JAMMR 8 (2) pp. 99–115 Intellect Limited 2015 Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research Volume 8 Number 2 © 2015 Intellect Ltd Article. English language. doi: 10.1386/jammr.8.2.99_1 noureddine miladi Qatar University transformative pan-arab tV: national and cultural expression on reality tV programmes abStraCt KeywordS This article analyses season two of the Arab reality TV programme titled Arab Idol, a TV series broadcast on the Saudi satellite channel MBC between 8 March and 22 June 2013. Through analysing this case study of Arab Idol, this article explores the rapid success of this genre on pan-Arab TV and attempts to decipher its audience’s interaction both online and on TV. It also seeks to unpack issues relating to the way identity, culture and nationalism are represented and debated. These programmes have been critically analysed following Fowler’s (1991) and Fairclough’s (2003) seminal texts. Results of this study reveal that the development of such a genre of TV programming in the region has opened up a new era not only for unusual entertainment but also for audience participation and engagement. As much as it can be perceived as a space for virtual democratic practice and free debates on nationalism and identity, this programme can also be considered as a unifying sphere that consolidates not only the feeling of national belonging but also the pan-Arab collective sense of the Ummah (global community). Arab Idol Arab media identity expressions reality TV satellite TV TV entertainment 99 Noureddine Miladi introduCtion The rapid developments in satellite technology and electronic media have led to the mushrooming of television channels across the Arab world. The growth of reality TV genre is one such development resulting from this. Across the Arab region, reality programmes like Who Wants to Be a Millionaire, Star Academy, Super Star, Star Academy Maghreb, Najm Alkhaleej, Al-Wady and Arabs Got Talent have been popular among audiences from different age groups, especially the youth. Although it came late to the Arab world, reality TV has finally managed to become a hit with the rise of Rotana (an Arab music video channel), The Middle East Broadcasting Channel (MBC) and various Lebanese private channels. An often-quoted figure is that Super Star (broadcast on the Lebanese Future TV), for instance, received 80 million calls in its second season. Some would think that reality TV programmes deliver mere content that serves segments of the public. A closer look reveals that such programmes have resulted in complex reactions and debates about politics, religion, culture and identity in the Arab region. Quoting Friedman (2002), one may agree with his contention that reality TV in the Arab world has not received much attention from scholars due to the difficulty in recognizing its ideological, political or cultural influences. Many of the shows broadcast on Arab TV are marketed as pure entertainment, but a closer look at various examples testifies to their powerful influences and to the subtle messages that are culturally and politically loaded. Can we here speak about the Arab Idol effect in the same way that some researchers referred to the American music series American Idol as American Idol Effect? (Koehler 2006). In 2002 when American Idol debuted, the show was not expected to make a sweeping success. However, ratings from the first season finale scored the highest FOX had received, after its sports programmes. The show attracted more than 23 million viewers that year and continued subsequently to grow in 2004 when it reached 34 million viewership in its third season (Bignell 2005). A significant interest as a result was given to studying the genre given its impact on popular culture. American Idol continued to dominate television ratings and soon the format got adopted by various TV channels from around the world. The show became a platform for stardom creation as contestants and judges got invited in major TV and radio channels in the United States. Another tremendous success for reality shows has been noted in the United Kingdom over the last couple of decades. Annette Hill (2005), found out in a study on Big Brother that high, that viewers have preference for watching reality TV programmes on serious genre like news or current affairs. The phenomenal success of Big Brother, Pop Idol and other shows is a case in point. Alluding to the earlier discussion, this article attempts to unpack issues emerging from this type of popular programmes on Arab TV. Through its focus on Arab Idol, this research seeks to fill the gap in the literature about the genre in the Arab world. It analyses the reasons behind the popularity of such a genre among Arab audiences. By employing ‘Conversation Analysis as an approach to discourse analysis’ developed by Norman Fairclough (2003: 16) and Harvey Sacks (David 1998), the study explores aspects of culture, nationalism and identity and how they are being negotiated; it also looks at debates relating to democracy, gender roles, surveillance, portrayal of routine and control as they emerge in the various episodes. However, before delving into the analysis of the example of Arab Idol, it is worth discussing the development of the Arab reality TV genre through 100 Transformative pan-Arab TV discussing some of the popular programmes that have made clear impact on the Arab TV market during the last decade. Big Brother’S Cultural ShoCK In 2003 a TV series in Bahrain introduced the first version of Big Brother. Al-Rais (title of the programme), which stands for the ‘boss’, chose a remote island where it placed six males and six females in an Arab type of Big Brother House. Since the housemates included a Christian, the experience for some of them was very revealing given the cultural differences and the religious discrepancies and practices between Muslims and Christians. Although a prayer place was set and the call to prayer takes place regularly which is in tune with the conservative cultural practices of the Arab regions, the show was condemned from the outset and was deemed outraging to the cultural norms of the Gulf region. It was, for instance, criticized as part of ‘an American strategy to take over the Middle East by infiltrating the hearts and minds of Arab youths’ (WND 2004). No wonder then that after only three episodes ‘Al-Ra’is’ was axed, and as a result, this version of reality TV never succeeded in the Arab region. It is worth mentioning here that the planning process for the genre did not carefully consider the cultural sensitivity of the region. The programme was not probably perceived by the production company and the channel which broadcast it that it might provoke the religious sentiments of its audiences for the controversial setting. The end result was a backfire effect and total failure of the programme. Stars of Science Stars of Science, broadcast