ) (Posener 1977, 370). The explorers of the king knowing
these routes through the Eastern Desert. Since it was also possible to reach it by sea as
mentioned in some sources, then it is a land that could be reached by both land and sea. Meeks
hinted here that Punt situated in Asia and could be reached through the Red Sea and also by
land through Sinai. The French Egyptologists enhanced that the Egyptians in their writings
place Punt to the East and take the route throughout the Eastern Desert to get there; they also
place it with the southern countries.
Nevertheless, in the lists of tributaries of the New Kingdom the Egyptians always
seem to locate Punt on the coast of East Africa. In addition, according to the Sinai inscriptions
No. 238 and No. 427 (Edel, Beitrӓge zu den Ӓgyptischen 1983, 176-182) which refers to the
harvest of myrrh of Punt, as well as the indirect reference to Punt in the tale of the
Shipwrecked Sailor, G. Posener assumed that combined expeditions to Sinai and Punt were
carried out across the Red Sea. (Posener 1977, 371)
Posener added that Egyptians were able to change their point of loading or unloading
on the coast of Punt. They may have simply moved it over time or modified it according to
their desire to explore virgin lands. Nevertheless, the centre of Punt must not have varied from
one time to another and the remains of the chapel that the Egyptians built for the goddess
Hathor should always be there. In fact, the eastern boundary of Punt was precisely located on
the edge of the Red Sea, but its western, southern, and northern borders could not be clearly
defined. (Posener 1977, 370)
The hypothesis of G. Posener eliminates the localization of Punt in Somalia or in the
region of Atbara or in the regions of the White Nile and Blue Nile. He proposes to situate
Punt in the southern part of the Sudanese coast and the coastline of Northern Eritrea, between
Port Sudan and Adulis. (Posener 1977, 374) N. Beaux assumed that Punt appears in fact as a
distant land about which the Egyptians apparently knew only the landscape by the sea and not
its extent or borders. Consequently, Punt was, in her point of view, rather a land than a
country, and its geographical location, if it was never precise, most likely changed over time,
and perhaps even according to the expeditions or crews. It is possible that the Egyptians
landed in different Punts, which contained the same products, and which were brought
together in a stereotyped image under the general expression of countries of “Punt”. (Beaux
1990, 301)
On the other hand, D. Valbelle supports hypothesis of the presence of Punt between
the southern Sudanese coast and Northern Eritrea. (Valbelle, Les Neufs Arcs 1990, 60) D.
O'Connor considers that Punt extended over the coastal zone and the eastern mountainous
region between latitudes 17˚ and 12˚ North. This location, therefore, includes a small semidesert zone to the west of the mountains and savannah to the east. O’Connor also agrees with
the writers mentioned above that the Egyptians went to Punt by the Red Sea, and that the
Puntites also made the trip in the opposite direction. Relations between the two countries were
always peaceful. He also mentions that during the expedition of Queen Hatshepsut a chapel
for the god Amun was built. (O'Connor, Punt 1982, 917-918)
- 151 -
DOI: 10.21608/shedet.2023.291531
El-Sayed Mahfouz
SHEDET (10)
R. Fattovich, who sought to confirm Posener's theory, carried out archaeological work
in the eastern part of Sudan, notably at Kassala, in the Gach-Delta and Khachem el-Girba. He
tried to reopen the discussion of the location of Punt in light of his discoveries by following in
the footsteps of the Egyptian presence in the region. Fattovich identified objects of Egyptian
type, especially dating from the 18th dynasty, in Agordat, including earrings and several stone
axes, and in Aqiq on the Red Sea where he noted some granite blocks carved according to
Egyptian construction techniques. (R. Fattovich, SAK, 4 1991, 261-262). His excavations at
Kassala, in the Gach Delta and at Khachem el-Girba on the Atbara, suggest that the
population of these regions was not marginal, since, the area was well placed to act as an
intermediary between the Nile Valley and the resource-rich regions of northern Ethiopia and
southern Sudan. (R. Fattovich, SAK 4 1991, 266) (Manzo, BCE 17 1993, 41-46) (Manzo,
CISA 4 2013, 253-271) (Manzo, CISA 5 2014, 375)
Archaeological data added to the geographical aspects of the region with natural
resources such as gold, incense, ivory, ebony, and exotic animals, the role of the inhabitants
of the Gach Delta and Baraka Valley as intermediaries in trade relations and climatic
conditions, show that the image of a country of Punt is very close to its representation in
Egyptian sources, the most important of which remains the bas-relief of Deir el-Bahari (R.
Fattovich, SAK 4 1991, 162).
The discoveries in the Sudanese-Eritrean border region show the general dynamics of
trade relations between Egypt and this region. For this, Fattovich compared his discoveries
with the Egyptian documents that mention Punt in the New Kingdom, the testimonies of
Egyptian objects from the Baraka Valley and the dissemination of the Gebel Mokram culture
at the sites of Kassala and Khachem el-Girba. He added that the arrival of drought in the
African Horn led to the suspension of these trade relations between Egypt and the region at
the end of the 20th dynasty. (R. Fattovich, SAK 4 1991, 266)
Abdel Monem Abdel Halim Sayed, in returning to the earlier ideas of Mariette and
Maspero, suggested that there are two clues in the bas-relief of Hatshepsut which locate Punt
in Somalia: first, the existence of incense trees by the seashore; and second, the representation
of a man harvesting terebinth resin from incense trees growing by the sea. He drew in
particular on the writings of classical authors such as Strabo (Strabo n.d., vol.16) and Pliny
(Pliny n.d., chap.34) to compare the changes in climate and environment between the
Pharaonic era and the present day and thus ensures that there have been no significant changes
that would have disturbed the fauna and flora.
These two elements suggest, according to him, that the "Terraces of Punt" are
therefore located by the sea. In addition, he relied on a study by Hepper to select the regions
where one can find the incense trees represented in Deir el-Bahari. (Hepper 1977, 129-130)
Hepper found that this kind of myrrh, which bears the scientific name Boswellia frereana,
grows in only one place; by the sea in northeastern Somalia. Sayed concluded by considering
that palm trees, huts on stilts, cynocephalies, baboons and cinnamon, characteristic of Punt,
still exist in this area. He confirmed his hypotheses by signaling the presence of antiou-trees
by the sea was assured due to the representation of marine fish on the same scenes of Deir elBahari. (SAYED 1993, 98-126)
The fauna and flora, represented on the bas-relief, have been the subject of an in-depth
analysis by Meeks, the latter noting that animals can be transported far from their natural
environment. He rejected the fact that animals such as the rhinoceros, the herd of cattle and
the giraffe, appearing on the bas-relief, lived in their natural environment, adding that the
absence of the elephant weakened the African location of the scene of Deir el-Bahari. (Meeks,
Coptos 2002, 275-279).
