CHAPTER 21
Peripheralization and Other Roman Stories
Lorenzo Rinelli
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On the one hand the orbis and the urbs, circular, with their extensions and implications
(arch, vault); on the other hand the military camp with its strict grid and its two
perpendicular axes, cardo and decumanus—a closed space, set apart and fortified.
(Lefebvre, 1992, p. 245)
The social and political questions posed by present-day European migration control
policies and their repercussions lead my investigation into the European urban space.
Historically, immigrants and migrants tend to be concentrated in the most important
urban areas in a receiving country. As cities become home to a greater number of
immigrants, urban and immigration policies necessarily overlap. The filtering effect of
urban borders, which alternately deflect, tolerate, or promote dwelling, conditions
every urban person’s existence. For instance, analysis of the architecture of the
European Union’s border management reveals an interior design that features
detention camps for immigrants as ordinary features on the landscapes of the most
populated outskirts of European cities.1 Immigration policies that are adopted to
manage international migrations—visa requirements, biometric filtering, militarization of the border—continuously produce anxiety and a population “in excess,” while
feeding hostility and discrimination. No migrant enters a neutral ideological context
when arriving in the EU. Depending on how external controls situate and catalogue
migrants individually and collectively, they differently regulate how, and even whether,
people are able to enter the EU’s urban centers and call them “home” (Balibar, 2003).
Once migrants have crossed the frontier of the EU, they come to occupy a precarious
place in the city that exists at the margins of integration.
This chapter locates one of the new frontiers of Europe within a fundamental
paradox of the city of Rome: an inexorable expansion of buildings together with a
mounting rejection and marginalization of an emergent immigrant population that
is vital to the city’s expansion. There are two reasons to study the city of Rome in
relation to the contemporary European policies of migration control. First, the route
that goes from East and Central Africa towards Libya via the Sahara Desert has been,
at least until summer 2011, the most trafficked and policed in North Africa, and
therefore the most dangerous. The main flow of migrants traveling from SubSaharan Africa to Europe sails from the Libyan coast and arrives at the southern
coast of Italy. Several scholars have made the case for the significance of studying
the topic of migration to Italy and its relation to questions of space, time, control,
power, and visibility (Parati, 2005; Bullaro, 2010). Rome represents the place where
immigrants in Italy can most quickly find points of reference and social coordinates
to build new ways of life.
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Just as it once was at the apex of its splendor, Rome’s vocation is linked to that
of the Mediterranean, which leads to the second reason. The new urban plan for the
city of Rome explicitly promotes the Mediterranean Sea as a harmonious center of
different cultures with Rome as its epicenter, although the history of urban planning
in Rome, and particularly fascist ideology, should problematize the Mediterranean
as a mechanism that harmoniously regulates the residency of people in Rome’s
urban space. Officially the plan aims at giving voice to different sounds of the
immigrant communities living in the city; in reality, I maintain, it renders their rhythm
unintelligible and their essence never a possibility. Questions to be explored in this
chapter will be related to the official discourse of multiculturalism set in motion by
Rome’s town hall and whether it pushes African migrants to the margins of the city,
creating distinct places in the city’s peripheries. Once at the margins it is important
to identify migrants’ tactics of resistance and placemaking that support individuals
and their communities. It is important to focus on these tactics since they seem to
lead to alternative social imaginations beyond marginalization.
Rome—Peace Capital of the Mediterranean
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To talk of the Mediterranean—of its past, present and future—is to move in this
disquieting place.
(Chambers, 2008, p. 5)
On March 14, 2008, forty-five years after the last urban plan,2 the city council
approved a new urban plan for the city of Rome. Several successive city administrations took on the difficult task of formulating a new urban plan for Rome. The
result is a compromise among groups of private landowners, developers, and city
hall to regulate the expansion of the city. Squeezed in the middle is a growing
immigrant population which has been left out of the public debate. The introduction
to the new plan is solemnly titled “Rome—Peace Capital of the Mediterranean: the
new urban plan of Rome” (Morassut, 2003). The introductory document is intended
to highlight Rome’s crucial role in promoting intercultural and interreligious
dialogue featuring social cohesion, as “the richness of contemporary metropolis is
over all associated with their standards of social quality” (Morassut, 2003, p. 27).
But how does the new plan supposedly promote social quality?
