(RESEARCH
the commercialization of poverty and oppression
affecting the great majority of people in underdeveloped countries .. . It seemed to her that there was a
deliberate effort on the part of the developed world to
close their eyes to the causes of poverty, oppression,
racism and misery, and instead, overplay their roles as
aid givers to the victims of those evils. They are quite
willing to help the victims of crimes but very relu::;tant to
deal with the criminals. This is a vicious circle, and is
poor logic.
The writer concludes by saying: «I wish to question
this whole philosophy of perpetual beggars and eternal
masters of wealth ... Aid in whatever form must remain
a very temporary measure, while the search for
long-.lasting solutions must be intensified. In the long
run, It IS not the masters who will decide to relinquish
their supremacy. It will have to be the affected who will
rise and take charge of their fates."
(lCVA: International Council
Voluntary Agencies, the international
association of non-governmental, non-profit
organizations. Geneva. Switzerland.)
NINTH CONFERENCE OF
THE COMMITTEE
FOR THE LEBANESE
WOMAN'S RIGHTS
Held in Beirut, 5-8 March 1981, the Nihth
Conference of the Committee for the Lebanese
Woman's Rights opened its session with reports
from the delegates about the members' social ,
political, economic and national activities since the
meeting of the 8th Conference of 1978.
The session of March 8th, was attended by the
prime minister, Mr. Chafic Wazzan who gave a
speech in which he affirmed his complete support of
woman's cause and of her rightful claim for
liberation. While he approved the Lebanese
woman 's achievement in educational, artistic and
social fields, he showed his disapproval of her
apathy regarding political activity and called for her
effective participation in responsible government
positions.
The list of recommendations presented in the
closing session pointed out 1) the necessity of
woman 's struggle in favor of the political liberation
of Lebanon. 2) The importance of creating syndicates for women emloyees and workers and of
encouraging women's joining and supporting
them. 3) Social and educational problems should
receive their proper share of attention from the
members. 4) Every sort of discrimination against
women in any field must be eliminated. 5) The
Committee reemphasized its determination to
cooperate with other social, cultural and educational organizations for the purpose of carrying out its
objectives.
6
WOMAN AND INDUSTRIAL
WORK IN EGYPT(1)
In studying the phases of women's involvement in the
sector in Egypt, it is noteworthy that this country
experienced the process of transition from a subsistence
cultural economy to a semi-industrial economy earlier than
any other Arab or African country.
The first phase occurred unaer Muhammad Ali who tried to
forge the economic basis of Egypt's independence from
Turkey and succeeded in establishing a number of national
factories where veiled women worked side by side with men
and shared with them the same oppressive treatment, which
in some cases was worse for women.
. VVhen MohB:ma~
Ali founded the school of midwifery , his
project met with resistance from the upper class of society
but those of the lower stratum were ready to enroll their
daughters at the school in large numbers and the State
encouraged them by arranging marriages between midwives
and medical students.
The second phase took pl.ace with the expansion of cotton
cultivation in Egypt which encouraged women 's work in
cotton mills as well as in other growing industries such as
sugar, textile and cigarette manufacturing . Just as in the
Muhammad Ali era, they were also involved in construction .
As a result, the veil in factory and construction work was
removed while among peasant women engaged in rural
work, it had already disappeared.
World War I, by reducing the volume of imports, spurred
the development of local industry. In 1914 women comprised
about 5 percent of the workers engaged in industry and
construction. In the period which followed , 1915-1942,
women and children worked under an oppressive legislation:
9-15 hours per day, on all shifts. Women worked in mining
and other underground work, wages were irregularly paid,
married women were forbidden to work, workers had no right
to strike or to form trade-unions. Yet on several occasions,
they succeeded in organizing demonstrations and strikes.
With the liberation of Egypt from colonialism in 1952 the
policy of centralized planning focused on the developme'nt of
heavy Industry. The Labor Code of 1954 contained a large
number of laws which brought about an improvement in the
conditions of female workers. Between 1961 and 1971 the
percentage of women engaged in the manufacturing industries rose from 3.3 percent to 11.7 percent and that of
illiteracy among females in the labor force declined from
82.4 percent in 1961 to 54.1 percent in 1971.
A field research in 1975 was conducted in a textile factory
located in Chubra el-Kheima, in the outskirts of Cairo, where
a relatively large concentration of women were employed :
1150 females out of 20,000 workers. Workers interviewed
numbered 148 (about 37 percent of female workers employed in the silk factory) : 65 percent of them were single, 25
percent married, 10 percent divorced; about 10 percent had
indus~ral
(1) Abstract of a study prepared by Mona Hammam, member of the
Department of Sociology. American University, Washington ,
D.C. , published In Arab Studies Quarterly, Winter 1980. (See
AI·Raida, Nov. 1979, Vol. III , No. 10, p. 10)
attended preparatory school. The illiteracy rate among the
totality of women workers was 3:3 percent .
