Journal of Rural Studies 25 (2009) 250–253 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Journal of Rural Studies journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jrurstud Book reviews The Common Agricultural Policy and Organic Farming: An Institutional Perspective on Continuity and Change, Kennet Lynggaard. CABI, Wallingford (2006). 224 pp., £48.95 Hbk, ISBN: 9781845931148 The preface to The Common Agricultural Policy and Organic Farming states that the ‘‘theoretical concern of the book is the question of how institutional change may be captured and conceptualised’’, especially those institutional changes which are ‘‘ideational in nature’’. While this question is explored in context of the development of organic farming as a policy field within the CAP, it is important to stress that the focus of the book is heavily weighted towards its theoretical concern with institutional change and not towards a comprehensive analysis of the interactions between organic farming and the CAP. In fact, the first three chapters of the book, including the introductory chapter, make virtually no mention of organic farming. Addressing its theoretical concern, the book argues that institutional analyses of the CAP have focussed predominantly on the ways in which a variety of factors – ranging from organisational and decision-making structures to ideologies and financial incentives – effectively build in a profound resistance to change. The more limited literature on institutional reform, conversely, has identified the politics of trade liberalisation, the financial unsustainability of the CAP, the diversification of interests within the farm lobby and among member states, and the work of particularly influential individuals, as explanations of change. The Common Agricultural Policy and Organic Farming seeks to build on these by proposing a discursive institutional approach which explores how conflicts over meaning, policy entrepreneurship, and competing discourses, help to create the conditions under which institutional change can be articulated and pursued. This provides the conceptual apparatus through which the book then examines the evolution of organic farming as a policy field within the CAP; an examination that is based, methodologically, on analysis of textual materials generated mostly within institutions responsible for administering the CAP. As an account of how a more discursive approach to institutional analysis might be conceptualised and operationalised this book makes a useful contribution that should be of interest to institutional and political theorists. However, there are three broad ways in which The Common Agricultural Policy and Organic Farming limits its potential audience beyond this group. First, the book is written for readers who already possess a high level of general knowledge of the CAP. Nowhere does it offer an introductory narrative on the broad contours and history of the CAP, and key events, such as ‘the 1992 reforms’, are referred to without explanation or cross-referencing. Second, the text is densely written and poorly edited. Third, the book does not directly address some of the more hotly contested issues that are likely to interest many observers of the CAP. There is a deep suspicion, for example, outside of Europe that CAP reforms which have replaced direct production subsidies with payments for the provision of social and environmental values are simply ways to continue subsidising agricultural production while avoiding censure through the WTO. I do not wish to argue here whether this is, or is not, the case. However, I do wish to argue that there are a variety of legitimate questions regarding the CAP and support for organic farming that may well stimulate potential readers to pick up the book, but which are not subsequently discussed. The counter-argument could, of course, be made that issues such as pressure for trade reform lay outside the scope of the book and should be pursued through other institutional research methodologies. Indeed, The Common Agricultural Policy and Organic Farming makes the point several times that the institutional discursive approach should be seen as a complement to, rather than a substitute for, other institutional approaches. The book also offers a strategy with which to define the boundaries of an institutional discursive analysis by focussing attention specifically on the process of translation through which exogenous discourses are reinterpreted and integrated within the institutional field by internal policy entrepreneurs. Given the number of agents who contribute in some way to discourses around organic farming, this solution has some merit. At the same time though, I would also suggest that the role of discourses surrounding trade liberalisation, and the translation of these discourses into concepts such as multifunctionality and European exceptionalism, in EU organic programs has been underplayed. Scope thus exists within the conceptual apparatus proposed in The Common Agricultural Policy and Organic Farming to undertake analyses that are both more comprehensive and more critical than the analysis that is actually offered. In sum, readers with a strong interest and background both in institutional and political theory and in the CAP will find The Common Agricultural Policy and Organic Farming worthwhile. Readers without this background should read selectively but may struggle due to the lack of contextual material on the CAP and the lack of engagement with political debates around it. Stewart Lockie Centre for Social Science Research, Central Queensland University, Rockhampton 4702, Australia E-mail address: s.lockie@cqu.edu.au doi:10.1016/j.jrurstud.2008.09.001 Sociological Perspectives of Organic Agriculture, G.C. Holt, M. Reed (Eds.). CABI, Wallingford (2006). 