on the Saudi TV channel MBC4, is considered innovative and different from the usual entertaining reality shows on Arab TV. Nujoom Al-Uloom (Stars of Science) brings together innovators from various Arab countries whose main task is to invent a technological gadget that is eventually marketable. The total prize awarded to the winning team is $600,000 in cash, which is shared between the team members. The show, which is sponsored and backed by Qatar Foundation and takes place in Qatar, opens the appetite for Arab geniuses to showcase their talent and pitch for a project that can potentially attract investors from within and outside the region. So far the show has brought to light numerous talents from various Arab countries, most of whom have been unknown until their appearance on the programme. As a result, and since its inception, Stars of Science has become a significant spate for showcasing talents. One of the winners (who had appeared in the first season in 2008) from Algeria described the fulfilling experience because of her participation in the programme, saying There’s no other opportunity that has shown me more about myself than the show. At first, I wondered if people would be interested in watching a bunch of geeks in a lab. But I was immediately humbled by the amount of talent on the show, and we were all determined to do our best work […]. It was like suddenly, we had permission to innovate according to our passion by people who actually wanted to hear about our ideas. (Fantz 2012) 101 Noureddine Miladi Scores of the likeness of those talented youth tend over the years to find their way to western universities where they can pursue their postgraduate studies and undertake career opportunities in prestigious companies and institutions, mainly in the United States and Europe. The programme reminds probably about an ongoing phenomenon that has been taking place in the Arab region during the last 50 years known as the ‘Arab brain drain’. This one-way traffic has been growing over the years both in quality and in quantity. Thousands of postgraduate students and experts travel to western universities to study for a doctorate and end up settling in western universities and research centres. Attracted by competitive salaries, high standard of living, freedom of expression, thriving research and work environment, they end up in most of the cases seeking citizenship in the host countries and carve long career opportunities. hawa Sawa Hawa Sawa, which can be translated into ‘Love on Air’, is probably one of the most controversial programmes from among the Arab reality shows. The main mission of the programme is matchmaking by bringing a group of women in an apartment in a Lebanese setting. Eight selected women would live under camera supervision for about three months where the audience can see how they behave and respond to a caller asking them questions or giving them certain instructions from time to time. During the course of the first month various grooms will be presented to the viewers, who will vote on the ideal bride for each male. The climax is reached when couples are formed and the channel makes arrangements for a wedding broadcast live on TV, which millions of viewers eagerly follow. Similar to other reality TV programmes, Hawa Sawa raised various concerns among Arab audiences and religious leaders. Criticism relating to the abuse of Arab/Islamic cultural norms surfaced on popular newspapers and TV/radio discussion shows. Debates also flared up in social media networks about the unmarried males and females living together in one place and sharing daily activities like cooking, eating, cleaning and singing. Such situations are normally viewed only on soap opera and not in programmes featuring ‘real-life’ situations. popularity of reality tV ShowS The wave of liberalization in the Arab TV market and the speedy developments related to satellite TV supply and viewership have led many channels in the Arab TV industry to recognize the need for offering ratings-driven content. Reality TV’s attraction lies in its relative novelty to audiences as well as its lower costs of production as participants are mainly regular people and not highly paid movie and TV stars. In its report titled ‘Arabic Reality TV Shows’, the Arab Advisory Group revealed that reality TV programmes have been growing in number and audience attraction. For instance, ‘Out of the 18 reality TV shows aired in 2012/2013, 12 were original shows rather than licensed formats from global companies’ (claims the report). Ms. Hiba Rabadi, Arab Advisors Research Analyst, also wrote in the report that ‘channels are increasingly employing social media as a tool for increased interactivity with their audience’ (Arab Advisors Group 2013). Online presence on social media networks has become a necessary tool to engage the audiences. Viewers find in YouTube channels and Facebook pages great spaces of virtual interactivity about the various episodes. The growing number of viewership for songs 102 Transformative pan-Arab TV posted on YouTube, for instance, is a testimony on the scale of followers of such popular programmes like Arab Idol and Arab Got Talent. Cultural ControVerSieS As suggested earlier, the reality TV genre has faced numerous challenges when it was first introduced on Arab TV. This was partly because of its western-oriented origin and partly because of the cultural values attached to these programmes which are unusual to the norms of the Arab and Islamic culture. No wonder then that as early as 2000, reality TV programmes led to a cultural clash and a near public relations war among few broadcasters, religious leaders, civil society organizations, as well as other members of the public, namely in the Gulf region. The well-known religious preacher Dr Mohamed Al-Arifi, for instance, heavily criticized MBC channel for trivializing Arab concerns and keeping Arab viewers busy singing and dancing instead of following what is happening to the Syrian people. In his Twitter account, Al-Arifi stated, 1. ‘Al-Arifi criticizes MBC for distracting viewers with Arab Idol’, www. burnews.com/newsaction-show-id-52288. htm. Accessed 19 October 2013. MBC channel belongs to my country, which hosts Islam’s most holy sites, has now distracted Muslims with singing while the blood of our people in Syria is being spilt, our women there are being raped and our children there are being slaughtered. Shame on you oh my country.1 Sheikh Al-Arifi further called on parents not to allow their sons and daughters to watch MBC3 (the children channel) and vowed that he would boycott the products of all advertisers on the MBC channel. Subsequently, he received overwhelming support for his call from tens of thousands of his followers. His messages were re-tweeted and widely circulated on Facebook and YouTube in a matter of hours. Reality TV has spurred controversies in the Arab region