New Perspectives on The Expeditions to The land of Punt
- 152 -
SHEDET (10)
2023
As for the flora represented, Meeks notes that plants are less of a problem: the doumpalm exists in Yemen, as does the ebony tree; the good quality gum-resin-‗anty producing tree
(Baum 1988, 107) (Keimer 1946-1947, 279) with the scientific name Boswellia Frereana
comes from the Somali coast, while the one with the scientific name Boswellia sacra comes
from the Hadramout and Dhofar region, (Hepper 1977, 129-130) (Western and McLeod 1995,
80-81,91-92) which lie between present-day Yemen and Oman. (Hepper 1977, 69, pl. XV )
(Casson 1989, 132) (Vycichi 1967, 45-46) The list of incense-producing trees from the temple
of Edfu showing those with Punt‘s products were excluded from those of Kush. (Meeks,
Coptos 2002, 279-281) This confirms, according to Meeks, that the incense came mainly from
Arabia known as Punt in the separate list of Kush. (Meeks, Coptos 2002, 280-281) F.
Servajean listed the results of recent excavations in Arabia and the "Sabre culture" by
proposing the identification of the latter with Punt. (Servajean 2016, 180-185)
Finally, Taterka, has recently published a paper about the presence of the Secretary
bird in the bas-relief. He identified the image of a bird carried by a Nubian represented on
unpublished fragments from the famous scene of Punt as having an African origin and as
living in its natural Nubian environment and, therefore, could not be brought to the Arabian
Peninsula as a diplomatic exchange. Therefore, Taterka refutes Meeks theory, depending on
this evidence which was discovered recently as a part of Hatshepsut‘s Punt reliefs from the
southern Middle Portico of Deir el-Bahari‘s temple of millions of years in favour of the
African location of Punt. (F. Taterka, RdE 69, 2019, 231-248)
We will not study the bas-relief of Hatshepsut in details despite its importance, but
some observations on the scenes and texts can be proposed: (Mahfouz and Ragab, Abgadiyat
16 2021, 52-64)
The royal decree evokes the desire to reach the terraces of the incense trees, in order to
explore their accesses, to know their periphery and to recognize the different roads.
(Naville 1895, pl. 86) (Smith 1962, 59-60) (Vandersleyen, L'Égypte et la vallée du Nil 1995, 282) (Urk
IV, 335)
The Egyptian delegation arriving in Punt appeared to be like a military troop which
upset the peaceful aspect of the expedition. (Naville 1895, pl.72) (Smith 1962, 59-60)
The inhabitants of Punt ask the Egyptian delegation why they came to their land that
none knew, and then they ask them how they got there: by the ḥr w3wt ḥrt “paths
above‖ (Posener 1977, 370) (land road), by sea or by the valley.( Urk IV, 324)
The Egyptian fleet, on its return voyage, arrived directly in the river port of
Karnak.(Urk IV, 329-30.) In order to find a solution to the direct landing of Hatshepsut's fleet
at Karnak, F. Servajean returns to the idea of the existence of a direct connection between the
Nile and the Red Sea through the Wadi Tumilat, (Servajean 2016, 191) a hypothesis totally
rejected by G. Posener and A. M. Sayed. (Posener 1977, 269) A reject that was confirmed by
the discovery of several ports on the Red Sea confirmed the opinion of G. Posener.
II.
Scenes of exchange in private tombs
A scene in the tomb of the director of the treasury Min (TT143), contemporary of the
reign of Amenhotep II, depicts the owner on his chariot, accompanied by a group of soldiers,
welcoming boats from Punt (TT 143) (N. d. Davies 1935, 48-49, pl. 2. fig. 3) (Urk IV,1472-3,
no. 452) (Säve-Söderbergh 1946, 22-25) (Breyer 2016, 647, Dok. 33.)
This scene shows a commercial exchange between Egyptians and Puntites. Bradbury
considered that the primitive form of ships indicates that the Puntite delegation had not made
an oversea voyage, but had sailed on the Atbara river, then continued its way on the Nile to
- 153 -
DOI: 10.21608/shedet.2023.291531
El-Sayed Mahfouz
SHEDET (10)
Kurgus (Abu Hamed), where they met the Egyptian military patrol and bartered with them.
(Bradbury, JARCE 33 1997, 39-42) (Kitchen, Further Thoughts 1999, 173-174) This
explanation seems logical, in order to explain the small size of the Puntite boats and their
limited navigation capabilities. Although K. Kitchen noted that a recent excavation (Sjöström
2001, 59) of the fortress of Abu Hamed showed that it was at best post-Meroitic and probably
medieval in date and no evidence of the presence of a fortress dating from the New Kingdom
is preserved.
Similarly, the tomb of Amenmes in Thebes (TT 89) contains a scene showing a
commercial exchange between Egyptians and Puntites, this time without their small boats,
although the area where they may have been shown is erased.( TT 8 )(PM I, 181-183) (SäveSöderbergh 1946, 25) (Cabrol 2000, 404) (Breyer 2016, 648, Dok. 34) (G. Davies 1940, 136,
pl. 25) The Egyptians, presented on four registers, received the exotic products of Punt, under
the supervision of the steward of Thebes Amenmes, who is standing in his chariot.( TT 143)
(TT 89) (Urk. IV, 1892, 14)) These scenes, according to Posener, indicate that the Puntites
came to deliver their products to the Egyptian coasts of the Red Sea and that the Egyptian
state itself sent expeditions to take delivery. (Posener 1977, 370) Bradbury, however,
suggested that the traders of Punt came by the Nile in order to trade with the Egyptians.
According to her, the two boats are too fragile to sail on the Red Sea and did not have enough
fresh water supply for the journey. The scene is the only evidence of trade on the river
between Punt and Egypt via the Kurgus/Kary border (Abu Hamed). (Bradbury, JARCE 33
1997, 37-60)
III.
The Harris Papyrus and the Expedition of Ramesses IIIrd
A journey to Punt was described in detail in the Papyrus Harris I. This passage is
organized according to the following order: (Erichsen 1933, 94, l. 1.9-1.13 ) (Bongrani 1997,
45-59) (Grandet, BdE 109 1994, 338)
the preparation of the expedition and maritime journey;
the arrival in Punt and the barter;
the return trip and the overland crossing of the desert of Coptos;
the river journey to the Residence in the north.
Ramses III, according to the text, commanded a peaceful mission to resume with this
country the commercial relations that had been suspended since Ramses II. The starting point
is not mentioned, only the sea route named "the great sea of Mou-qed" (Grandet, Ramsès III
1993, 306-308) (Grandet, BdE 109 1994, note 931, pp. 255-260 ) although on the return trip,
the ships docked at the latitude of Coptos (lit. the desert of Coptos), probably at Wadi
Gawasis. Then the expedition crossed the desert to join the river and continued by the river
until the capital to the north. The presence of the cartouche of Ramses III at Wadi Godami
confirms this theory. (Bradbury, JARCE 25 1988, 146, n.69)
Claude Vandersleyen considers that the expression Mu-qed, which appears in the
Harris Papyrus and which had already been used in the stele of the year 2 of Thutmose I(Urk.
