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BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXIX N° 5-6, september-december 2012
426
HOOFDARTIKEL
MASKADUM AND OTHER ZOONOTIC DISEASES
IN MEDICAL AND LITERARY AKKADIAN
SOURCES
NATHAN WASSERMAN
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
I. Zoonotic diseases are infectious diseases due to etiological
agents that pass from animals to humans, affecting both the
humans and the animal.1) Their pathogens may be bacteria,
viruses, parasites or prions, for which a wide variety of animals – wild, domesticated or peri-domesticated – serve as
reservoir. The mode of transmission of the pathogens from
the reservoir to the human host varies: infection through skin
lesions, bites, inhalation of aerosols, contact with feces, or
consumption of foodstuffs.
Zoonotic diseases pose a persistent threat. In a recently
published study 2) 335 occurrences of newly described
zoonotic diseases were identified between the years 1940 and
2004 (including pathogens that crossed species for the first
time, e.g. HIV). Seventy two percent of the studied zoonotic
occurrences involved pathogens originating in wildlife (e.g.
SARS in China).
However, diseases whose reservoirs are domesticated and
peri-domesticated animals prove to be no less of a problem.
Populations in developing and developed countries who live
in close proximity to animals and especially populations who
raise livestock, risk exposure to zoonotic disease. The World
Health Organization estimates that about 500 million people
worldwide are likely to be in contact with such diseases,
especially bovine tuberculosis, anthrax, and brucellosis.3)
II. Turning to cuneiform sources,4) there is a small group of
Old Babylonian medical incantations that list diseases which
affect both humans and livestock. Two examples:5)
Goetze 1955, 8–9 Text A: 1–12 (= SEAL 5.1.5.3)
[The sikkatum-disease, fe]ver, the asûm-disease, ziqtum-disease, bad collapse, samagu-disease, samanu-disease, gergissudisease, Òennettum-disease, sweet simmu-disease ekketumdisease, risitum-disease, bloody feces, shivering,
sagbanu-disease, and sassa†u-disease came down from the
ziggurat of heaven, burned up the sheep, the lambs, caused the
children on the shoulders of the nurse to be somber…6)
1
) I wish to thank Prof. Hervé Bercovier, the faculty of medicine
(microbiology and molecular genetics) at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, for his readiness to discuss with me various problems pertaining to
this research. This paper could not be completed without his help. The
responsibility for the ideas expressed here is, needless to say, entirely my
own. An early version of this paper was presented in July 2012, at the 58th
Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale in Leiden.
2
) Jones et al. 2008.
3
) Palmer 2011.
4
) Akkadian texts are referred to also by their respective numbers in the
database Sources of Early Akkadian Literature (SEAL - http://www.seal.
uni-leipzig.de/), run jointly by M. P. Streck and the author.
5
) See also: Goetze 1955, 8–9 Text B (= SEAL 5.1.5.4); YOS 11, 8 (=
SEAL 5.1.5.6).
6
) [sí-ik-ka-tum i-s]a-tum / a-[su-ú-um z]i-iq-tum / mi-iq-tum Òé-nu /
sa-ma-gu sa-ma-nu / ge-er-gi-su Òe-ni-tum / sí-mu ma-at-qum e-ke-tum /
ri-si-tum ni-†ù / su-ru-pu-ú sa-ag-ba-nu / ù sa-sa-†ù / is-tu zi-qú-ra-at same-e ur-du-ni / úÌ-ta-mi-i† i-me-ri ka-lu-mi / uÌ-ta-di-<ru> Òú-Ìa-re-e i-na
bu-ud ta-ri-tim…
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MASKADUM AND OTHER ZOONOTIC DISEASES IN MEDICAL AND LITERARY AKKADIAN SOURCES
428
Cavigneaux 1994, 156–157: rev. 10’–14’ (= SEAL 5.1.5.5)
The sikkatum-disease, fever, falling, sanudû-disease, asûmdisease, samanum-disease descended from the height(?) of
heaven. Pox(?) has fallen down, fever had been ignited, has
devoured the sheep, the lamb, and encircled(?) the child. The
herd is gloomy…7)
YOS 11, 69: rev9’–15’ (=SEAL 5.1.15.3)
The whispering, the whispering-ones(f.). She (a milking cow?)
has brought to me. The whispering, the whispering-ones. Oh
my milking cows! Let me… let me… life! … cow(?), whispering-ones. Ningirim… cow(?), whispering-ones. Incantation
against the maskadum-disease.