since its appearance. It has triggered street riots in the case of Al-Rai’s (the Arabic version of Big Brother shut down in Bahrain in 2004). Clerics were compelled to issue fatwas in the case of Star Academy in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. Influential Islamic scholars such as Yusuf al-Qaradawi warned that such programmes are nothing but ‘instruments of cultural and intellectual invasion of the Ummah’ (Taha 2004). Sheikh Abdulrahman al-Sudais, a prominent Imam of the Al-Haram (Grand mosque in Mecca, Saudi Arabia), called some of these shows ‘weapons of mass destruction that kill values and virtue’ (Taha 2004)). Other critics argue that reality TV protagonists are not media professionals and that the content of such programmes is superficial and distracts viewers from serious day-to-day issues. Such genre has also been received with scepticism about claims of the reality they represent. They are seen as arranged, unprofessional and, to some extent, manufactured reality appealing mainly to the senses. reSearCh findingS Case study: Arab idol (Mahboub Al-Arab) This article focuses on the study of season two of the Arab reality TV programme titled Arab Idol, a series broadcast on the Saudi satellite channel MBC (Middle East Broadcasting Company) between 8 March 2013 and 22 June 2013. Judges for the show included popular Arab singers: Ragheb Alama, Ahlam, Hassan ElShafei and Nancy Ajram. The programme was created by Simon Fuller, a British entrepreneur and television producer, also creator of 103 Noureddine Miladi 2. ‘MBC refutes attempting to spread the idol concept: Arab beloved is the true meaning of Arab Idol’, http://www.al-tagheer. com/news37328.html. Accessed 15 October 2013. the Idol Franchise whose first success in the United Kingdom was with Pop Idol and then American Idol shows in the United States. The Arab Idol series provides ‘the Arabic public with the songs of Umm Kolthoum, the poetry of Ahmed Shawqi, and the voice of Abdel Halim Hafez – more so than any programs’, as stated by Ali Jaber, director general of MBC (Haddad 2013). Following the same format of American Idol and Pop Idol, contestants from all over the Arab world get selected after various stages of auditions. Contenders then perform live in a televised contest to millions of people watching them on satellite TV and the Internet in addition to the studio audience. The presence of the judges (Ragheb Alama, Ahlam, Hassan El Shafei and Nancy Ajram) makes the show even more serious, especially at times of voting out. Viewers then cast their vote using SMS after which the least popular leaves the contest. terminology and Cultural ControVerSieS Since its launch the series received bad publicity campaigns from Saudi activists. MBC1, the Saudi TV channel hosting the series, faced a war of words in order to defame its image. Its main accusation was spreading idolatry, a practice abhorred in the Arab culture and which contradicts the teachings of the Islamic monotheism (Aqeeda) based on the oneness of God. The ‘Idol’-loving concept in Arab Idol has been viewed by many activists as a deviation from the true belief to human idol following/worshipping away from worshipping the true God (Allah). As a result, the MBC group had to swiftly deal with this storm of criticism to protect its image to the extent that it employed linguistic experts to illustrate the origins of the word and contextualize its root in the Arab culture. At a certain point the channel declared in a press release that Arab Idol signifies the one to be ‘Arab beloved’ (Mahboob Al-Arab) and not a human idol (a star) to be worshipped. The channel had officially confirmed that in all cases, ‘Arab Idol’ denotes a musical journey through which contestants are engaged from an early experience to professionalism practice, in sharpening their talents, until it makes him/her reach stardom and excellence. After which they deserve to be called the Arab public beloved; those viewers who helped choose the winners by constantly following and voting throughout the various episodes.2 However, this was not the first controversy for the show. Shortly after producers announced the name of the series, they launched a region-wide campaign to assure viewers that the ’Idol’ should not be understood as ’idolatry’ and therefore was not in conflict with the Qur’an. To avoid any possible misinterpretation of the brand title Arab Idol, which may signify glamorizing idolatry, the producers opted to name the show in Arabic as ‘Mahboob Al-Arab’ (The Arabs Beloved). audienCe interaCtion The preceding analysis points to the popularity of the programme among Arab audiences given the responses it received from religious, political and other interested groups in the Arab world. This section attempts to examine audience interaction with the programme focusing on the second season (broadcast during spring 2013). Social media networks provided a vibrant platform 104 Transformative pan-Arab TV for interaction with the programme. Online rivalry, for instance, got heated up during the voting out of the contestants. What goes behind the scenes is certainly a complex networking activism. But some aspects of that interaction find its way to social media networks like Twitter feeds and Facebook discussions. Also looking at the comments that accompany video clips of various episodes on YouTube speaks volumes about people’s interest in the whole process of choosing the one to be Arab idol. For instance, social media networks flared up with criticism and anger sometimes as a response to what many viewers see as manipulation of the voting system. Many voters accused the channel of diverting all votes coming to Mohamed Assaf to Ahmed Jamal. Audiences reported that when people, for instance, vote for Assaf, a ‘thank you’ message comes back in the name of Ahmed Jamal appreciating their support, whereas the same message is meant to come signed by Mohamed Assaf. The channel also received further accusations via Facebook and Twitter activists with fraud and rigging. It was also accused of money ‘rip off’. For instance, the stepping down of the Moroccan candidate, Salma Rasheed, seemed to have infuriated scores of Moroccan viewers. They considered the winning of Ziad Khouri came as a courtesy to the Lebanese president, who voiced his support to him during the episode of 7 June 2013. 3. ‘Arab Idol’, MBC, 20 April 2013, http:// www.youtube.com/ watch?v=6d mcDRW4SgM. Accessed 20 June 2013. 4. ‘Arab Idol’, MBC, 17 May 2013, http:// www.youtube.com/ watch?v=tTvm LkUWbvM. Accessed 20 June 2013. 5. ‘Arab Idol’, MBC, 10 May 2013, http:// www.youtube.com/ watch?v=zZ LbHJhivd4. Accessed 20 June 2013. 