IV, 85, 14) (Vandersleyen, L'Égypte et la vallée du Nil 1995, 257-259) at Tombos, referred to
the course of the Nile between the region of Abu Hamed and Napata, where it flows southnorth. In this part of his reasoning, Cl. Vandersleyen followed L. Bradboury. (Bradbury,
JARCE 33 1997, 37-60) While, L. Bradbury did not discuss the expedition of Ramesses III,
but comments that private trade was carried out between the Puntites and Egyptian officials
represented on the private tombs in Thebes of the XVIII dynasty. Therefore, her argument is
not appropriate in this context.
New Perspectives on The Expeditions to The land of Punt
- 154 -
SHEDET (10)
2023
Vandersleyen considered, moreover, that the toponym "desert of Coptos", thought to
be an indication to the land route from the Red Sea to the Nile valley, designates the
mountainous area near Coptos without any relation with either the Eastern Desert or the Red
Sea shore. This means, according to him, that that the expedition of Ramses III to Punt would
have descended the Nile to go to Punt. (Vandersleyen, Ouadj our 1999, 99-100)
Several rock inscriptions bearing the names of Ramesses III have recently been
discovered respectively in Wadi el-Homr, in Wadi Abu Gada in Sinaï, (Tallet, MIFAO 130
2013, no. 207, 208, 251) in the copper mines of Timna, near present-day Eilat, and in the
oasis of Tayma 60 km northwest of the Arabian Peninsula. (Somaglino and Tallet, BIFAO 111,
2011, 361-369) (Somaglino and Tallet, Africa Praehistorica 27, 2013, 511-520)
This evidence was considered by Pierre Tallet as confirming the hypothesis of Meeks
who proposed a connection with Punt via Sinai. Based on these discoveries and the
documentation of the last two known official expeditions to the New Kingdom—that of
Amenhotep III (IS 273) (Gardiner, Peet and Černý, The Inscriptions of Sinai 1952-1955, n.
273) and of Ramesses III (Harris Papyrus) (Grandet, BdE 109 1994, 932-951)—Tallet
suggested a land route to Punt via Sinai that would have been in place at least between the
18th dynasty until the beginning of the 20th dynasty. . (Tallet, RdE 64 2013, 198-203) He
concluded that Punt, in this context and during this period, should be identified with a region
of the Arabian Peninsula. (Tallet, RdE 64 2013, 203)
The inscriptions used as landmarks mentioned above surely attest to an Egyptian
presence in these regions, but the nature of the activities carried out remains undetermined
and the connection with the texts of the expedition to the land of Punt is not certain.
Exploitation of copper and other materials is also possible either in the heart of Sinai or at the
northern end of the Arabian Peninsula.
Texts from the Late and Greco-Roman Periods
The text of a Saite period stela (Breyer 2016, 653, Dok. 39.) which mentions a drought, a
miraculous rain on the land of Punt and its influence on the level of the flood links this
toponym to the sources of the Nile in Africa. R. Herzog used this phenomenon to approve that
Punt was located in a Nilotic region. (Herzog 1968, 71-73)
G. Posener suggested that the text of this stela shows that Punt was under the influence
of the prevailing climate in the southern part of the Eastern Desert, in the Wadi Kanaïs for
example during the Ramesside period, where the texts often evoke episodes of drought and
the need to dig wells. Thus, Punt should not be pushed too far south to an equatorial climate,
nor too far north in the Egyptian zone. (Posener 1977, 373)
Finally, textual testimonies from the Greco-Roman period are often confused
concerning the location of Punt. Although Meeks in locating Punt in Arabia used the texts
from this period, especially the religious texts in the Egyptian temples in Upper Egypt, some
scholars do not agree with his point of view and continue to locating Punt in Africa. (Breyer
2016, 123-140) (Baumann 2018, 321-332).
Nevertheless, Takerka connected Punt with the sunrise and the birth of its creator and
ruler the sun god, and others located it southwards within the African continent as it was in
pharaonic times. (F. Taterka 2021, 348-349) For example, an inscription in the temple of Edfu
mentions the flight of king Ptolemy X Alexander I to the land of Punt. This text does not
prove the location of Punt on the Arabian Peninsula as assumed by Meeks. He argues that the
mention of Ptolemy X Alexander I’s flight to Punt was symbolic for the king’s death, which
- 155 -
DOI: 10.21608/shedet.2023.291531
El-Sayed Mahfouz
SHEDET (10)
was traditionally mentioned as the deceased king’s union with his creator, the sun god, who is
at the same time the ruler and creator of Punt. (Quack 2018, 53-54)
Taking into consideration the beginning of active relations and especially incensetrading between the states of southern Arabia and Egypt in the 4th century BC, (Robin 1994,
285-301) (Sayed, Proceedings Arab. 19 1989, 155-166) (Meeks, Coptos 2002, 296-306) we
still do not have any proof that Egyptian texts named the Arabian Peninsula using term ―Land
of Punt‖ even during this period.
Conclusion
Egyptian documentation did not give geographical precision to the location of Punt.
Nevertheless, it will be difficult to imagine the Punt mentioned in Herkhuf's text, to be
dissociated from the interests of Egyptian policy towards Nubia, this policy being directed by
the nomarchs of Aswan.
The recent discoveries of epigraphic documents on the maritime site of Wadi Gawasis
certainly confirmed the inscription of Henenu and clearly indicated a land passage from
Coptos to the seaport of Sawu (ancient name of Wadi Gawasis) to reach Punt by sea.
In this context, we must remember two point: firstly, Henenu bartered with the princes
of the deserts (heqaou desheret), which would be on the way to the land of Punt, in
contradiction with the bas-relief of Deir el-Bahari; secondly, the Egyptians arrived at this
country by the Red Sea during this period. In addition, we must not forget appearance of the
term Bia-Punt, "The mines of Punt", together with Punt. The region of Wadi Gawasis and its
hinterland could logically be Bia-Punt. (Taterka, CdE 96/191, 2021, 60-75)
Hatshepsut's expedition probably took a waterway, thus returning to the tradition of
the Old Kingdom. The queen's mission did not seek only incense this time, but all possible
resources, including the incense-trees themselves to try to plant them in Egypt and probably
to avoid commercial intermediaries (heqaou desheret).
It should also be noted that the Egyptian fleet, on the return trip, arrived directly at the
port of Karnak, without the mention of a land passage, and that the princes of Punt knew that
there were several ways to reach Egypt.
The encounters between the Puntites and the Egyptian military patrols depicted in the
private tombs of Thebes as well as the primitive form of Puntite boats indicate undoubtedly a
meeting place near the imperial borders of Egypt during the New Kingdom not far from the
4th Cataract.