First of all, it does so through environmental protection. It reserves 88,000
hectares of territory to green areas. Second, the protection and preservation of
historical Rome is to be extended beyond the classic Roman ruins to include
contemporary architecture that is located within the periphery. Third, and most
important, the innovation that the urban plan envisions revolves around the concept
of the polycentric city: there will be eighteen new urban nodes, or miniature cities,
within the city, each with schools, hospitals, and administrative services (Figure 21.1).
Lastly, Rome requires the so-called “iron cure,” which is the modernization and
lengthening of the entire metropolitan rail system.
In the initial document, Roberto Morassut, town-planning councilor in 2003,
describes a utopian city that is accessible to its inhabitants, that is filled with social
opportunities, and that is modern without forgetting its historical character. But
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Peripheralization and Other Roman Stories
301
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Figure 21.1 An
example of a new urban
node in the southern
part of Rome. Despite
the intentions of the
planners, most of the
newly constructed
urban nodes lack vital
services such as
transportation, schools,
hospitals, or even a
well-designed sewage
system. The result is the
creation of isolated
urban dwellings at the
margin of the city.
Photograph by Lorenzo
Rinelli (2010).
what exactly does this document entail? At first sight, the link between Rome and
the Mediterranean recalls a distant past perhaps best encapsulated by the Roman
imperial tag: mare nostrum (our sea). As a matter of fact, the definition of mare
nostrum appears on the first page of Ceasar’s De bello gallico (On the War against
Gauls), indicating confidence from having acquired full control over the
Mediterranean—which led to a change in Rome’s foreign policy to be oriented to
the North, towards the Atlantic. The idea of mare nostrum entailed a totality of
control over a sea that ironically was considered by Roman emperors as a mere lake
“already conceptualized as a homogenous space of confinement, possession, and
colonization” (Pugliese, 2010, p. 11). However, the Mediterranean Sea was never a
homogenous space either during the Roman occupation or today when European
policies of migration control attempt to purge it of foreign bodies as they traverse
the few miles that separate Europe from Africa entering Italian territory.3
Multicultural City
Once the African migrant becomes visible in the urbanscape, once she has navigated
the surface of the Mediterranean Sea, she comes to be incorporated, more often
than not, as a multicultural ingredient that serves to promote the image of a tolerant
and multiethnic city. The latter has to be contextualized within the strict relation
between market and urban society. Multiculturalism has a major leverage for generating future growth and attracting investment capital and consumers. This phenomenon illustrates a growing relationship between neoliberalism and cosmopolitanism,
whereby Rome competes with the other great capitals of Europe, like Paris and
London, in their social makeup. It is worth noting here, although briefly, that Rome
has only recently approached the discourse of multiculturalism and is doing so in a
superficial way. The tardiness of government policies is not necessarily linked to the
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302
Lorenzo Rinelli
ethnic composition of its society, which does not share the postcolonial flows of
Paris and London; instead it has to do more with the fact that Italian society has not
yet come to terms with its colonial past and with its contemporary role as a country
of immigration.
Nowadays the immigrant, when visible, stands as a classic example of a fetish
where multiculturalism and celebration/construction of difference is the natural
outcome of a managerial approach to the city. As Deleuze and Guattari have noted
“the dividing line is not between inside and outside but rather is internal to
simultaneous signifying chains and successive subjective choices” (1987, p. 178). It
implies a fulcrum, a homogenizing principle at its core, a white wall on which to
design a rainbow cloth. The idea behind the document that introduces the urban
plan is that Rome with its monuments and (imperial) history plays this role. In this
sense, the slogan “Rome—Peace Capital of the Mediterranean” signifies a homogeneous space, without conflicts where, therefore, the city’s market can flourish and
different voices can be distinctly heard. Peace, intended as absence of conflict, is
then the necessary chamber to generate harmony. But where can harmony be found
other than in an orchestra?