6. ‘Arab Idol’, MBC, 13 April 2013, http:// www.youtube.com/ watch?v=bHws WWK5dJQ. Accessed 29 June 2013. youtube ViewerShip The availability of scores of video clips from various episodes gave an extra dimension to viewership and added to the programme’s popularity. Unlike the old days when such programmes used to be broadcast live and unlikely to be repeated more than once, the viewer could hardly have the chance to view the show again unless he or she manages to record it on a VCR. Nowadays all broadcast material is potentially available on the Internet 24/7 free of charge. Various platforms can provide this unlimited access: YouTube, Facebook and other Internet homepages, all potentially constitute libraries with open access and constant content retrieval. The significance of being able to retrieve any episode, watch it at a convenient time, download it and save it adds to the programme’s popularity and impact. As of 20 June 2013, only few days after they were broadcast, episodes from Arab Idol reached almost 2.5 million in viewership. Salma Rasheed’s song ‘Ya Naseeni’,3 for instance, had 2,476,015 viewership by 20 June 2013, while her song ‘Zai El-Asal’4 had 1,558,442 by 20 June 2013. Her song ‘Lis-sabr hudood’5 had 1,931,629 viewership by 20 June 2013. The highest Ziad Khouri had in terms of viewership was 501,3926 for his song ‘Khatarna ala-Balek’. MBC, the broadcaster of Arab Idol, estimated that in its finale Arab Idol received 100 million viewers, which exceeded Turkish TV soap opera series Nour reportedly acquiring 85 million viewers on 29 August 2008. Alluding to the preceding analysis, one may infer that Arab Idol’s popularity is partly due to its power in engaging audiences both online and offline. Ali Jaber, director general of MBC, argued at the time that Arab Idol proved successful because it serves the audience’s needs. He also added: I believe the secret to success is that we can put our finger on the pulse of the Arab and Gulf public. In particular, we have more experience than others in assessing the changing public desires. The public is like a school of fish; changing its direction for no reason. We have been able to keep up with these changing trends in a professional manner […]. 105 Noureddine Miladi 7. ‘MBC: “Arab Idol” finale watched by 100 million’, Asharq Al-Awsat, Monday 1 July 2013. We have also seen a change in the viewers’ choices, especially after the events of the Arab Spring. The audience, which had accepted American films and escaped to the cinema, began to prefer public programmes that it could effectively participate in.7 8. Ibid. 9. ‘Arab Idol’, MBC, http:// www.mbc.net/ar/ programs/arab-idol-s2. html. Accessed 19 October 2013. Moreover, the programme served as a platform of interaction as well as for pan-Arab connectivity. Audiences from across the Arab world and beyond have found in it a space of free expression, as well as reflection of their concerns and dreams. The MBC Group PR manager, Mazen Hayek, calls it ‘one of the main sources of the great Arab dream’. He further attributes the success of the second season to the fact that it forms a connection between Arab nationalities, without distinguishing between countries. The majority [of countries] are suffering acute political crises […]. When Abdel Karim Hamdan performed Mawwal Halab, we knew that it would touch the feelings of people from Syria and elsewhere, because of the Syrian crisis and what was being sung. People were crying, and the western media took note. CNN, the BBC, Le Figaro, the New Zealand Herald and other media outlets were talking about it at length.8 identity politiCS on reality tV A close look at the interactions among contestants, jury and the audience reveals a complex picture of how identity and nationalism are deliberated. In the course of the various episodes contestants brought issues of national identity and their countries’ struggle for freedom to the centre stage. It was not hard, for instance, to spot support for the Palestinian cause when Assaf performed or as Farah Youssef (from Syria) made people cry when she sang to the audience. Although the judges themselves are known not to get involved in politics, Arab Idol seems to have crossed boundaries between politics and entertainment. In an episode dating 7 June 2013 the Lebanese president Michelle Sulaiman contacted the programme to support his country’s candidate in the contest ‘Ziad Khouri’. In the tweet sent to Raghib Alama (a member of the jury) the president also did not hide the fact that he follows the programme and the candidate is the pride of Lebanon. On Saturday 15 June 2013, the Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas was also reported to have contacted the programme to voice his full support for the Palestinian candidate (Assaf). The appearance of Iraqi Kurdish contestant (Parwaz Hussein) sparked an identity debate between the judges and viewers both in the Arab region and in Kurdistan (north of Iraq). Because she is not a native Arabic speaker, Parwaz who was introduced as coming from ‘Iraqi Kurdistan’ had initially an interpreter to communicate with the judges. Pop star Ahlam from the United Arab Emirates, and member of the jury, suggested that Parwaz should introduce herself as being from Iraq rather than Iraqi Kurdistan. ‘I am in total disagreement of your reference to your country as Kurdistan. Kurdistan is in fact part and parcel of Iraq’,9 commented Ahlam. Such intervention, which was viewed by millions live on TV, went viral on Twitter and Facebook and provoked angry responses from Kurds in Kurdistan and beyond. Extensive exchanges on social media networks referred to Ahlam’s remark as old ‘Arab racism’. ‘Tell Ahlam we are not Arabs,’ said Ako Aljaff on Parwaz’s Facebook page. Others 106 Transformative pan-Arab TV said that as a Kurd she should not have entered a competition called Arab Idol in the first place. This flared further debates among Arab viewers and Kurds to the extent that an angry respondent (named Moteb Saud) commented on Facebook: ’If the Kurds didn’t like what Ahlam said, let them go to India or Pakistan or the Soviet Union or Armenia and establish their state far away from us’.10 Back in Kurdistan, the streets of Irbil were adorned with colourful images of the Kurdish Arab Idol contestant, Berwaz Hussein, wearing a pendant in the shape of ’greater Kurdistan’. In the eyes of her people she was perceived as a representative of the Kurdish nation and its music heritage. Street billboards displayed large pictures of her in a Kurdish traditional dress bearing the caption ‘Vote for Berwaz: Code 6’. The Kurdish journalist Aveen Asu expressed her pride with the singer: Berwaz Hussein represents the Kurdish people in this programme […] [She wrote] I am proud of the beauty of your soul and proud of you because you have been brave enough to take part in this contest. You managed to go through all these phases. The judges expressed their admiration to you and to Kurdistan […] whether you win or not, you are for us the first. What is most important, you should continue in this path after the contest.11 10. ‘Kurdish singer sparks identity debate on Arab talent show’, Assyrian International News Agency, 25 April 2013. 