Yet the text of Ramesses III's expedition and the details of the land part through the
Coptos desert suggest a journey similar to the Middle Kingdom route to Punt via the Red Sea.
During the Saite period, a direct connection between the rain on Puntland and the arrival of
the inundation confirm the presence of Punt on one of the eastern tributaries of the Nile,
namely the Atbara. Finally, the late location of Punt (India Minor) in Arabia during the Lagid
period remains conjectura,l but still the connection of the land of Punt with the Arabian
peninsula during this period is questionable.
The analysis of the documentation, in the light of geopolitical information from each
document, could explain the apparent contradictions. Indeed, the logical route for an Egyptian
was the Nile River, by which Herkhuf and probably Wer-Djed-Baou, could reach their
intermediaries inhabiting Nubia, who gave them the exotic products of Punt.
On the other hand, the presence of the hostile kingdom of Kerma (Kush) (Bonnet,
Edifices et rites 2000) (Valbelle, Les Neufs Arcs 1990, 107-111) became an obstacle for the
arrival of Puntite products to Egypt and forced the Egyptian state to abandon the river-route
New Perspectives on The Expeditions to The land of Punt
- 156 -
SHEDET (10)
2023
and look for another way to Punt. The Kushites dominated all the region of Upper Nubia and
represented an economic and military power that controlled access to Africa and prevented
the Egyptians from accessing the incense sources, beginning from the end of Old Kingdom
until the beginning of New Kingdom.
Therefore, from the Middle Kingdom, to avoid passing Kush, the Egyptians built ships
in the shipyards of Coptos, then transported them in pieces through the Eastern Desert to
reach the port of departure, Wadi Gawasis, on the Red Sea shore. Then, a sea journey was
undertaken to arrive at the meeting point with the Puntites or at least with commercial
intermediaries inhabiting the hinterland of the Red Sea to obtain the "wonders of Punt" as
described by Egyptian texts. A very detailed account of the Egyptian expeditions sent by sea
to the land of Punt has recently been completed by Claude Obsomer. In his study, he begins
his conclusion with the policy of the sovereigns of the Middle Kingdom toward Nubia,
especially after the military intervention of the year 16/18 of Senusret I that coincided with
the maritime voyages to Punt starting from Wadi Gawasis. (Obsomer, Bulletin de l‘académie
8 2019, 6-66)
The expeditions executed this long and difficult detour to avoid the powerful hostile
state of Kush (Kerma), with which Egypt had come into an open and direct conflict during the
reign of Senwosret I and which controlled the tracks of the Nubian desert between the Nile
and the Red Sea (Bonnet and Reinold, Genava n.s. 41 1993, 32), representing a military threat
to the Egyptian state and its interests. Egypt's violent policy toward the Kingdom of Kush
began with the conquest led by the army of the vizier Antefoker in the year 29 of Amenemhat
I, followed by the construction of the fortress of Buhen, north of the Second Cataract. The
next stage of this aggressive policy took place in the year 16/18 of Senusret I when a military
campaign against Kerma led by the general Mentuhotep was launched while the king himself
was staying in Buhen as evidenced by the triumphal stela discovered in the fortress (stele
Florence 2540).
Hostility between the Egyptian state and Kush intensified under the reign of Senusret
III (three campaigns against Kush have been attested), for more details on Egyptian policy
towards Nubia under the 12th dynasty. (Obsomer, BABELAO 6 2017, 1-38) (Valbelle, Kerma
and Egypt 2014, 107) On the other hand, P. Tallet thinks that the operations of building the
boats in the arsenals of Coptos and their transport in parts to the port of Wadi Gawasis in the
year 24 of Senusret I (stela of Antefoker/Ameny) would correspond perfectly to a deed of
foundation and the inauguration of the port under the reign of Senusret I. (Tallet, Nehet 3,
2015, 65)
Expeditions to Punt, therefore, throughout the 12th dynasty (Bard and Fattovich,
Egyptian Long-Distanc 2015, 3) (Manzo, BMSAES 18 2012, 75-106) used the maritime route
via the Red Sea, despite the difficulties it presented. (Manzo, ÄgLev 21 2011, 79) A fortiori,
during the Second Intermediate Period, during which Punt and Kush allied against Egypt, no
Egyptian trip to Punt is attested. (Bonnet, BIFAO 115 2015, 1-14)
In the New Kingdom, Egypt, after getting rid of the Hyksos, became interested in the
southern borders‘ politics. Thus, at the beginning of the 18th dynasty, the victory of Thutmose
I over the kingdom of Kush was questioned by a coalition mentioned on the stela of the year 1
of Thutmose II and whose traces are visible at Doukki-Gel where the minenou was
nevertheless quickly rebuilt.
It was probably shortly after the Egyptian pacification of the land of Kush in the New
Kingdom (Bonnet, BIFAO 112 2012, 59-75) (Valbelle, BSFE 167, 2006, 33-50) (Bonnet and
Valbelle, CRAIBL 2000, 1099-1120) that Queen Hatshepsut sent her famous expedition to
Punt, not only to obtain incense and exotic products, but also to explore the resources of
- 157 -
DOI: 10.21608/shedet.2023.291531
El-Sayed Mahfouz
SHEDET (10)
incense. (Creasman 2014, 395-405)The iconographic and textual program of the bas-relief
shows that it was the first time that the Egyptians arrived at the incense-producing areas (Punt
proper), that the Puntites were surprised and did not understand where they had come from.
Furthermore, the artist who prepared the bas-relief was truly fascinated by the tropical
environment of this country and showed his fascination by reproducing this exotic landscape
on the wall of the temple of Deir el-Bahari.
After the conquest of Nubia and the establishment of huge administrative centre for
Nubia under the leadership of the viceroy of Nubia, the Egyptian borders were moved
southward to the Fourth Cataract. During this period, the contact between the Egyptians and
the Puntites was easy and without much difficulty of movement since the Puntites could travel
in rather rudimentary boats and arrive at the border to carry out private barter with the
Egyptian military, as seen in the scenes of the tombs of the chief treasure Min (TT 143) and
the steward of Thebes Amenmes.
The mentions of the reopening of Punt routes in the texts of Seti I (Porter and Moss
1981, VII, p. 392 ) (Breasted 1906, III, § 155 ) (Kitchen, KRI, I 1975, . 30, no. 11, b, l. 12-3
)and the attestation of an expedition sent to Punt during the reign of Ramses II confirmed that
relations between this country and Egypt had not been totally interrupted under the 19th
dynasty (Porter and Moss 1981, VII, p. 161, 24-7 ) (Kitchen, KRI, II 1979, , p. 215-6, § 55 ).
Moreover, the absence of epigraphic materials in the name of this ruler in the three ports of
the Red Sea (Tallet, Nehet 3, 2015, 59) could indicate that access to Punt during this period
was through the river Nile- East desert route.