In the following section I show how the documentary entitled L’Orchestra di
Piazza Vittorio (Ferrente, 2009) exemplifies Rome’s organized discourse of multiculturalism. A critical reading of the documentary will give me the opportunity to
explore how films, documentaries, and media in general can contribute to reinforce
configurations of multiethnic society from above within an ethics of social concern
denying the the immigrant equal status with the filmmaker/citizen. Disillusioned
with official discourses of multiculturalism, I then move my research toward the
discursively external part of the city: the periphery. There, in the southeastern area
of Rome, I ultimately recognize the interconnections between Europe’s emerging
southern border and the urban space of Rome. Like a border, the urban structure
does not change spontaneously. Nor does a single powerful agent, such as the state,
determine it. The urbanscape changes in ways that are related to forms of
inclusion/exclusion that occur through modalities of externalization, or in the case
of cityscape, of peripheralization.
For Whom Does the Orchestra Play?
The documentary L’Orchestra di Piazza Vittorio (the Vittorio Square Orchestra) takes
place in the district around Rome’s main train station. Today the area is largely populated by immigrants whose activities revolve around a square, Vittorio Emanuele II
Square, that is a hub for various cultures, sounds, and odors from all corners of
the world (Lakhous, 2006); even Chinese shops are colonizing the entire area
(Figure 21.2). This Piazza, its essence, inspired musician Mario Tronco and filmmaker
Agostino Ferrente to reunite some of the most extraordinary performers among
immigrants, each one unique in origin, instrument, and musical experience, in an
orchestra, that plays world music all over the world.
In 2006 a documentary that tells the story of how the project took shape was
released and since then screened in many festivals around the world, winning several
awards. Watching the documentary, we walk into a sort of harmonious melting pot
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Peripheralization and Other Roman Stories
303
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Figure 21.2
The area around Vittorio
Emanuele square is
occupied almost entirely
by Chinese shops that
have increasingly ousted
historical Roman stores.
Note the two posters of
the radical right wing
group, Casa Pound, on
the book presentation
"La Presa di Roma" [The
seizure of Rome] by
Claudio Cerasa (2009).
The group,
headquartered in the
area, is very active in
promoting antiimmigrant actions.
Photograph by Lorenzo
Rinelli (2010).
that fits perfectly with the official discourse of Rome as a multicultural place
presented with the new urban plan. While the story revolves around the project to
revitalize and save an old theatre, the Apollo Theatre, from being transformed into
a bingo hall, we have the impression that immigrants exist simply to provide some
color to this political mission; they never participate directly in the group’s meetings
nor are they involved in conversations with the town hall representatives. They
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Lorenzo Rinelli
remained isolated from the political possibility of this endeavor. They are left aside
to do what they are good at doing: playing music.
The two central characters, both Italians and both quite established within the
art community, seem to enjoy the practice of fishing for new artists in the area
around the square. An attentive reading of these scenes reveals an instinctive
hesitancy and incomprehension, if not directly hostile, towards the two Italians. At
the beginning of the documentary when the two Italians enter different shops to
look for artists, whether a singer or a player of tablas, they do it by intruding into
others’ spaces with a sort of nosiness and naïveté, “only dimly aware of a certain
unease in the air” (Pink Floyd, 1977).
Even when the documentary offers glances of the real life of some of these
musicians while they struggle to survive in the city of Rome, the Italian organizers
are preoccupied with accomplishing their musical and political project. They panic,
for example, because the date of the concert is approaching fast and the Indian
player is sent back to India for visa issues; or after several requests for help made by
Raul, the Argentinean drummer, because he is going to be evicted from the garage
where he lives. The documentary does not rest enough upon the city’s urban policies
and high rent costs and the consequent marginalization connected with these
municipal issues. It seems as though immigrants exist outside of global capitalist
social relations and their corollaries of nationalism and racism.
Overall, the documentary does not engage in a dialogue with the immigrants
who are part of the orchestra, and without whom the orchestra would not exist. This
is possibly because creating a dialogue would highlight tensions that occur within
the “organization of difference as a qualitatively homogeneous fetish” (Sharma,
2006). In the same way, the discourse of multiculturalism presented within the
urban plan does not imply a reification of separation between immigrants. Instead,
the celebration of difference, both within the orchestra as well as between the lines
of the urban plan, celebrates sameness within a generic alterity. The fundamental
separation exists within hierarchical differences that are aimed at “reducing complex
and overlapping relations” (Hardt & Negri, 2001). It suggests the preservation of a
firm core around which legal and economic status and place meaning revolve, as the
planets do around their sun. As Fernandes brilliantly put it (2007, p. 99):
The West is cosmopolitan only insofar it understands its culture as the final step
in a historical movement. Hence Western cosmopolitanism does not celebrate
globalization as flows that breed differences but seeks to discipline the proliferation of differences through colonial-inspired racial and spatial hierarchies.