It is unlikely that all these ailments are zoonotic in
nature, especially since most are found in other sources
with no connection to animals.8) Mesopotamian medicine
probably attributed these diseases both to men and livestock
because it held that similar symptoms, whether in a human
or animal, derived from the same disease. Whatever the
cause of this dual attribution, it is important to note that
ancient Mesopotamians were aware that diseases could
affect humans as well as cows and sheep. This observation
paves the way for what I believe to be an unambiguous case
of a zoonotic disease mentioned in Akkadian sources:
maskadum.
This difficult incantation was treated by Cavigneaux and AlRawi12) and again by Streck and Wasserman.13) This is not
the place to delve into its philological complexities. Suffice
it to stress two points: first, line r.11’ proves unequivocally
that maskadum affects cows, specifically milking cows – and
not only humans; and second, that the word used for milking
cow is not Akkadian: Ìalibatum is the pl. f. form of the
substantivized adjective Ìalibum, meaning most probably
“giving milk”. This otherwise unattested lemma derives
from the West-Semitic verb Ìalabum, “to milk”, recorded
only in Neo-Assyrian which borrowed it from Aramaic.14)
YOS 11, 69 borrowed Ìalibatum from West-Semitic, which
in the Old Babylonian period means Amorite.15)
In post-Old Babylonian sources from the first millennium,
maskadum appears mainly in incantations which make up
part of the mussu’u-series, a magico-medical series of eight
known tablets designed to treat various ailments whose main
symptoms were joint and muscle pain.16) The main difference in the later incantations is the addition of a detailed list
of pathological symptoms of the disease. This change exemplifies the tendency of magical texts in the first millennium
towards medicalization of the earlier magical material, and
attests to the growth of a specialized and systematic medical
corpus.
III. The disease called maskadum is mentioned in three Old
Babylonian medical incantations, two of which bear close
resemblance:
A 663 = Collins 1999, 234–235: 8–15 (= SEAL 5.1.15.1)
maskadum! maskadum! – not maskadum(!) (but) su’um (is its
true name). It came down from heaven. In the pit is its location, in the track of the bull is its laying. It enters (with) the
entering of the herds; it goes out (with) the going out of the
herds. I have made you swear by (the name of) An and Antum:
wherever you have grasped you will release!9)
YOS 11, 14b:1–6 (= SEAL 5.1.15.2)
maskadu[m!] mask]adum! – not maskadum (but) suÌûm (is its
true name). In the street is its lair; in between the sheep is its
location. It bites a wolf-bite; it attacks an Elamite-dog’s
attack. It enters (with) the entering of the herds, it goes out
(with) the going out of the herds. Go out maskadum before the
flint razors of Gula will reach you!10)
The third Old Babylonian maskadum-incantation is entirely
different. It makes up part of YOS 11, 69, a multi-text tablet
grouping four incantations of agricultural interest: the first
incantation, in Sumerian, deals with field rodents. It is followed by an Akkadian ritual and Sumerian incantation
against birds. The third incantation deals with maskadum,
and the fourth combats onagers which threaten freshly winnowed barley.11) The short incantation against maskadum
reads:
STT II 136:iv3–1617) [Mussu’u VIII/l] = Böck 2007, 290–
292:153–166
suÌû is its name, maskadum its nickname. From the star of
heaven it came down, indeed, it came down from the star of
heaven. Half of snake’s venom, half of scorpion’s venom I
(var.: it) took. It is boosted with venom, grasping…. Though
having no mouth, it has teeth; though having no teeth it seizes
the muscles. Though having no fingers, it seizes the groin. It
is thin like a hair, unnoticed in the flesh. It seized the hip, shin,
ankle, loins, back, and the tendon of the heel – all the muscles,
the entire body…18)
An almost identical incantation, also against maskadum,
follows this one.19) Two mss., including the Sultan-Tepe text
12
) Cavigneaux/Al-Rawi 2002, 10-11.
) SEAL 5.1.15.3.
14
) AHw 309b takes Ìalabum as a denominative of West-Semitic noun
Ìala/ib, “milk”.
15
) So already Cavigneaux/Al-Rawi 2002, 11.
16
) A similar incantation is found in CT 23, 2-4 // CT 23, 5-14 (cf. Böck
2007, 312), not belonging to the mussu’u-series: “sû is its name, maskadum
its nickname. From the stars of heaven it came down. It seized, the paralysis, the entire body of the young man. It seized (his) hip, shin, ankle, loins,
back and the tendon of the heel. Illustrious, all-knowing AsalluÌi cast over
it an incantation that exorcizes all. Just as day and night are separated so
let the disease be separated from his body!”