11. ‘Berwaz, the talented girl of Arab Idol becomes a national issue’, Shafaaq News, 14 April 2013. 12. Ibid 13. Ibid. 14. ‘Arab Idol’, MBC, http:// www.mbc.net/ar/ programs/arab-idol-s2. html. Accessed 19 October 2013. On Facebook threads, numerous Kurdish writers and artists considered voting for this ‘young women’ is a vote for Kurdistan. For instance, the Kurdish writer Abdulwahab Talibani writes from Australia: ‘A beautiful Kurdish butterfly warble with the most melodious sound, and she builds a bridge of authentic Kurdish melody and tone via the airwaves in picture and in sound’.12 Abulhassan alSafiri says about Berwaz that she has unified Iraqis after the failure of politicians to do so […]. She has proved to be capable of bringing Iraqis together and demonstrated to everyone that the bond between the Kurds and Iraqis is beyond political friction and enmity. Berwaz, a thousand mabrouk (congratulations) from the heart of every faithful Iraqi who genuinely loves Iraq […] Berwaz, the voice of all Iraqis, let us be proud of her because she has united all Iraqis through noble art.13 To contribute to the on-going debate, Raghib Alama (member of the panel of judges) argued that ‘Berwaz managed to connect cultures together and combined the Arab arts with Kurdish art’.14 In addition to the identity and politics debate, Arab Idol provoked heated religious discussions on the moral compass of reality TV programmes. Islamic scholars as well as members of the public engaged in non-ending exchanges about the negative impact such programmes may have on people’s character and morality. Many saw them as morally corrupting and a total waste of air time. Sheikh Mohamed Al-Arifi, for instance, among the various preachers who criticized Arab Idol, called upon the Emirati singer Ahlam (member of the Arab Idol jury) to abandon singing and direct her effort to dawah (Islamic preaching). The well-known Saudi religious scholar advised Ahlam via his Facebook page that she is a woman of good morals and excellent qualities who should invest her time in calling people to God. ‘My dear sister Ahlam (he said) you are a believer, who loves God, why don’t you make this day a 107 Noureddine Miladi 15. ‘Sheikh Al-Arifi calls upon the singer Ahlam to abandon singing and direct her effort to dawah’ (Islamic preaching) (in Arabic). AlQuds Newspaper, 11 June 2013. Accessed 15 June 2013. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid. turning point in your life. You should embrace this coming Ramadhan (fasting month) as Ahlam the preacher instead of Ahlam the singer’.15 The singer responded and was apparently touched by his comments: ‘May God reward you in abundance, please sheikh Mohamed Al-Arifi make duaas (supplications) for me. May God accept from me and you the best of our deeds’.16 aSSaf: ambaSSador for the paleStinianS An apparently symbolic dimension of Arab Idol is its seemingly unifying factor among Palestinians and other Arab people. It has been a rare occurrence for a TV programme to play the role of a unifying tool among Arab audiences from across the world. The final winner of the contest, Mohammed Assaf, seems to have made Palestinians and other Arab nationals feel as one people; their geographic split and ideological differences melted down for a moment. In the case of the Palestinians, there was suddenly a cause that unified everyone from the Gaza strip to the West bank, Ramallah and Jerusalem; all Palestinians shared the same hope: someone who can represent them wins the contest. A wedding singer from a refugee camp in the Gaza Strip, Assaf became the first Palestinian to win Arab Idol, in a contest that has captivated millions of viewers, including President Mahmoud Abbas. The president had earlier spoken to Assaf by phone and instructed Palestinian embassies abroad to urge expatriates to vote for him, calling the singer ‘the pride of the Palestinian and Arab nation’.17 Across Gaza, people gathered around TV screens at home, in coffee shops and in seaside cafes to watch Assaf perform for the last time. The Bank of Palestine threw money into the campaign to see him win, promising to match up to 350,000 texted votes – each one costs 40 cents – for Assaf. It placed billboards with his picture at major intersections in Gaza and the West Bank. Some cafes in the West Bank city of Ramallah offered to text a vote for every cup of coffee that customers order. In this finale, Mohammed Assaf managed to beat finalists Egyptian Ahmed Jamal and a Syrian woman, Farah Youssef. Soon after the declaration of the winner, the streets of Gaza thronged with jubilant Palestinians tooting their cars or bikes. Scenes of those carrying the Palestinian flag chanting ‘Palestine, Palestine’ reminds of a national historical victory for the country. The young singer saluted the people of Palestine, ‘who have been suffering under occupation for decades’ (Al-Jazeera English 2013). President Abbas did not miss the opportunity again to connect with the Palestinian public by showing his support. He noted, ‘I congratulate the talented singer Mohammed Assaf [...] who conveyed the message of the Palestinian people to the Arab nation through his art’ (CBC 2013a). Subsequently, Assaf was named Youth Ambassador for UNRWA, the United Nation’s agency for Palestinian refugees, and named Palestinian goodwill ambassador by President Abbas, who reportedly gave him a diplomatic passport. Among the people of Gaza, Assaf was hailed as a hero, a speaker for Palestinians and their sufferings. In his inauguration he did not forget to mention the refugees and the prisoners in the Israeli jails. ‘This young man [...] is expressing the feelings of all of us, he is expressing our suffering, our pain, but also our love of life’, Abu Ali said (CBC 2013b). In a sign of a shift, a Hamas lawmaker in Gaza, Yehiyeh Moussa, praised Assaf as the ‘ambassador for Palestinian art’. The MBC Group PR manager Mazen Hayek said: For Mohammed Assaf to win was the best example for young Arabs to overcome their sufferings. They can have faith for the possibility of 108 Transformative pan-Arab TV achieving their dreams, even though their political surroundings and other problems have prevented them from doing so for many years. Even when it was announced that Mohammed Assaf had won, I felt that this humble and affable young Palestinian was surprised and shocked. He had not dared to dream. Because of the tragedies, wars, abuses, and occupation that he had experienced and suffered from, he did not believe that he had won.18 18. ‘MBC: “Arab Idol” finale watched by 100 million’, Asharq Al-Awsat, Monday 1 July 2013. CritiCiSm of the genre Reality TV has been subject to growing criticism during the last two decades. In spite of its significant popularity among Arab audiences, there remains substantial resistance to the programmes