In the end, a well-liked project such as the L’Orchestra di Piazza Vittorio, both despite
and because of its politically correct multicultural language, not only fails to question
the dominant political organization and creation of differences but also despatializes
other ideas of communities and reinforces the homogenization of immigrants’
unique experiences of the urban. Instead, true relationships within the urban occur
when they are disconnected from the planned idea of difference and are connected
to space through practice. Home comes to be defined, then, through experience
rather than imposed places and identities. At the margins of the city, it is possible
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Peripheralization and Other Roman Stories
to encounter processes of transculturation that instead of being transcendent, rely
on continuous negotiation. Processes of transculturation are indeed linked to
subjectification that happen through imaginative reconfigurations of the political
in a perennial movement of subjectivity (Fernandes, 2007, p. 133).
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Anagnina
In this section, I move into the southern part of Rome where the documentary Like
a Man on Earth (Segre & Yimer, 2008) in part takes place. It is a work that certainly
explores the experience of migration from Africa in Italy while it recovers lost stories
of courage and oppression. The documentary produced an original and innovative
encounter with the society and city of Rome, along the tradition of Italian Neorealist
cinema that “arguably after architecture . . . was the art form most rigorous in
confronting the ruinous landscape, charting its provinces, figuring its dimensions,
its rifts” (Steimatsky, 2008, p. xii). For Pasolini, who has been a critical lover and
attentive observer of the Roman society, the south of the city where city meets fields
was the opposite of the northern part; exchanges between people in the north were
conducted on the basis of reason, in contrast to life in the south that was fed by
passion and life. Today this idea still holds some truth, as this marginal section of the
city is again a vital center, for the entire city and for all south-living immigrants
outside the municipality of Rome who arrive in the morning at the Anagnina bus
station to find a job near the city limits. It is the desire to get into the urban
dimension, to be part of the legitimized polis, that drives the newcomers here, much
as that desire drove Pasolini’s Mamma Roma and her son together with an entire
generation of Italian migrants fifty years ago.4
At the beginning of Like a Man on Earth, we sense that Dag and his companions
have finally reached Europe and the city of Rome, after a long, agonizing odyssey.
In the background, gray benches outline the Anagnina bus station, which is at the
southeast limit of Rome and was until only a short time ago the unmistakable
threshold of the Roman urbanscape (Figure 21.3). Today, the wide open space is a
neuralgic yet crucial hub for trade and information sharing among migrant workers
who come from the countryside to find work in the city.
The Anagnina bus station is emblematic to the understanding of Rome’s
peculiarities in relation to the new urban plan. First of all, immigrants live in this area
because they cannot afford to pay the rent within Rome proper. The renting market
operates together with immigration laws as an effective filter to keep immigrants
disconnected from the city without turning away a cheap workforce. It is worth
noting here that the station functions as the southeast door of the city as it welcomes the long distance bus routes that arrive from the small villages and towns
along the coast south of Rome. These towns are being occupied by newly arrived
immigrants who have revitalized the spaces abandoned by Italians and have
boosted, if not basically created from scratch, a renting market otherwise sterile
along the coastline during winter seasons.
Basically, those who utilize these long routes as means of transportation are
of foreign origins. When these buses arrive at the Anagnina Station to drop into
the underground metropolitan network, immigrants sit at the margins, genuine
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305
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Figure 21.3 A profile
of Dagmawi Yimer
against a background of
gray benches of
Anagnina bus station.
Source: Segre & Yimer
(2008).
strangers to the city, looking for a good bargain or some useful information, before
scattering along the ring road that surrounds the Eternal City. Every day, the space
of the bus station blooms with vendors selling every kind of object.
These vendors mostly come from the former Soviet block but also from Africa and
South Asia. It is a self-sustaining, spontaneous market, still at the beginning of its
existence, and does not have the official endorsement of the municipal authority.
In fact, the authorities have cyclically challenged their presence, but immigrants have
always come back to set up their stands.