The Papyrus Harris I mentioned an expedition to Punt during the reign of Ramesses
III. It details more particularly the return journey: the route through the Red Sea to an
unspecified berthing point and the crossing of the Eastern Desert with the transport of
products, which was carried out on donkeys.
Adding the existence of inscriptions of Ramesses III in Wadi Attala, we can strongly
propose the following itinerary: the expedition returned from Punt by the Red Sea and landed
at Wadi Gawasis; it then crossed the Eastern Desert through Wadi Saqi and Wadi Attala to
reach the Wadi Hammamat; finally, from Wadi Hammamat, the expedition continued on its
way to Coptos and the Nile Valley.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Alliot, Maurice. "Pount-Pwane, l‘Opôné du géographe Ptolémée." RdE 8 (1951): 1-7.
Bard, Kathryn A., and Rodolfo Fattovich. "Egyptian Long-Distance Trade in the Middle
Kingdom and the Evidence at the Red Sea Harbour at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis." In Walls
of the Prince, Egyptian Interactions with Southwest Asia in Antiquity, Essays in
Honour of John S. Holladay, Jr., edited by Edward B. Banning, Stanley Klassen
Timothy P. Harrison, 1-10. Lieden-Boston: Brill, 2015.
Bard, Kathryn A., and Rodolfo Fattovich. "The Land of Punt and Recent Archaeological and
Textual Evidence from the Pharaonic Harbour at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis, Egypt." In
Human Expeditions: Inspired by Bruce Trigger, edited by Stephen Chrisomalis, &
Andre Costopoulos, 3-11. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013.
Baud, Michel. Famille royale et pouvoir sous l'Ancien Empire égyptien. Vol. 1. Bibliothèque
d'Étude 126/1 vols. Cairo: Institut Français d'Archéolgie Orientale, 1999.
Baum, Nathalie. Arbres et arbustes de l'Egypte ancienne. Leuven : Peeters, 1988.
New Perspectives on The Expeditions to The land of Punt
- 158 -
SHEDET (10)
2023
Baumann, Stefan. Schatzkammern. Ihre Dekoration und Raumkonzeption in den ägyptischen
Tempeln der griechisch-römischen Zeit. Vol. 1. Studien zur spätägyptischen Religion
19 vols. Wiesbaden, 2018.
Beaux, Nathalie. Le cabinet de curiosités de Thoutmosis III. Plantes et animaux du "Jardin
botanique" de Karnak. Vol. X. OLA 36 vols. Leuven: Peeters, 1990.
Bissing, Friedrich W. Freiherr von. "Les tombeaux d‘Assouan." ASAE 53, no. 2 (1955): 319338.
Bongrani, Luisa. "The punt expedition of Ramses III: consideration on the report from the
papyrus Harris I." L'Impero Ramesside, Convegno Internazoinale in Onore di Sergio
Donadoni. Rome, 1997. 45-59.
Bonnet, Charles. "Découverte d‘une nouvelle ville cérémonielle nubienne et le menenou de
Thoutmosis I (Doukki Gel, Soudan)." CRAIBL II (2013): 807-823.
—. Edifices et rites funéraires à Kerma, mission archéologique de l'Université de Genève à
Kerma, Soudan. Genève, 2000.
—. Le temple principal de la ville de Kerma et son quartier religieux. Paris: Errance, 2004.
Bonnet, Charles. "Les grands monuments égyptiens et nubiens du début de la XVIIIe dynastie
sur le site de Doukki Gel." BIFAO 112 (2012): 59-75.
Bonnet, Charles. "Une ville cérémonielle du début du Nouvel Empire égyptien." BIFAO 115
(2015): 1-14.
Bonnet, Charles, and Dominique Valbelle. "Les sanctuaires de Kerma du Nouvel Empire à
l'époque méroïtique." CRAIBL fascicule 3 (2000): 1099-1120.
Bonnet, Charles, and et al. Charles Bonnet Kerma, Royaume de Nubie. Genève, 1990.
Bonnet, Charles, and Jacques Reinold. "Deux rapports de prospection dans le désert oriental."
Genava n.s. 41 (1993): 32.
Bradbury, Louise. "Kpn-Boats, Punt Trade, and A Lost Emporium." JARCE 33 (1997): 39-42.
Bradbury, Louise. "Reflections on God's Land and Punt in the Middle Kingdom." JARCE 25
(1988): 127-156.
Breasted, James Henry. Ancient Records of Egypt. Vols. I-V. Chicago: Chicago University
Press, 1906.
Breyer, Francis. Punt, Die Suche nach dem « Gotterland ». Vol. Culture and History of the
Ancient Near East 80. Leiden: Brill, 2016.
BRUGSCH, H. Die Geographie des alten Ӓgypten nach den altӓgyptischen Denkmӓlern II.
Leipzig, 1858.
Brugsch, Heinrich. Die Geographie des alten Ӓgypten nach den altӓgyptischen Denkmӓlern.
Vol. II. Leipzig, 1858.
Cabrol, Agnes. Amenhotep III, Le magnifique. Paris, 2000.
Casson, Lionel. The Periplus Maris Erythraei: Text with Introduction, Translation, and
Commentary. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989.
Cherpion, Nadine. Mastabas et hypogées d’Ancien Empire. Paris , 1989.
Couyat, Jules, and Pierre Montet. Les inscriptions hiéroglyphiques et hiératiques du Ouadi
Hammâmât. Vol. MIFAO 34. Cairo: IFAO, 1912.
Creasman, Pearce Paul. "Hatshepsut and the Politics of Punt." African Archaeological Review
31, no. 3 (2014): 395-405.
Danelius, Eva, and Heinz Steinitz. "The Fishes and Other Aquatic Animals on the PuntReliefs at Deir El-BaḤri." JEA 53 (1967): 15 - 24.
Davies, G. "The Tomb of Amenmose." JEA 26, 1940: 136, pl. 25.
Davies, N. de G. The Tomb of Min (TT 183). New York: MMA, 1935.
- 159 -
DOI: 10.21608/shedet.2023.291531
El-Sayed Mahfouz
SHEDET (10)
Davies, Vivian. "Kouch en Egypte: une nouvelle inscription historique a El-Kab." BSFE 157
(2003): 38-44.
Dixon, David M. "The Land of Yam." JEA 44 (1958): 40-55.
Edel, Elmar. <Beitrӓge zu den Ӓgyptischen Sinaiinschriften> Nachrichten der Akademie der
Wissenschaften in Göttingen. Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983.
Edel, Elmar. "Inschriften des Alten Reiches VI. Die Reiseberichte des Hrw-Hwjf (Herchuf)."
In Ägyptologische Studen, Festschrift für H. Grapow zum 70 Geburtstag, edited by O.
Firchow, 51-75. Berlin, 1955.