17
) Text E in Böck’s sigla. For other mss. of this incantation, see Böck
2007, 290-292.
18
) suÌû sumsu maskadu kinûssu / istu kakkab samami urda urdamma
istu kakkab samami / misil imti sa Òerri misil imti sa zuqiqipi imassa alqi
(var. ilqi) / uttur imta atar Òibit … / pâ la sakin sakin sinni / sinni la sakin
Òabit ser’ani / ubanati la sakin Òabit kappalti / kima sarti qatan la edû ina
pagri / iÒbat gissa kinÒi u kiÒalla / qablu rapasta u sasalli / napÌar ser’ani
gimir kala pagri…
19
) VIII/m, according to Böck’s (2007, 293) nomenclature.
13
7
) sí-ka-tum i-sa-tum mí-iq-tum sa-an-a-du-um a?-su? ù sa-ma-nu-um
/ i-na zu-qú-ra-an sa-me-e ur-da-ma / im-qú-ut sí-ka-tum in-na-pí-iÌ i-sa?t[um] / <i?>-ta-KU-ul i-ma-ra ka-lu!-ma-am / ù Òú-Ìa-ra-am i-li-im?-mi?
/ qú-tu-úr bu-lu-um la i-ta-WI [ú] […].
8
) On zoonotic diseases in cuneiform texts, see Stol (forthcoming).
9
) ma-as-ka-du-um ma-as-ka-du-um ú-la ma-as-ka!-du!-um! (Text:
ma-as-ra) su-ú-um / is-tu sa-mi ur-da-am / i-na si-it-pi-im ma-an-za-zu-su
/ i-na ki-bi-is al-pi-i-im ma-a-a-al-su / e-re-eb bu-li-im i-ru-ab wa-Òi bu-liim iÒ-Òí / ú-ta-mi-ka AN ù An-tum a-sar ta-aÒ-ba-tu / lu tu-wa-sa!-ar tu.en.
ni.in.nu.ri / Òí-i ma-as-ka-du-<um> [zi] su Ìu ur.
10
) [m]a-as-ka-du-[um ma-as-k]a-du-um ú-ul ma-as-ka-du-um su-Ìu-úum / i-na s[u-li]-im! na-ar-ba-Òu-su i-na {ma-an-za-as-sú} i-me-ri m[a-anz]a-zu-su / na-sa-ak ba-ar-ba-ri-um i-na-as-sa-ak sa-Ìa-a† kal-bi-im e-lam[i] [i-sa]-Ìi-i† / e-re-eb bu-lim i-ru-u[b w]a-Òe-e bu-lim uÒ-Òi / [Ò]i-i
ma-as-[ka]-[du]-[um] [la]-a-ma ik-su-du-ka Òú-ur-ru na-ag-la-b[u (sa) d]
Gu-la / t[u6].én.é.nu.[ri].
11
) On this tablet see George 1999; Wasserman 1999.
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BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXIX N° 5-6, september-december 2012
just quoted, insert the remark about the connection of the
disease to livestock which is known from the Old Babylonian
sources:
STT II 136:iv1920) [Mussu’u VIII/m] = Böck 2007, 293: 170
In the track of the bull is its lair, in the track of the sheep is
its location.21)
So, what can be said about the main characteristics of maskadum, based on the texts available so far?
• The most important piece of data is that maskadum is a
disease that is directly connected to the presence of ruminant animals (cows and sheep) – the disease “come and
goes” with them. In other words, the vectors of the disease
are small and large cattle.
• However, its exact etiology, or origin, was unknown to the
ancient healers – the texts mention a celestial origin.
• There is a confusion regarding its lexical identification –
the disease has two names: maskadum and suÌû/sû.22)
• Its symptoms were severe pain – “wolf bite” in Old Babylonian sources; “scorpion’s/snake’s venom” in later
sources. The pain is located in the loins, back, hips, shins,
etc. – so in post-Old Babylonian sources.
• The disease affects humans and also milking cows.
• The antidote to maskadum is first by magical means
(incantations), but surgical treatment is also hinted at – an
Old Babylonian text mentions “the razors of Gula”. Later
texts refer to the technique of rubbing (mussu’u) and mention magical amulets.