that come under this category. ‘Opposite Direction’ (a political talk show on Al-Jazeera Channel), which was viewed by some as spreading friction and enmity between Arab countries, is one such programme that falls in this category; some see that reality TV shows are in actual fact attempts by some wealthy Arab governments to destroy Arab unity. They are viewed as a trend to tabloidize Arab media content, a phenomenon heavily criticized in the West during the last two decades (Sparks and Tulloch 2000). But part of the popularity of such programmes is that they are not costly to produce compared to current affairs and documentary programmes, for instance. On average, a reality TV programme in the United States costs about $750,000, whereas a soap opera TV series will be over $2.8 million in production costs (Makhaldi 2012). The same goes to Arab realty programmes, which have become the digest of many private TV channels. Song contests like Arab Idol and Arab Got Talent, or ‘real’ life’s struggles involving film stars and other celebrities like the series Al-Wadi (the valley), tend to receive ample negative comments from religious leaders, commentators, academics, community groups and even policy-makers. One key criticism directed at Arab Idol in its second season (spring 2013) was its potential power of distracting the Arab street from serious issues and trivializing public opinion concerns. For instance, while season two of Arab Idol attracts millions on Arab TV, neighbouring Syria was being engulfed more and more in its civil war. Hundreds of thousands of refugees have fled to Lebanon, Turkey, Jordon and other neighbouring countries. The regime of Bashar Al-Assad has become more ruthless in dealing with the Syrian opposition. But while TV screens across the Arab world were busy reporting live bloody scenes of the war including the destruction of total towns and villages, MBC kept its viewers glued to the Arab Idol songs contest. The programme then was seen as an attempt to take audiences away from this harsh reality, probably an attempt to help them escape, even for few hours per week, the often depressing news of the Syrian crisis. Beyond the Arab region, similar concerns were expressed by policy-makers when in China an imitation of the American Pop Idol drew millions of viewers’ attention in 2005. ‘Super Girl’, a singing competition show, was criticized for its negative cultural impact and subsequently banned in the same year and again in 2011. The show, which became a hit and drew over 400 million youth, was considered by the Chinese government as a danger and contradicting the Chinese cultural values. Policy-makers questioned the programme’s intentions on democratization and for the programme’s attempt to create what was seen as ‘unrealistic ideals’ for the Chinese youth (Macartney 2005). In a separate case, the French TV channel Canal+ argued in one of its reports 109 Noureddine Miladi 19. Le Figaro, 5 September 2012. http://www. lefigaro.fr/. Accessed 15 October 2013. (in 2012) that reality TV is accused of the suicide of at least 20 participants in various countries because they did not make it to the finale. The report aired on Canal+ points to the production companies that amass huge income from these programmes without follow-up of the psychological condition of the losing participants after any contest.19 reality tV and politiCS Looking beyond the religious and cultural debates Arab Idol provoked, the programme was not void of politically significant instances. During the spring 2013 season, a continuous practice of outvoting the candidate(s) to leave the contest goes each time in each episode. Heated communication from audiences and fans from various countries typically takes place. A glimpse of such occurrences is sometimes witnessed live in the studio where audiences from various Arab nationalities are present to support their countries’ contestants. What seems to have happened then during that season was an attempt of Arab nations to outvote each other. As it happened with previous episodes of Arab Idol, international rivalries surface at various stages of the contest, especially nearing the finale. In the 2012 season it was reported, for instance, that King Abdullah of Jordan had encouraged Jordanians to support the Jordanian candidate, with the government promising to pay the bill. The winner was ultimately given a hero welcome back in Amman. This time, scenes of supporters waving flags remind us about international rivalries in football competitions such as the World Cup or the Olympic Games. Patriotic messages from Palestinians in Gaza in support of Assaf or others from Morocco and Lebanon became recurrent scenes on MBC during the singing competitions. When he returned back to Gaza, Assaf was welcomed as hero, as noted earlier. And before that he was given a hero’s welcome when he landed in Jordan on 30 June 2013 on his way back home. Thousands of supporters celebrated his victory like no other icon, although very few thought in the beginning that the young man from a poor district in the Gaza Strip will make it to the finale. However, the support to the Palestinian cause seems to have played a crucial role in the overwhelming support Assaf received from Arab viewers across the Arab world. Now he has become a national champion, whose popularity exceeds scholars, politicians and other men and women of long-standing in serving their societies. In the aftermath of this situation, Assaf emerged as a unifying force among Palestinians torn between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. The Assaf phenomenon, one may call it, seemed to be able to play the role politics failed to do, which is bringing Palestinians together for the common good. The significance of this show, as maybe elsewhere, is that it is able to create stardom. Ordinary people like Assaf who were totally unknown before became famous among almost every Palestinian and to millions in the Arab world. This effect is beyond political influence or the making of political parties. But thanks to the burgeoning of satellite TV and social media networks, such starmaking phenomenon can take place in a region where stardom either is associated with political influence or created through business enterprises. SpaCeS for demoCratiC praCtiCe Can reality TV programmes promote freedom of expression and respect of the opposite viewpoint. Will it be feasible to consider Arab audiences’ engagement with such programmes as signs of the emergence of a democratic culture 110 Transformative pan-Arab TV even though in virtual spaces? Some hailed the discussion taking place in the cyberspace to be probably the closest to the Habermasian notion of a public sphere, or a liberal democracy the Arabs have been yearning for. Also the opportunity to cast vote in support of a contestant is a unique experience in some parts of the world. During the first