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David Deavel
University of St. Thomas, Houston
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Alexander Treiger
Dalhousie University
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Brent A . Strawn
Duke University
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Ian Young
Australian Catholic University
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Boletín de la Asociación de Estudios Hobbesianos,, 2024
The objective of this work is to carry out a reinterpretation of the Hobbesian state of nature to think about the conditions of agency that make drug trafficking possible. Unlike other forms of organized crime, drug trafficking in Latin America gives rise to a specific dynamic of social violence that, on the one hand, confirms certain aspects of what Hobbes describes as the “state of nature” in Leviathan, but, on the other hand, the other questions the essence of his theoretical proposal aimed at overcoming it. The explanatory performance of criminal rationality contrasts with the failure of its solution. The institution of a State does not seem to solve the problem of violence generated precisely thanks to its existence. On the one hand, the Hobbesian painting of the state of nature allows us to think about a logic of passions in relation to power that takes place in the shadow of the State or outside its regulations, but in no case prior to its institution and operation. The case of drug trafficking in Latin America is singularly appropriate both to exhibit the plausibility that its description of a state of generalized violence continues to hold today and also to point out the theoretical limits of its conceptualization. The monopoly of the legitimate use of violence, typical of the State, is necessary for the dynamics that characterize drug trafficking to take place since it enables its officials to have practices outside the regulatory framework that defines their tasks, powers, areas of application and procedures for to intervene. Such actions, although not state, can be carried out by state officials due to their investiture. In this sense, a reinterpretation of the Hobbesian state of nature that allows us to understand the specific violence of drug trafficking implies assuming that its description does not refer to the pre-political condition of man, but only to a scheme of social behavior that appears there when the State does not It produces subjectivities permeated by the passions that Hobbes considers fundamental to building a political community.
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Najbolje knjige, 2024
Dubravka Ugrešić uporno je vjerovala u suptilnu magičnost književne riječi i sposobnost književnoga teksta da čak i najskeptičnijeg čitatelja zavede i navede da povjeruje u istinitost i autentičnost ispripovijedanog. Ovim esejom, u kojem skicira ruske korijene njezina stvaralaštva, Danijela Lugarić Vukas pridonosi arhiviranju, sortiranju i književno-znanstvenom vrednovanju Ugrešićkina bogatog stvaralačkog opusa izvan uobičajenih političko-društvenih narativa kroz koje smo je navikli promatrati Foto: Shevuan Williams "Lisica je utjelovljenje lukavosti i izdaje. Ako se duh lisice useli u čovjeka, rod toga čovjeka je proklet. Lisica je totem pisca."
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The Iroquois (or Haudenosaune) in what is today upstate New York and the Huron (Wendat) in Canada had much in common. Both spoke languages in the Iroquois language family; lived in longhouses surrounded by palisades; engaged in horticulture, hunting and fishing in which the women were the tended to the gardens and the men hunted and fished, had similar dress, foodways, ceremonies, and beliefs; traveled in similar bark canoes. Both had confederations: the Huron consisting of the four nations (the Attignawantan, Attingueenongnahac, Ahrendarrhonon and Ataronchronon) and the Iroquois of five nations (the Seneca, Oneida, Cayuga, and Mohawk) and later the Tuscarora as the sixth nation. There were also some differences Iroquois were noted for their carved, wooden masks that were worn during their ceremonies, including the False Faces and the Husk Faces.
Both the Iroquois and the Huron had a similar concept of war. The aim was not to conquer territory, but to replace killed members of the tribe. This was done by either adopting their captives and/or having the captives the face of torture and/or death. Those who showed courage during the torture were adopted, and those who did not were killed. These were called “Mourning Wars.”
The Tuscarora and Huron fought each other before the coming of Europeans to the New World. But once the French took control of the St. Lawrence River Valley and the Dutch did the same in the Hudson Valley, the “Mourning Wars” became “Beaver Wars,” as the Huron allied themselves with the French, and the Mohawks did the same with the Dutch over the fur trade. The Iroquois alliance with the Dutch in the Hudson Valley gave them an advantage in guns. This forced the Wendat to move from their homeland above Georgian Bay to Quebec as well as Pontchartrain on the northwestern edge of Lake Erie in the Sandusky Valley and Michilimackinac on the Straits of Mackinac in present-day Michigan. These survivors became known as the Wyandot.
The conflict continued after 1664, when the British conquered New Netherland and created the colonies of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Connecticut. During the French and Indian War (1754-1763), the Huron allied themselves with the French and the Mohawks with the British and the Seneca were divided. As a result of the war, the French lost control of Canada and the Ohio country west of the Appalachian Mountains. An Odawa war chief named Pontiac continued the war against the British, which resulted in King George III issuing a proclamation line banning the American colonists to settle west of a line through the Appalachian Mountains. But the line was modified by the Treaty of Fort Stanwick in 1768 between the British and the Iroquois to restrict the Indian territory to north of the Ohio River. This led to Lord Dunmore’s War in 1774, when the Seneca and Cayuga joined the Shawnee in a conflict with the colony of Virginia.