IV. The next step in the discussion deals with the conceptualization of maskadum in Antiquity. I propose that maskadum was defined early in the second millennium, in a social
milieu of herd-raising people, more precisely by the Amorites. The word maskadum itself is an import from Amorite,
based on the MAPRAS nominal pattern.23) The root √skd, from
which maskadum must derive, is not productive in Akkadian.24) Only the lexeme sakadu is found once in the synonym list Malku=sarru, proving that this root is non-native in
Akkadian. The word sakadu is equated with qitrudu,
“heroic”,25) fitting well into its section in the synonym list
which covers the sematic field of rulers, warfare, and
strength.26) It is therefore likely that the basic meaning of
maskadum was “the strong/violent (disease)”, a secondary
concretization of an abstract term.
The proposal that maskadum is an Amorite loanword in
Akkadian explains the unusual remark “suÌû is its name,
maskadum its nickname” which opens all the maskadum
incantations, Old Babylonian and post-Old Babylonian
20
) Text E in Böck’s sigla. Text A (= BM 45483+) reads probably the
same.
21
) ina kibsi alpi narbassu ina kibsi immeri manzassu.
22
) This disease is equated in lexical texts with other diseases besides
maskadum, see CAD S/3, 417b.
23
) Streck 2000, 335 §5.43 (see also §5.46). This nominal pattern is, of
course, not unknown in Akkadian.
24
) The root √skd exists in Arabic lexicographical texts, meaning “to
give something, to present something”. Rules of phonetic changes between
different Semitic languages exclude, however, the possibility that it is a
cognate of Akkadian √skd, since /s/ in Arabic corresponds to /s/ or /s/ in
Akkadian. The hypothetical Arabic cognate root *àkd, which would be a
natural cognate of Amorite √skd, is unknown.
25
) Malku=Sarru I:32: Hrusa 2010, 32 (see CAD S/1, 113b).
26
) Hrusa 2010, 10.
430
alike. Evidently, Babylonian medical tradition retained the
memory that this disease is foreign in origin, appending to
it a local Akkadian name.27) The suggestion that maskadum
originated in an early pastoral setting clarifies the use of the
Amorite adjective Ìalibatum, “milking cows” in the Old
Babylonian incantation YOS 11, 69, and explains why the
original connection of the disease to sheep and cows began
to disappear in post-Old Babylonian incantations: in later
periods, which no longer relied on a semi-nomadic pastoral
economy, the comment “in the track of the bull is its lair,
in the track of the sheep is its location” seemed unclear and
non-essential.
V. Based on the evidence presented so far, I wish to propose
a modern candidate for the ancient maskadum disease,
namely brucellosis. Brucellosis is one of the most common
zoonotic diseases. It is endemic in the Mediterranean basin,
in the Balkans, in the area of the Persian Gulf, and other
neighboring countries. In 1751 Cleghorn, a British army surgeon stationed on the island of Minorca, described cases of
chronic, relapsing febrile illness which is probably the first
modern description of this disease. In 1861 Marston, a British military doctor serving in Malta, described his own infection in this disease. But it was David Bruce, also a British
army surgeon stationed in Malta, who, in 1887, isolated from
human spleens the pathogen of the disease– the bacteria brucella, named after him.28) 29)
Different species of brucella are known, the three main
ones being Brucella abortus, causing miscarriage in cattle;
Brucella melitensis, affecting goats; and Brucella suis, typically affecting domestic pigs.30) In domestic animals brucellosis produces genitourinary infections leading to lower milk
production and abortions, with significant financial repercussions. It commonly affects humans as well.31) Humans contract brucellosis through ingestion of unpasteurized milk and
dairy products, by contact with infected meat and by accidental inhalation of aerosols containing Brucella.32) The
World Health Organization reports that there are half a million new cases of brucellosis in humans every year, a figure
which some consider an underestimate.33) Most sufferers of
brucellosis live in close proximity to livestock: shepherds,
veterinarians and workers in the meat industry.34) Antibiotic
treatment is the first-line therapy recommended by the World
Health Organization.35) It is important to stress that humanto-human transmission is extremely rare in brucellosis, and
animals serve as the sole reservoir of the pathogen.36) More
27
) maskadum is also equaled with sassa†u in Malku=Sarru IV:51: =
Hrusa 2010, 95 (see CAD S/2, 175a).
28
) Purcell et al. 2007, 186; Nicoletti 2002, 5; Shuttleworth 1979,
72–73.