democratic elections that took place in Tunisia on 23 October 2011, scores of voters expressed their excitement on TV channels that it was the first time in their lives they have managed to take part in free elections. The experience of the Arab Spring countries has proven so far that democracy is not the mere privilege of casting one’s vote freely, but democracy is an extensive learning process that comes to fruition after sustainable education. It is mostly a home-grown, bottom-up progression and cannot succeed if it is a mandatory top-down initiative by either internal or external forces. Reality TV thus gives the impression of democratic participation, the illusion of the power of choice by voting out someone. But this does not in fact amount to attaining any significance through the voting process. Supporters called this phenomenon the new thriving public sphere in the Arab world. Others argue that it was the closest experience of a democracy the Arab countries have witnessed, a first real taste of democracy among Arab viewers before the Arab Spring revolution. Regardless of the criticism or praise it has received so far, the significance of reality TV is partly in the potential blending of satellite technology with audience participatory programmes. People’s power is obvious in some aspects of what is going on behind the scenes. Viewers have the power to rally each other via social networks in support of a candidate. As a journalist from Enigma magazine put it, ‘As people got frustrated with the lack of political change, they got more excited at the prospect of an interactive talent show. You could kick people off the air, with your mobile phone. Now that’s power’.20 The development of such a new genre of TV programming seems therefore to have opened up a new area not only for unusual entertainment but also for audience participation and engagement. Participation in such programmes in addition to debates about the content and issues that surface from time to time has become the digest of scores of Arab youth in faceto-face discussions as well as social media networks. But while hundreds of thousands voted in reality TV shows, election results in various Arab countries recurrently reveal the apathy to take part in municipal or general elections. 20. ‘Carmen Sulaiman: The first Arab Idol’, Enigma Magazine, www.enigma-mag.com. Accessed 19 October 2013. ConCluSionS One may argue that the blessings as well as downsides of globalization have affected the whole world, even remote areas of the five continents. Reality TV has been phenomenal in terms of its impact on audiences and the TV industry in western countries. Not least, this genre has been dominating TV entertainment since the beginning of the 1990s. The Arab TV industry is not immune from this impact. But after airing reality programme from the United States and Europe for the last few decades, Arab TV industries started during the last ten years to produce their own shows, something that is normal process for the industry in terms of its development to sustain audience attraction. Regardless of the criticism or praise it has received so far, the significance of reality TV in the Arab world is partly in the potential blending of satellite technology with audience participatory programmes. Thanks to satellite TV, the proliferation of reality programmes reached large audiences in the Arab countries and the Middle East. Such genre have come a long way 111 Noureddine Miladi 21. Ibid. since the year 2000 involving heated discussions on gender, politics, religion and culture. These new platforms have pushed the boundaries of these social issues beyond the reach of any other means. People’s power is obvious in some aspects of what is going on behind the scenes. Viewers gained the power to rally each other via social networks in support of a candidate. As a journalist from Enigma magazine put it, ‘As people got frustrated with the lack of political change, they got more excited at the prospect of an interactive talent show. You could kick people off the air, with your mobile phone. Now that’s power’.21 But the real breakthrough with regard to participation and the increasing interaction with Arab Idol, for instance, came with the social media networks, which made it possible for such shows to multiply in circulation and access on Facebook pages, Twitter and Internet homepages. Now viewers can instantly take part in voting not only via SMS but freely via social media networks. One may argue that the power of change in the Arab Spring revolution is probably one of the cumulative impacts of the engagement with reality TV. The effect of using mobile phones and social media networks to connect activists with each other and break the barriers of censorship in the case of the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions had actually started with audience engagement with TV shows such as Star Academy, Super Star and Al Wadi. One may argue that voters on these programmes who used to mobilize each other via SMS messaging and Internet interaction turned into political activists for freedom and democracy during the months leading to the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions, something that had been alluded to few years ago by Lynch (2006) who suggested, for instance, that ‘Super Star and Star Academy fandom might have provided early inspiration and opportunities for these young people to experiment with online and networked organization. The skills may be more transferable to the political realm than some realize’. On a different dimension, one may argue that such programmes may help revive the unifying spirit of the Ummah (global Muslim community). The type of dialogue and inter-connectivity taking place is such that it extends communication among groups from all over the Arab world. Interaction of this kind among pan-Arab audiences is hard to take place in the real world. The only encounters for similar aspects of communication and real-life engagements are normally during regional or international sports competitions such as the African cup, Asian games or World Cup. Another point worth noting is that reality TV has its obvious impact not only on street discussions, in coffee shops and in academic institutions but also on news organizations. Although the former can be understood given people’s interest in soft news in lieu of serious stories about wars and conflicts, floods, earthquakes and so forth, one finds it interesting that voting results of Arab Idol, especially the final episodes, find its way to newsrooms in various TV channels around the Arab world, including the English-speaking ones. For instance, the news of Mohammed Assaf winning the contest made its way even to the United Nations Security Council’s Annual Report of Tuesday 25 June 2013: a summary of the 6986th meeting accounts for the continuous civil war in Syria and its repercussion