320 pp., V82.90 hbk, ISBN: 1-84593-038-X Organic farming is widely perceived as having the potential to address some of the problems resulting from modernised farming, especially its impact on the environment and on rural societies. However, with the expansion of organic farming and its partial integration into conventional food chains, its ability to remain an Book reviews / Journal of Rural Studies 25 (2009) 250–253 ‘alternative’ has been questioned. Organic farming thus currently struggles to redefine itself in light of the changes brought about by its own success. This book, which emerged from the contributions of the researchers who attended the 2004 World Congress of the International Rural Sociology Association (IRSA) in Trondheim (Norway), illustrates the various facets of this struggle. The geographical focus of the book is clearly on Europe, but chapters on Australia, New Zealand, Brazil and South Africa are also included. The introductory chapter offers a rapid overview of both the evolution of organic agriculture and the academic approaches used to study it. The 16 chapters that constitute the core of the book can be grouped in five sections: the organic movement, the consumers, the farmers, rural development, and the impact of policies. The conclusion embeds the issues raised in the individual chapters within the wider theoretical discourse and offers a valuable outlook on the emerging schools of thought. The role and strategies of the organic movement are addressed in three chapters. Moore, based on Foucault’s notion of discursive field, urges the reader to take a ‘‘less dualistic, more dialectic interpretation of the contemporary organic movement’’ (p. 25). He illustrates his case by presenting farmers’ markets in Ireland as an example of a ‘post-organic’ move. In the next chapter, Reed recounts in vivid detail how the organic movement in the UK has been able to effectively oppose the introduction of genetically modified crops. The chapter by Schmitt takes an historical perspective on the organic movement and unearths some of the women pioneers in Germany and in Switzerland. The following three chapters focus on consumers’ perceptions and preferences. Siriex, Alessandrin and Persillet analyse the motivation and values of French consumers of organic food. They use laddering interviews to build means–ends chains. Holt reports the results from four focus groups held in Southeast England. Based on these, she builds a conceptual model of the processes surrounding the purchasing decision. Scholten provides a broad discussion on how different types of consumers react to various risks, basing it on Beck’s risk society thesis. His study of motorcyclists in Newcastle (UK) and in Seattle (USA) reinforces the evidence of a perceived dichotomy between local and organic food. Four chapters are dedicated to the various aspects of the decision-making process by organic farmers. Noe presents a meta-analysis of interviews on the motives to convert to organic farming, held between 1996 and 2004 in Lemvig (Denmark). He analyses the extent of farmers’ ‘inner conversion’ as well as the impact of their networking strategy, typified as a ‘creative conflict’ (i.e. mobilizing non-organic actors in the diffusion of organic farming). Kaltoft and Risgaard investigate the reasons for organic farmers in Southern Denmark to revert to conventional farming. Bjørkhaug adds a gender perspective by exploring the concept that a feminine management principle (i.e. a more environmentally friendly way to farm) typifies women farmers and organic farmers in Norway. Niemeyer and Lombard report the results of a postal survey on the motivations for conversion and the main problems during the conversion period encountered in South Africa. Two chapters, while still focusing on farmers, take a broader view. Jordan, Shuji and Izawa review the literature on the conventionalisation thesis before relating a case study from Australia. They focus on the activities of the fourth largest organic grain processor in Australia, a family farm that was specialised and transformed into an agribusiness. Campbell, McLeod and Rosin show how the development of EurepGAP as a standard for fruit and vegetables may be replacing the organic standard as a baseline for sustainability in New Zealand. The potential role of organic farming in rural development is addressed in two chapters. Schermer argues that integrating organic 251 farming and regional development might be one way forward. He provides several examples of ‘ecoregions’ in Austria, emphasising that there is no formula for the creation of inter-sectoral alliances. Bellon and de Abreu describe four different supply chains for organic vegetables produced in the green belt around São Paulo (Brazil), discussing their structure and distinct value systems. The effect of policy measures on organic farming is discussed in two chapters. Schafer, Ulmer, Engel, Kantelhardt and Heißenhuber, using expert interviews, evaluate the role that the new German agricultural policy (embodied in the ‘‘Agrarwende’’) has played in the development of organic farming in Bavaria. Dahl and Kristensen show that following the partial withdrawal of the Danish government, municipalities and counties now support organic food as part of their environmental responsibility and sustainable development strategy. The book is thus a comprehensive collection of issues related to organic farming’s struggle to redefine itself: from production to consumption, from North to South, from agribusiness to rural development, from the conventionalisation thesis to the vitality of the organic movement. While of course not all facets of the struggle can be covered, the book masters the task of presenting an overview of the key topics very well. The one reservation this reader has is that not all chapters display the same level of excellence: some would have benefited from more stringency; others would have been enhanced by a more profound discussion. However, all report sound science and the empirical material retains its value. The book is especially relevant for higher-level students as well as researchers entering the field, as it provides them with an overview of the methods, the diversity due to national contexts as well as the current issues and the linkages between them. Ika Darnhofer* Department of Economic and Social Sciences, University of Natural Resources and Applied Life Sciences, Feistmantelstr. 4, 1180 Vienna, Austria  Tel.: þ43 1 47654 3587. E-mail address: ika.darnhofer@boku.ac.at doi:10.1016/j.jrurstud.2008.07.004 International Perspectives on Rural Homelessness, P. Milbourne, P. Cloke (Eds.), Routledge, London (2006). 324 pp., £72.99 Hbk, ISBN: 0415343720 As one of the contributing authors to Huth and Wright’s 1997 volume mentioned on p1 of this book1, I found myself double checking that I had indeed been guilty of writing exclusively about ‘urban’ homelessness in what was my first published book chapter. Within a legislative and policy framework which applied to urban and rural areas alike, the quantitative, government funded survey upon which I was reporting, had sampled homeless people from five of England’s local authorities with the highest recorded rates of homelessness – all of which were London Boroughs or cities outside of London. Of course there was no deliberate intention to ignore rural issues, or to homogenise the analysis of homelessness. Nonetheless, the context in which that study was commissioned reflected not just an urban, 1 Huth, M., Wright, T. (Eds.), 1997. International critical perspectives on homelessness. Westport, Praeger.