El-Awady, Tarek. "King Sahura with the precious trees from Punt in a unique scene!" Edited
by M. Barta. The Old Kingdom art and archaeology - Proceedings of the Conference
held in Prague may 31st-june 4th 2004. Prague, 2006. 37-44.
Erichsen, Wolja. Papyrus Harris I, Hieroglyphische Transkription. Vol. BiAeg V. Bruxelles:
dition de la Fondation égyptologique eine lisabeth, 1933.
Espinel, Andres Diego. Abriendo los caminos de Punt: Contactos entre Egipto y el àmbito
africaârabe durante la Adad del Bronce (ca. 3000 a.C. – 1065 a.C.). Barcelona :
Edicions Bellaterra, 2011.
Falk, David. "The products of Hatshepsut‘s trade mission to Punt: An alternative translation
of the Punt reliefs at Deir el-Bahari." GM 238 (2013): 51-61.
Farout, Dominique. "Expeditions to the Red Sea at the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty."
Egypt Africa & East 41 (2006): 48.
Farout, Dominique. "The career of the whmw Ameny and the organization of expeditions to
Wadi Hammamat in the Middle Kingdom." BIFAO 94 (1994): 143-169.
Fattovich, R. "The Problem of Punt in the Light of Recent Field Work in the Eastern Sudan."
Documents some Fourth International Ӓgyptologen Congress Munich. Munich, 1991.
257-272.
Fattovich, Rodolfo. "Punt: the Archaeological perspective." Congress International of
Egitologia. proceedings. Turin, 1993. 399-405.
Fattovich, Rodolfo. "Punt: The Archaeological Perspective." BSF 6 (1996): 15-29.
—. "The Problem of Punt in the Light of Recent Field Work in the Eastern Sudan."
Documents some Fourth International Ӓgyptologen Congress Munich 1985. Munich,
1991. 257-272.
—. "The Problem of Punt in the Light of Recent Field Work in the Eastern Sudan." Akten des
Vierten internationalen Ӓgyptologen Kongresses München 1985. Munich, 1991. 261262.
Fattovich, Rodolfo, and Kathryn A. Bard. Harbor of the pharaohs to the land of Punt :
archaeological investigations at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis, Egypt, 2001-2005. Naples:
Universit degli Studi di Napoli "L Orientale", 2007.
Gardiner, Alan H. Egypt of the Pharaohs. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962.
Gardiner, Alan H., Tomas Eric Peet, and Jaroslav Černý. The Inscriptions of Sinai. Vols. I-II.
Oxford, 1952-1955.
Gasse, Annie. "Wadi Hammamat on the Road to Punt." Abgadiyat 11 (2016): 44-50.
Gauthier, Henri. Dictionnaire des Noms Géographiques Contenus dans les Textes
Hiéroglyphiques. Vol. II. Cairo, 1925.
Goedicke, Hans. "Harkhuf's Travels." JNES 40 (1981): 1-20.
Grandet, Pierre. Le Papyrus Harris I, BM 9999. Vol. BdE 109. 2 vols. Cairo: IFAO, 1994.
—. Ramsès III, Histoire d'un règne, collection: Bibliothèque de l'Egypte ancienne. Paris:
Pygmalion Editions, 1993.
New Perspectives on The Expeditions to The land of Punt
- 160 -
SHEDET (10)
2023
Hannig, Rainer. Die Sprache der Pharaonen, Großes Handwörterbuch Ägyptisch-Deutsch
(2800-950 v. Chr.). Vol. Kulturgeschichte der Antken Welt 64. Mainz, 2010.
Hense, Martin, Olaf E. Kaper, and Roderick C.A. Geerts. "A stela of Amenemhet IV from the
main temple at Berenike." BiOr 72 (2015): 585-601.
Hepper, Nigel. "On the transference of ancient plant names." Palestine Exploration Quarterly
109 (1977): 129-130.
Herzog, Rolf. Punt. Vol. ADAIK 6. Cairo: Glückstadt: Verlag J. J. Augustin, 1968.
Hilzheimer, Max. "Zur geographischen Lokalisierung von Punt." ZÄS 68, no. 1 (1932): 112114.
Kadish, Gerald E. "Old Kingdom Egyptian Activity in Nubia: Some Reconsiderations." JEA
52 (1966): 23-33.
Keimer, Louis. "Plusieurs antiquités récemment trouvées." BIE 29 (1946-1947): 279.
Kemp, Barry J. "From Old Kingdom to Second Intermediate Period c. 2686-1552 B.C. ." In
Ancient Egypt: A Social History, by B. Trigger, B. Kemp, D. O'Connor, & A. Lloyd,
126-130. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.
Kitchen, Kenneth Anderson. "Further Thoughts on Punt and its neighbours." In Studies on
Ancient Egypt in honour of H. S. Smith, edited by A. Leahy, & J. Tait, 173-178.
London, 1999.
Kitchen, Kenneth Anderson. "Punt and How to Get There." Orientalia 40, no. 2 (1971): 184206.
—. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated, Notes and Comments. Vols. V:
Setnakht, Ramesses III and Contemporaries: Translations. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell,
2008.
—. Ramesside inscriptions. Translated and annotated. Notes and comments. Vols. I:
Ramesses I, Sethos I and Contemporaries. Oxford: Blakwell, 1993.
—. Ramesside inscriptions. Translated and annotated. Notes and comments. Vols. II:
Ramesses II, royal inscriptions. Oxford: Blackwell, 1999.
—. Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical. Vol. I. Oxford, 1975.
—. Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical. Vol. II. Oxford, 1979.
—. Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical. Vol. V. Oxford, 1983.
—. "The Elusive Land of Punt, Revisited." Edited by P. Lunde, & A. Porter. Trade and Travel
in the Red Sea Region, Proceedings of the Red Sea Project I held in the British
Museum. Oxford, 2004. 25.
Kitchen, Kenneth Anderson. "The Land of Punt." In The Archaeology of Africa, Food, metals
and towns, edited by Thurstan Shaw, Paul Sinclair, Bassey Andah, & Alex Okpoko,
587-608. New York, 1993.
Lichtheim, Miriam. Ancient Egyptian Literature. Vol. I: The Old and Middle Kingdoms.
London, 1975.
Mahfouz, El-Sayed. "Amenemhat III ao ouadi Gaouasis." BIFAO 108 (2008): 253-279.
Mahfouz, El-Sayed. "Amenemhat IV au ouadi Gaouasis." BIFAO 110 (2010): 165-175.
Mahfouz, El-Sayed. "Les ostraca hiératiques du Ouadi Gaouasis." RdE 59 (2008): 275-322.
Mahfouz, El-Sayed. New Epigraphic Materials from Wadi Gawasis. Vol. BdE 155, in The
Red Sea in Pharaonic Times, Recent Discoveries along the Red Sea Coast, Cairo-Ayn
Soukhna, 11-12 January 2009, edited by P. Tallet, & El-S. Mahfouz, 117-132. Cairo:
IFAO, 2012.