This is a transient space, for and by nomads who nonetheless are increasingly
involved in organizing a series of social, economic, and cultural activities. They dwell
in this space that belongs to them as they intervene in the “distribution of the
sensible” (Rancière, 2006) of the political space that otherwise has been sterilized
and evacuated. These are border figures that exist in between citizenship and exile,
in a space beyond the dichotomy of legitimization and illegitimization, between
multiculturalism and complete integration.
Instead of representing a pathological syndrome that can be removed, the
nomads, I claim, personify an indication/warning regarding the central paradox of
a new urban policy for Rome that permits no alternative to neoliberal multicultural
hegemony. There is a widespread consensus among Italians that the urban condition
needs to be taken seriously, that a managerially illuminated multicultural approach
from above should be implemented to avoid the otherwise inevitable social calamity
(see the riots in Paris banlieus in 2005 and 2007). As Rancière puts it (1998),
consensus, far from representing the absence of conflict or peace, indicates a subterranean permanent violence intrinsic to any form of social purification and political
evacuation. The mechanism of externalization related to migration control is indeed
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Peripheralization and Other Roman Stories
an example of consensus wherever it may occur, far from the government geographical location or within the metropolitan areas of Europe. However, it would
be erroneous to configure the idea of consensus as a hegemonic and homogenous
space, a plaque, where political life occurs separate from personal life. In this space
of purity, our lives will be dominated by an overwhelming power and, as Rancière
put it, “entrapped in the complementarity of bare life and exception” (2010, p. 11).
Instead, proper politics are all about perforating this space, to produce breaks
of elocution, which before were only heard as mere noise. As a matter of fact, the
urban border appears only in the moment it is crossed, “for the border is not a thing
but, rather, the materialization of authority” that has been contested and subverted
(Chambers, 2008, p. 6). The spontaneous meeting point at the station engages the
distribution of roles in the community as it contends with exclusion and exists as a
transcultural space where practice prevails. In comparison, the well-intended project
of the Vittorio Square Orchestra provides us with a pre-assembled, legitimized world
and a romantic view of its immigrant subjects. Multiculturalist projects confuse
communal distribution of bodies and social concerns with the political as Rancière
intended it. He writes (2010, p. 39):
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Political argumentation is at one and the same time, the demonstration of a
possible world, in which, the argument could count as an argument, one that is
addressed by a subject qualified to argue over an identified object, to an
addressee who is required to see the object and to hear the argument that he
“normally” has no reason either to see or to hear. It is the construction of a
paradoxical world that puts together two separate worlds.
Following the documentary we come across a separate world a few miles from the
Anagnina bus station, where the second University of Rome campus, Tor Vergata,
is scattered over a vast and desolate industrial area. The neighborhood quarters a
huge mall complex and the comforting blue profile of IKEA, plus many clothing
factories and home furniture outlets that everyday attract thousands of distracted
consumers. One of the university buildings, the former Faculty of Humanities, is a
12-story blue glass building. Here, with neither electricity nor a heating system, lives
a community of 250 refugees from the Horn of Africa, including almost 30 children
(Figure 21.4). Some of them were born during the exodus through the Sahara Desert
and across the Mediterranean Sea. These are people who survived the strenuous
journey, crossed many borders, became refugees at the port of Lampedusa, and
inexorably crashed against the indifference of the post-political contemporary
Europe. After being transferred to identification centers in Sicily, they were set free
and, like many others before them, caught the first train to Rome, without any help
or directions. This is the last frontier of Europe: its most internal one and probably
the most difficult to decipher.
In December 2005, with the support of Action, the building was occupied;
however, in 2006, the refugees were cleared out. After that, the city hall signed a
rent contract with the society that owns the building and in the meantime tried to
find solutions for accommodating the refugees. The solutions adopted were always
temporary and, according to the refugees, simply inadequate. They complain of the
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Lorenzo Rinelli
Figure 21.4 Second
university of Rome, Tor
Vergata. The glass
building used to house
the Department of
Humanities. Today it is
home to 250 refugees
from the Horn of Africa
who have lived there in
precarious conditions
since they occupied the
vacant building in 2005.
Photograph by Lorenzo
Rinelli (2010).
size of the rooms where people had to live with five or six others and of the night
curfew. Many of those who dwell here would like Italian authorities to clear their
biometric data from the Eurodac database that enables countries to help identify
asylum applicants and persons who have been apprehended in connection with an
irregular crossing of an external border of the EU and therefore facilitates the
application of the Dublin Regulation.