THE DOWRY
RESULTS AND COMMENTS
The researcher points out the sharp class separation
existing between the workers and the administrative staff. As
an example , the factory compound had two gates, one
exclusively used by the administrative staff, the other by the
workers. They were transported to and from work on
separate company buses.
Transportation of women created for them .certain probblems. Their working hours dictated that they leave home
between 4.00 and 5.00 a.m. in order to walk to the bus
station and ride the hour long commute to the factory. They
had to be accompanied to the bus station by a male escort ;
otherwise , they would be subjected to a whole range of male
abuses .
Another problem was that of women who had children
below school age. If they had no relative or neighbor where
the child could be deposited , they had to take him or her to a
costly day care center which was not always reliable and
rarely provided instruction.
When asked why they chose to work, they all gave
economic need as the unique reason for working. Another
reason for seeking employment was that a job offered
women a socially acceptable opportunity to get away from
the home environment and make new acquaintances . Single
women considered their occupation as a means of accumulating enough savings to provide household furniture when
they get married . An interesting method they practiced for
stretching the family budget was the «Gam'eyya», a sort of
credit cooperative, by which each member contributed to a
common fund , allowing all the members to make loans
granted on a temporary basis.
IN ALGERIA(1)
In her introduction , the author of this study raises
the following questions : In what measures does the
dowry factor influence woman 's condition in Algeria?
How do we explain the persistence of the dowry as a
facto~
of. social. development while , all through its
practice , It confirms social hierarchy and sex discrimination?
the topic she begins by saying that a
. . In ~reating
distinction must be made between «Mahr Musamma»
or Sadaq , whose amount is fixed in the marriaqe
contract and «Mahr el Mithl» , an undetermined amount
of money which should be given to the bride in case no
precise amount has been fixed by contract.
The Mahr, or dowry, is defined by Muslim law as :
1) price of the right to possess the woman 's body; 2) a
condition of validity of marriage and a result of the
marriage contract.
Since the Mahr is the price of defloration , the bride
who is not a virgin has no right to a dowry. Consequently a widow upon remarriage is entitled to a lower
pnce than that of a maiden .
As to the time of payment, it is a matter of
agreement validated by contract. The amount may be
paid at a precise date , or only in case of death or
divorce.
According to a tradition surviving in Tlemcen
SOCIAL VALUE OF EDUCATION
They all considered education as the only avenue for until fifty years ago, it was payable only ten years after
upward social mobility and exhibited enormous concern marriage. In case of divorce motivated by the exclusive
that their children , including daughters, «not be deprived ot it fault of the wife, the dowry is never paid.
like their parents ». The most frequently mentioned occupaIs the dowry a condition of the validity of marriage?
tion aspired to by the mother for her son was that of engineer
It
is
so
in theory but in practice it is a result of it, since
and for her daughter, that of doctor. They considered all jobs
preferable to their factory work. None of them said that if she only the consummation of marriage gives the right to a
were educated she would aspire to an administrative position dowry if marriage has been concluded without stipulation or exclusion of such a conditon .
related to factory work.
Owing to the poor cultural background .offered by their
Regarding this question, there is no unified opinhome environment, it is difficult for children of laboring
ion
among
judges . Some think that marriage occurring
classes to achieve the educational level required for college
or university entrance. As a result , many parents resort to the without previous agreement on the dowry is considquestionable practice>very common in Egypt now, of private ered nil. They require that the nature ar:ld amount of
tutoring lessons, which results from classroom overcrowding the dowry be mentioned in the marriage contract by
and the desire of parents to push their children into academic agreement of both parties .
success.
Historical documents reveal that real estate was
Another sign of backward mentality among those women
sometimes
given to a bride in the form of Mahr.
is the persistence of the traditional scorn of manual work .
Textbooks used for adult teaching contain a bias toward Investments in jewelry, gold or silverware have also
intellectual rather than vocational training. While those books
occasionally emphasize the importance of the workers' (1) Abstract of a study made by Chafika Marouf, in "Actes des
contribution to social welfare, they fail to recognize the role of
Journees d'Etude et de Reflexion sur les Femmes Aigeriennes »,
Centre de Documentation des Sciences Humaines, Universite
the working woman in this field and thus fail to encourage
d'Oran, 3, 4, 5, et 6 Mai 1980; Oran, pp . 295-329. See AI-Raida ,
women 's participation in industrial activity.
May 1, 1981 , Vol. IV No. 16 p. 9.
I
7