Mahfouz, El-Sayed. "Ramses II and the Land of Punt in the light of Nubian Enigmatic
Inscription." Abgadiat 11 11 (2016): 86-92.
- 161 -
DOI: 10.21608/shedet.2023.291531
El-Sayed Mahfouz
SHEDET (10)
Mahfouz, El-Sayed. "The Maritime Expeditions of Wadi Gawasis in the Twelfth Dynasty."
Abgadiat 6 (2011): 51-67.
Mahfouz, El-Sayed, and Asmaa agab. "L‘expédition d‘Hatchepsout au pays de Pount."
Abgadiyat 16 16 (2021): 52-64.
Mahfouz, El-Sayed, and Rosanna Pirelli. "Epigraphy." In Mersa/Wadi Gawasis 2006-2007
Report, edited by R. Fattovich, & K. Bard, 31-34. Naples, 2007.
Manzo, Andrea. "From the Sea to the Deserts and Back: New research in Eastern Sudan."
BMSAES 18 (2012): 75-106.
Manzo, Andrea. "Note sur quelques tessons égyptiens découverts près de Kassala, Soudan
sud-oriental." BCE 17 (1993): 41-46.
Manzo, Andrea. "Preliminary Report of the 2013 Field Season of the Italian Archaeological
Expedition to the Eastern Sudan of the Universta Degli Studi di Napoli, L‘Oientale."
Newsletter di Archeologia CISA 5 (2014): 375-401.
Manzo, Andrea. "Punt in Egypt and Beyond, Comments on the impact of maritime activities
of the 12th dynasty in the Red Sea on Egyptian crafts with some historical and
ideological thoughts." ÄgLev 21 (2011): 79.
Manzo, Andrea. "The Italian Archaeological Expedition to the Eastern Sudan of the
Universit degli Studi di Napoli, ‗L‘Orientale‘. An Overview of the 2012 field
season." Newsletter di Archeologia CISA 4 (2013): 253-271.
Marcolin, Michele, and Andrés Diego Espinel. "The Sixth Dynasty Biographic Inscriptions of
Iny:More Pieces to the Puzzle." In Abusir and Saqqara in year 2010/2, edited by
Miroslav Bárta, Filip Coppens, & Jaromír Krejci, 570-615. Prague, 2011.
Mariette, Auguste. Deir el Bahari. Leipzig, 1887.
Meeks, Dimitri. "Coptos et les chemins de Pount." Autour de Coptos, Actes du colloque
organisé au musée des Beaux-arts de Lyon (17-18 mars 2000), Topi. Lyon, 2002. 267335.
Meeks, Dimitri. "Locating Punt." In Mysterious Lands, Encounters with ancient Egypt, edited
by D. O'Connor, & S. Quirke, 53-80. London, 2003.
Michaux-Colomot, Daniele. "Geographical Enigmas Related to Nubia: Medja, Punt,
Melluḫḫa and Magan." Edited by T. Kendall. Nubian Studies 1998, Proceedings of the
Ninth Conference of the International Society of Nubian Studies, August 21-26, 1998.
Boston, 2004. 353-363.
Naville, Edouard. The Temple of Deir el-Bahari. Vol. III. London: The Egyptian Exploration
Fund, 1895.
Nibbi, Alessandra. Ancient Egypt and some Eastern Neighbours. Park Ridge, 1981.
Nibbi, Alessandra. "Remarks on the Two Stelae from the Wadi Gasus." JEA 62 (1976): 4650.
Nibbi, Alessandra. "Some Remarks on the Assumption of Ancient Egyptian Sea-going." The
Mariner's Mirror 65 (1979): 201-208.
Nina, M, and N. D. G. Davies. "The Tomb of Amenmosě (No. 89) at Thebes." JEA 26 (1940):
131–136.
Obsomer, Claude. "Hirkhouf et la localisation de Iam." Abgadiyat 11 (2016): 127-134.
Obsomer, Claude. "Mersa Gaouasis sur la mer Rouge et les expéditions vers Pount au Moyen
Empire." Bulletin de l’académie belge pour l’étude de langues anciennes et orientales
8 (2019): 6-66.
—. Sesostris I, Chronological and historical study of the reign. Vols. Collection: Knowledge
of Ancient Egypt, 5. Brussels, 1995.
New Perspectives on The Expeditions to The land of Punt
- 162 -
SHEDET (10)
2023
Obsomer, Claude. "Sésostris III et la frontière de Semna : une analyse des stèles nubiennes de
l‘an 16." BABELAO 6 (2017): 1-38.
O'Connor, David. "Egypt and Punt." In The Cambridge History of Africa, I, from the earliest
Times to 500 B.C., edited by J. D. Clark, 917-918. Cambridge, 1982.
O'Connor, David. "The Locations of Yam and Kush." JARCE 26 (1986): 27-50.
Peet, Tomas Eric, Alan H. Gardiner, and Jaroslav Černý. Inscriptions of Sinai. Vol. II.
Oxford, 1955.
PIRELLI, R. "Two New Stelae from Mersa Gawasis." dE 58, 2007: 87-109.
Pirelli, Rosanna. "Two New Stelae from Mersa Gawasis." RdE 58 (2007): 87-109.
Pliny. Natural History. Vol. Chap. 34. n.d.
Porter, Bertha, and Rosalind Moss. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Statues, Reliefs and Paintings. Vol. I. Oxford: Griffith Institute,
1981.
Posener, Georges. L'or de Pount. Vol. 13, in Ӓgypten und Kusch. Schriften zur Geschichte
und Kultur des alten Orients, edited by Erika Endesfelder, Karl-Heinz Priese, WalterFriedrich Reineke, & Steffen Wenig, 337-342. Berlin; Boston: De Gruyter, 1977.
Quack, Joachim Friedrich. "Incense, the Alphabet and Other Elements: On the Movement of
Persons, Commodities and Ideas between Egypt and the Southern Red Sea Region." In
Entre mers—Outre-mer: Spaces, Modes and Agents of Indo-Mediterranean
Connectivity, edited by Nikolas Jaspert, & Sebastian Kolditz, 33-59. Heidelberg:
Heidelberg University Publishing, 2018.
Robin, Christian Julien. L’Égypte dans les inscriptions de l’Arabie méridionale préislamique.
Vols. Bibliothèque d'étude, 106 / 4, in Hommages à Jean Leclant, 285-301. Cairo:
Institut français d'Archéologie orientale, 1994.
Roccati, Alessandro. La littérature historique sous l'Ancien Empire Égyptien. Vols.
Littérature Ancienne du Proche-Orient, 11. Paris, 1982.
Saleh, Abdel-Aziz. "An Open Question on Intermediaries in the Incense Trade during
Pharaonic Times." Orientalia 42 (1973): 370-380.