According to the Dublin Regulation (2003/343/CE), the state responsible for
examining asylum applications is the one through which the asylum seeker first
entered the EU. Once officially recognized, that person cannot apply to another state
where he/she may have better chances of success and living conditions. The aim of
this regulation, which replaces the original Dublin Convention (1990), is to prevent
multiple applications and hordes of moving asylum shoppers around the EU and
to reinforce the role of the border on those states that geographically confine
“problematic” countries.
It is beyond the scope of this analysis to present the consequences of this policy
reorganization on the lives of asylum seekers who, more and more, are subject to
externalizing practices of interception, forced rejection, and peripheralization. Here
it is important to note that the process of externalization operates through the
combination of legislation of migration and refugee control together with the new
urban plan for the city and its renting market. Muse, one of the residents, recalls that
“to find an affordable rent in Rome is a massive challenge considering the current
rates. And more, when they [the landlords] hear that you are a foreigner they say
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Peripheralization and Other Roman Stories
that they do not rent anymore” (“Fortress Europe,” n.d.). Unfortunately, as I noted
above, once inside, asylum seekers cannot freely move within Europe to find the best
opportunities for living and working.
In the face of the pattern of exclusion and peripheralization, is there anything
conceivable beyond tactics of survival? Is there anything that can be theorized as
an innovative form of placemaking? Can a cinematic expression constitute a spatial
practice by and for immigrants that not only facilitates mutual understanding but
also leaves a mark in the city while engaging the distribution of the sensible?
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I Am A Man
I met Dagmawi Yimer, aka Dag, in December 2009, one year after the release of Like
a Man on Earth. Dag was a student at the Faculty of Law of Addis Ababa University
when instances of political oppression and electoral corruption following the general
elections of May 2005 (“Ethiopian protesters ‘massacred,’” 2006) made him leave his
community behind and embark on a long and perilous journey to Rome, where,
eventually, he has been granted refugee status. After having survived the violence of
the multiple borders all the way through the arid Sahara Desert and the deep
Mediterranean Sea, he arrived in Rome. Next, Dag joined the school of Italian language organized by the Asinitas cultural association. The school is a meeting space
in itself for many African migrants in Rome. Within the safe place of the school, Dag
not only learned to speak Italian, but also became literate in the language of videodocumentation. He soon decided to gather the memories of others who, like him,
had journeyed in exile from Ethiopia to Rome. Memories, gestures, and silences of the
people who are represented recall actual difficult challenges that these contemporary
migrants had to face along their journey. The kitchen where the interviews take place
between Dag and his friends becomes a sort of sanctuary where in Aramaic they can
share excruciating memories, knowing that those memories will not be lost. In doing
this they become present. They leave a mark in the space and time of the host society
that cannot turn its back to its responsibilities in the construction of their memories.
It stands for a true placemaking that builds upon a dialectical process of recognition.
It reminds us that, “it is in the interrelationship between the individual and society
that questions of power and hierarchy, ideology and politics stand most forcefully
revealed” (Nichols, 2010, p. 249).
To further underline the political importance of Dag’s documentary, it is
important to mention that Like a Man on Earth is part of a larger project, the
Migrants’ Memories Archive, which, since 2006, has intended to recuperate both
the memory and the dignity of the migratory path of many out of the Horn of Africa.
The project aims to invert the usual process by which the “us” (migration experts,
academics, and journalists) speak on the “other’s” behalf. It is important to note
how the project seems to challenge the very limits of the concept of archive,
intended as a “closed” system of storage for memories. In this sense, the active and
continuous participation of migrants in building the archive renders the project a
“political act” (Segre, 2009, p. 19).
The project is the outcome of conversations between social workers of the
Asinitas Association, academic scholars specializing in colonial and postcolonial
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309
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310
Lorenzo Rinelli
history of the region of the Horn of Africa, and a group of refugees from the same
area. It explores the possibility of filling the lacuna between migrants and the host
community. With regard to this social condition, Abdelmalek Sayad (2004) elaborates the idea of la double absence, which is the alienation of the emigrant/
immigrant. She is condemned to be absent twice, with respect to both her origins
and her new society. Marco Carsetti recalls that the idea of building an archive of
memories was born after his experience listening to migrants around Vittorio
Square. In one of those recordings, Aziz screams his agony out when he says that
“we are nothing that exists here, they do not want see us” (Segre, 2009, p. 26).