The American Revolution became a civil war for the Iroquois. At secret council at Niagara in September 1776, the Seneca, Cayuga, Onondaga, and Mohawk declared an alliance with the British. The Oneida and Tuscarora allied with the Americans. The Mohawk war chief Joseph Brant and the Seneca Red Jacket raided American settlements. The Seneca chief Cornplanter wanted to remain neutral. In the summer of 1779 George Washington authorized four invasions of Iroquois country, the most destructive of which was that of General John Sullivan against the Seneca. The result was mass devastation of the Seneca. A Seneca prophet named Handsome Lake became the leader of a nativist revival that combined tradition Seneca and Christian beliefs in opposing alcoholism and witchcraft among the Seneca.
In 1785 the Oneida and Tuscarora sold some of their land to the state of New York, and by 1789 New York had purchased all of the Oneida, Onondaga, and Cayuga lands except for small reservations. Under the Pickering Treaty of 1794 the Seneca were restricted to four reservations (Buffalo Creek, Tonawanda, Cattaraugus, and Allegheny). In December 1848 a majority of the Senecas of Allegany and Cattaraugus drafted a constitution and declared a Seneca Republic with power vested in a council and a president elected by universal manhood suffrage. The Tuscarora and Mohawks ended up with reservations both on the Canadian and American sides of the international border. This resulted in legal conflicts with both the Canadian and New York authorities over their claims of sovereignty. The Seneca finally gained federal recognition and were thereby able to open several casinos in New York State, but the Tuscarora did not benefit because of their status as not full members of the Iroquois Confederation. Nevertheless, there are two non-federally-recognized tribes in the United States with no proof other than oral tradition (the Ramapough Mountain Indians in New Jersey and New York and the Lumbee Indians in North Carolina) that at one time or another claimed ancestry from the Tuscarora.
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This article deals with the way public space has been used, on the one hand, as a means of putting forward employees' demands and, on the other, as a silencing mechanism on behalf of authoritarian structures. This took place during the closing down of the ALTER TV Network, a popular TV channel in Greece. On the basis of ethnographic data, we argue that 'virtual communities' intended as socially created spaces go beyond the unequal communication imposed by the TV networks, as they contribute to rebuilding multiple and multi-level 'virtual' spaces, shaping an alternative mobility within the city and producing both new spatial realities and new uses for the old ones. In this light, we explore the extent to which these processes are radicalized and substantial interventions take place in the 'real' space through the use of virtual space.
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Lagogianni-Georgakarakos, M. (ed), 2018. Οι Aμέτρητες 'Oψεις του Ωραίου στην Aρχαία Tέχνη. The Countless Aspects of Beauty in Ancient Art. Exhibition Cataloque. National Archaeological Museum - Athens. Published by the Archaeological Receipts Fund.
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Thorax, 2001
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无法毕业将导致学业延迟,这意味着你可能需要额外的时间和金钱来完成剩余的学业要求,包括课程的重修或延期,以便获得学位。学业延迟可能会对财务状况造成影响。你可能需要支付额外的学费,并应对额外的生活费用。这可能增加你的经济负担,需要寻找额外的财务支持或寻求兼职工作。如果无法按计划毕业,你的留学签证可能会受到影响。根据某些国家签证规定,你可能需要更新或延长你的签证,以确保合法居留。这可能需要额外的申请和费用,并且需要遵守相关的签证规定。毕业后,你可能会与其他已经毕业的学生竞争就业机会。如果你的毕业时间推迟,你可能会面临更多的竞争和挑战,因为其他毕业生可能已经开始找工作或积累了更多的工作经验。无法按计划毕业可能会给你带来心理压力和失落感。你可能会感到挫败、焦虑或失望,特别是如果你本来期望能够在规定时间内完成学业。不过值得一提的是,无法按计划毕业可能是一项挑战,但并不是无法克服的问题。通过与学校和相关支持机构合作,你可以找到解决方案并继续朝着你的学业目标前进。
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Resumo Atualmente, o Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) ocupa hoje posição central no processo político nacional. Suas decisões são a última palavra oficial sobre os temas a que se referem, concentrando poderes para resolver conflitos políticos e morais, para além das esferas majoritárias. Esse cenário, porém, é muito diferente dos anos 1990, quando o STF não ocupava posição tão destacada na política brasileira. Neste artigo, discutiremos essa configuração do poder e do papel do STF por meio de análises do tribunal que a constituinte criou, mas também do que os ministros criaram por meio de práticas institucionais e interpretações de seus próprios poderes. Exploraremos algumas consequências mais recentes da manifestação do próprio poder conferido ao STF nesse processo de reconfiguração institucional, delineando, de maneira preliminar, novas tendências na forma de atuação política do tribunal. Argumentamos, também, que, em vez de atuar apenas como ponto de veto a decisões majoritárias, c...
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