in destabilizing the neighbouring countries. Also it counted for the deteriorating living condition of the people of Gaza and growing Israeli illegal settlements plans. Moreover, the report states that against such a concerning backdrop I (the president: Mr Mark Lyall Grant reads) would nevertheless like to highlight a moment of joy that 112 Transformative pan-Arab TV lifted the spirits of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza alike, when on 22 June a young Gazan refugee, Mohammad Assaf, won the ’Arab Idol’ televised song contest, watched by millions throughout the region and beyond. Following his victory, Mr. Assaf was named as goodwill ambassador to the Palestinian diaspora by President Abbas and as the first Regional Youth Ambassador for Palestine Refugees by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East.22 A final note relates to the star-making potential of such programmes and the promising financial gains that the winners may amass eventually. In the light of the vacuum that Arab youth have been witnessing because of unemployment and marginalization, these reality TV programmes constitute a refuge for many of them and a substitute for the lack of means to achieve their dreams for fame, fortune-making. Many participants in the music contests, for instance, see this opportunity as a fast track towards stardom and amassing wealth without years of hard work in education and professional work. Al-Arab newspaper claimed that the MBC channels bought Mohammed Assaf a lavish villa in Dubai worth US$400, including a car and other facilities. This deal took place after he had signed a ten-year contract with the channel along with ‘Platinum’ (a media company). Assaf would also embark on a new album with ‘Platinum’ as part of his contract and a TV series.23 Carmen Sulaiman, the 17-year-old first Arab Idol winner from Egypt, left the singing contest with a ‘Platinum Records contract, a Pepsi endorsement and a Chevrolet Corvette’.24 Carmen Sulaiman argued after returning to Egypt: 22. ‘United Nations Security Council’s Annual report of the 6986th meeting’, New York, 25 June 2013, www. securitycouncilreport. org. Accessed 19 October 2013. 23. ‘In picture, the house of the Arab idol, Mohammed Assaf, in Dubai costs MBC $400’, http://www.alarab. net/Article/548430. Accessed 15 October 2013. 24. ‘Carmen Sulaiman: The first Arab idol’, Enigma Magazine, www.enigma-mag.com. Accessed 19 October 2013. 25. Ibid. My life is far from normal. It is entirely different. Before Arab Idol, I was your average teenager; I’d hang out with my friends, spend time with family, attend school and private lessons for Thanawya Amma (High School General Certificate) etc. Now I’m doing more shows and press interviews.25 referenCeS Al-Jazeera English (2013), ‘Palestinian wins Arab Idol for first time’, Al-Jazeera. com, http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2013/06/2013622195491 14855.html. Accessed 22 June 2013. Arab Advisors Group (2013), ‘Amman, Jordan’, www.arabadvisors.com. Accessed 20 February 2015. Bignell, J. (2005), Big Brother: Reality TV in the Twenty-First Century, Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. CBC (2013a), ‘Arab Idol winner named UNRWA, goodwill ambassador’, CBC News, http://www.cbc.ca/news/arts/arab-idol-winner-named-unrwagoodwill-ambassador-1.1311009. Accessed 24 June 2013. CBC (2013b), ‘Arab Idol winner named UNRWA, goodwill ambassador’, CBC News, http://www.cbc.ca/news/arts/arab-idol-winner-named-unrwagoodwill-ambassador-1.1311009. 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Kraidy, Marwan (2012), Reality Television and Arab Politics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lynch, Marc (2006), ‘Reality is not enough: The politics of Arab reality TV’, Transnational Broadcasting Studies, 15, June–December. http://tbsjournal. arabmediasociety.com/Archives/Fall05/Lynch.html. Accessed 24 January 2015. Macartney, Jane (2005), ’TV talent contest “too democratic” for China’s censors’, The Times London, 29 August. Makhaldi, Anissa (2012), ‘Reality TV programmes: Will they trespass the red lines’, Asharq Al-Awsat newspaper, 4 October. Silverman, David (1998), Harvey Sacks: Social Science and Conversation Analysis, New York: Oxford University Press. Sparks, Colin and Tulloch, John (2000), Tabloid Tales: Global Debates over Media Standards, Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Taha, Ali Mohammed (2004), ‘Qaradawi: Reality TV inflames the youth of the Ummah and is an instrument of cultural invasion’, Asharq Al-Awsat, 2 April. WND (2004), ‘Arab “Big Brother” seen as America plot: Reality-TV opponents say US seeking takeover by infiltrating minds’, 5 June, http://www.wnd. com/2004/05/24494/. Accessed 19 February 2014. SuggeSted Citation Miladi, N. (2015), ‘Transformative pan-Arab TV: National and cultural expression on reality TV programmes, Qatar University’, Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research, 8: 2, pp. 99–115, doi: 10.1386/jammr.8.2.99_1 Contributor detailS Noureddine Miladi obtained an MA and Ph.D. in media and communication from the University of Westminster, London, United Kingdom. Before joining Qatar University, he had taught journalism and mass communication since 2001 in various UK universities. His academic experience includes development of MA and undergraduate programmes in journalism and mass communication and supervision of numerous MA and Ph.D. students. He is currently Associate Professor in Mass Communication at Qatar University. Dr Miladi has published widely in international refereed journals and books. His research interests include social media and social change, media and democracy, youth, identity and social media networks, media ethics, Al-Jazeera and the change in the global media flow and media and public opinion. 114 Transformative pan-Arab TV Contact: Department of Mass Communication, College of Arts and Science, Qatar University, PO Box 2713, Doha, Qatar. E-mail: noureddine.miladi@qu.edu.qa; noureddinemiladi@yahoo.co.uk Noureddine Miladi has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work in the format that was submitted to Intellect Ltd. 115 intellect www.intellectbooks.com publishers of original thinking International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics ISSN 1740-8296 | Online ISSN 2040-0918 3 issues per volume | Volume 9, 2013 Aims and Scope The International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics addresses cultural politics in their local, international and global dimensions, recognising equally the importance of issues defined by their specific cultural geography, and those which traverse cultures and nations. MCP promotes critical, in depth, engaged writing on the intersections of media and culture research, politics, cultural geography and other areas in social sciences and the humanities. 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