Through the migrants’ active participation in narrating and setting the conditions
for the narration, this concept of archive facilitates the spatial and temporal
dispersion of the double absence. It succeeds in doing this at the first level by
innerving the official discourse around the theme of migration from Africa to
Europe. In fact, Like a Man on Earth rips open the veil that makes the implementation of the contemporary European policies of migration control in Africa within
the urban dimension of Europe invisible and inaudible.
Thus far, conventional academic analyses of migration remain bound to a
hierarchy of high over low: the subjects/agents, policies, and data that are associated
with states, politicians, and public figures take priority over the lives and experiences
of migrants and their interlocutors. Although there are several academic attempts
to examine the dynamics of migration from Africa to Europe (Gebrewold-Tochalo,
2007; Pastore, 2007; Huysmans, 2006), scholars tend to either focus on policy
analysis and inter-state relations and pay no attention to the human dimension; or
they attempt to map the route of the flow, like tracking a herd along geographical
lines. Each approach is confined within its proper academic locus.
These hierarchies then commonly filter what can be heard and what can be
viewed. We hear politicians arguing for the construction of new walls. We hear the
media venting citizens’ frustrations about supposed effects of “illegal” migration,
such as increasing unemployment, urban insecurity, and cultural contamination. We
see boats loaded with desperate people rescued by police authorities. The same is
true for what cannot be heard and what must remain invisible. We cannot see a
migrant reclaiming her political subjectivity within her new host society and city. In
the documentary, Dag himself engages in a conversation with Mr. Franco Frattini,
the former EU commissioner in charge of European policies of migration control.
Outside the comfort of state media, Mr. Frattini is clearly bothered by Dag’s attempt
to challenge and reorganize the terms of the discussion simply by presenting his
refugee experience as tragic and clamorous as it is banal.
Like a Man on Earth succeeds in more than revealing what has been kept
concealed regarding the recent transformations of policies of migration control in
Europe and Africa. It addresses the authority of an immigrant to speak within the
political realm of the nation-state. It also, perhaps more importantly, questions the
multicultural homogenization of a place, that of Europe, that is maintained at the
center of a globalized world. But Europe and especially European metropolitan areas
are spaces constantly being translated, traversed into a striated space “constantly
being reversed, returned to a smooth space” (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987, p. 474).
This is, at the end, the essence of transculturalism: a process of performances
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Peripheralization and Other Roman Stories
between two or more communities and individuals within a dialectical zone of
tension.
I read Dag’s documentary as an effort to reappropriate the capacity to voice his
and his companions’ experiences in a universal (visual) language that breaks the
above-mentioned hierarchy and traverses the space of the city. As Benjamin put it,
“the characteristics of the film lie not only in the manner in which man presents
himself to mechanical equipment but also in the manner in which, by means of his
apparatus, man can represent his environment” (1969, p. 235). The author’s
capacity for expression reclaims a temporal and spatial mobility both from the
society of origin along certain routes and at certain speeds, and also within the city
he inhabits. That’s why that if we conceive that city as a striated space traversed by
memories, sounds, images, and experience, a sort of living and pulsing archive, then
Like a Man on Earth succeeds to mark a further line on this archive, interacting,
translating, and ultimately modifying the surrounding social environment.
Notes
1
2
3
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4
www.migreurop.org/IMG/pdf/carte-en.pdf
Rome, as capital of the Italian state, has had five other urban plans: 1873, 1883,
1909, 1931, 1962; but only one, that of 1909, has been adopted by the city council.
The urban history of Rome confirms its peculiarity in terms of transparency of
planning mechanisms (Insolera, 1993).
Recently “Interior Minister Roberto Maroni said migrants who have landed on the
island of Lampedusa threaten the institutional and social structures of Europe” (“Italy
warns Europe over migrants,” 2011).
In 1962, Pier Paolo Pasolini realized Mamma Roma, as a complex critique of the
urban development of Rome (Rhodes, 2007). Its central character, played by a superb
Anna Magnani, is a prostitute who dreams all her life to leave behind her life on the
streets and bring her son with her to have their home coi signori (with gentlemen)
in one of the new buildings of the expanding southeast periphery of Rome.
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