Saleh, Abdel-Aziz. "The Gnbtyw of Thutmose III's Annals and the south arabian
Building(b)anitae of the classical writers." BIFAO 72 (1972): 258-261.
Säve-Söderbergh, Torgny. The navy of the eighteenth Egyptian dynasty. Uppsala: University
Uppsala, 1946.
SAYED, A. The Red Sea and its Hinterland in Antiquity, A Collection of Papers Published in
the Arabic and European Periodicals. Alexandria, 1993.
Sayed, Abdel-Monem A. H. "Discovery of the Site of 12th Dynasty Port at Wadi Gawasis on
the Red Sea Shore." RdE 29 (1977): 138-178, Pl. 8-16.
Sayed, Abdel-Monem A. H. "New Light on the Recently Discovered Port on the Red Sea
Shore." CdE 58 (1983): 23-37.
Sayed, Abdel-Monem A. H. "On the Geographical Location of the Land of Punt." In The Red
Sea and its Hinterland in Antiquity, A Collection of Papers Published in the Arabic
and European Periodicals, edited by Abdel-Monem A. H. Sayed, 98-126. Alexandria,
1993.
—. "Were There Direct Relationships between Pharaonic Egypt and Arabia?" Proceedings of
the Seminar for Arabian Studies. London, 1989. 155-166.
Servajean, Frédéric. "Les dimensions des navires d‘Hatchepsout et autres remarques sur la
navigation en mer Rouge." ENiM 9 (2016): 179-226.
- 163 -
DOI: 10.21608/shedet.2023.291531
El-Sayed Mahfouz
SHEDET (10)
Sethe, Kurt. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, IV Band, Historisch-biographische Urkunden,
Unveranderter Nachdruck der zweiten, verbesserten Auflage von 1927 und 1930.
Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1961.
Sjöström, Isabella Welsby. "Excavations at Kurgus: The 2000 Season Results." SudNub 5
(2001): 59-63.
Smith, William S. "The Land of Punt." JARCE 1 (1962): 59-62.
Somaglino, Claire, and Pierre Tallet. A Road to the Arabian Peninsula during the reign of
Ramesses III. Vol. Africa Praehistorica 27, in Desert Road Archaeology in Ancient
Egypt and Beyond, edited by Frank Förster, & Heiko Riemer, 511-520. Koln, 2013.
Somaglino, Claire, and Pierre Tallet. "Une mystérieuse route sud-orientale sous le règne de
Ramsès III." BIFAO 111 (2011): 361-370.
Strabo. Geography. Vol. 16. n.d.
Survey, The Epigraphic. Medinet Habu. Vols. VI. The Temple Proper, Part II: The Re Chapel,
the Royal Mortuary Complex, and Adjacent Rooms with Miscellaneous Material from
the Pylons, the Forecourts, and the First Hypostyle Hall. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, 1963.
Tallet, Pierre. "Deux notes sur les expéditions au pays de Pount." RdE 64 (2013): 189-210.
—. La zone minière du Sud-Sinaï. Catalogue complémentaire des inscriptions du Sinaï. Vol.
MIFAO 130. Cairo: IFAO, 2013.
Tallet, Pierre. "Les «ports intermittents» de la mer ouge l‘époque pharaonique :
caractéristiques et chronologie." Nehet 3 (2015): 31-72.
Tallet, Pierre, Gregory Marouard, and Damien Laisney. "Un port de la IVe dynastie identifié
au ouadi el-Jarf (mer Rouge)." BIFAO 112 (2012): 399-446.
Taterka, Filip. "Hatshepsut‘s Punt eliefs: Their Structure and Function." JARCE 55 (2019):
189-203.
—. "Hatshepsut's Expedition to the Land of Punt - Novelty or Tradition?" Edited by Christelle
Alvarez, Arto Belekdanian, Ann-Katrin Gill, & Solène Klein. Current Research in
Egyptology 2015: Proceedings of the Sixteenth Symposium. Oxford & Philadelphia:
Oxbow Books, 2016. 114-123.
Taterka, Filip. "Hidden in Plain Sight, or Where to Look for the Mysterious Land of BiaPunt." CdE 96, no. 191 (2021): 60-75.
Taterka, Filip. "I have to put it on my wall!‖: the function of ―historical‖ reliefs in the temple
of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari." In Of Gods and Men. Research on the Egyptian
Temple from the New Kingdom to the Graeco-Roman Period, edited by A.I.F.Pichel,
35-79. Alcalá: Universidad de Alcalá, 2022.
Taterka, Filip. "Mysterious Wooden Objects Represented in the Punt Portico in the Temple of
Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari." ZÄS 148, no. 2 (2021): 229–238.
Taterka, Filip. "The Secretary Bird of Deir el-Bahari, One More Piece to the Puzzle of the
Location of the Land of Punt." RdE 69 (2019): 231- 248.
Taterka, F. "The Flight of King Ptolemy X Alexander I to the Land of Punt." SAK 50, 2021:
348-349.
Valbelle, Dominique. "Comment les Égyptiens du début de la XVIIIe dynastie désignaient les
Kouchites et leurs alliés." BIFAO 112 (2012): 450-451.
Valbelle, Dominique. "Hatchepsout en Nubie." BSFE 167 (2006): 33-50.
—. "International relations between Kerma and Egypt." Edited by J. R. Anderson, & D.A.
Welsby. The Fourth Cataract and Beyond. Proceedings of the 12th International
Conference for Nubian Studies. Leuven, 2014. 107.
New Perspectives on The Expeditions to The land of Punt
- 164 -
SHEDET (10)
2023
—. Les Neufs Arcs, L'Egyptien et les étrangers de la préhistoire à la conquête d'Alexandre.
Paris: Armand Colin, 1990.
Vandersleyen, Claude. L'Égypte et la vallée du Nil. Vol. II: De la fin de l'Ancien Empire à la
fin du Nouvel Empire. Paris: Nouvelle Clio, puf, 1995.
—. Ouadj our, W3d wr, Un autre aspect de la vallée du Nil. Vols. Connaissance de l‘Egypte
Ancienne, 7. Bruxelles, 1999.
Vercoutter, Jean. "Excavation at Sai 1955-7." Kush 6 (1958): 144-171.
Vercoutter, Jean. "The Gold of Kush." Kush 7 (1959): 120-153.
Vernus, Pascal. "Etude de philologie et de linguistique (V), XIV. Une inscription cursive du
Ouadi Gaouasis." RdE 37 (1986): 139-147, Pl. 16.
Vycichi, Werner. "Punt, Opone, Hafun-das Weihrauchland der alten Ӓgypter ?" MIO 13
(1967): 45-46.
Western, A. C., and W. McLeod. "Woods Used in Egyptian Bows and Arrows." JEA 81
(1995): 77–94.
- 165 -
DOI: 10.21608/shedet.2023.291531