29
) There is, however, a controversy about who should be credited for
linking brucellosis to goat milk (Vassallo 1996).
30
) Ortner et al. 1981, 138.
31
) Doganay and Aygen 2003, 173.
32
) Assad 2012, 189-190.
33
) Assad 2012, 189-190.
34
) Bouza 2002, 81-82.
35
) Alp/Doganay 2008, 575.
36
) Ortner et al. 1981, 139: “… the spread of brucellosis between
humans is very rare…”. The disease may pass between humans through
sperm or through milk, from a mother to child (see Vandercam et al. 1990:
“…proof of person-to-person sexual transmission [of brucellosis] is lacking, despite evidence from isolated case reports suggesting this may
occur”).
431
MASKADUM AND OTHER ZOONOTIC DISEASES IN MEDICAL AND LITERARY AKKADIAN SOURCES
than a century after its first assured description, no major
country has been able to eradicate brucellosis,37) and it is still
a widespread disease (with possible application in biological
warfare).38)
Clinically speaking, brucellosis in humans presents a
very heterogeneous spectrum of symptoms, a fact which
makes it difficult to diagnose. Clinical manifestations of
acute brucellosis include recurring undulant fevers that
may persist for weeks, malaise, sweats, non-inflammatory
joint pain, lower back pain and headaches. When chronic,
brucellosis involves inflammation of the vertebra, sometimes with neurologic impairment; pain and restricted
movement in the hips, knees, shoulders, wrists, and ankles;
genitourinary, gastrointestinal and hematologic complications are also recorded.39) This set of symptoms clearly
matches the list of symptoms found in the maskadumincantations in the mussu’u-series: “It seized the hip, shin,
ankle, loins, back, and the tendon of the heel – all the muscles, the entire body”. Brucellosis has mainly inner-body
effects, like changes in the spine, prevertebral abscess,40)
and enlarged liver,41) but in some cases the disease can be
noticed on the exterior, showing rupture of blood vessels
in the limbs,42) and large cysts – both in humans and in
animals (see Figs. 1, 2).43) These external features could
perhaps be treated in surgical way in Antiquity, 44) as
reflected in the threat found in one of the Old Babylonian
incantations “go out maskadum before the flint razors of
Gula will reach you!”.
Finally, skeletal involvement in chronic brucellosis is
not uncommon and can be archaeologically detected.45) 46)
An Early Bronze case of brucellosis was reported in
Jericho.47) Other cases of brucellosis dating back to c. 3100
Fig. 1: Lumbar cyst caused by brucellosis (Raptis et al. 2005, 82)
432
Fig. 2: Hygroma (inflamed cyst with fluids) in sheep caused by
brucellosis (Ramadan 1991)
B.C. were found in Jordan and in Bahrain.48) An earlier case
of brucellosis was found in a Chalcolithic site in Spain,49)
and it was even suggested that a hominin skeleton of Australopithecus africanus shows signs of brucellosis.50) Recently,
a team from Michigan State University succeeded in extracting ancient DNA from a skeleton in Albania, proving the
molecular existence of brucellosis in Medieval Europe.51)
There is no doubt that brucellosis has accompanied human
society at least since the domestication of sheep, goats and
cows c. 10,000 BP, or perhaps much earlier.52) It is unlikely,
therefore, that the disease was unknown to a society whose
livelihood was based on pastoralism, such as that of Early
and Middle Bronze Age Amorites.
VI. As we have seen, first millennium Mesopotamian medical texts considered maskadum to be a disease which attacks
the entire body, affecting in particular joints and muscles.53)
Thus, if the hypothesis presented here is correct and modern
brucellosis can be identified, at least generally, with maskadum, then ancient Mesopotamian healers referred mainly to
the musculoskeletal symptoms of brucellosis in their understanding of the disease. Other flu-like symptoms of brucellosis, especially undulant fevers and headaches, were probably not recognized the Babylonians as maskadum, and were
attributed to other diseases.
Interestingly, one late Babylonian text from Uruk, which
lists different diseases according to their source organ (“from
the heart”, “from the lung”, “from the kidney” etc.), places
maskadum in the category “from the mouth”.54) In addition,
two entries in hemerological manuals warn against eating
certain kinds of meat on certain days, lest the person get
maskadum: “(on a certain day) he must not eat pork, lest
37
) Nicoletti 2002, 8.
) Purcell 2007.
39
) Andriopoulos 2005.
40
) Alp/Doganay 2008, 575; Al-Nakshabandi 2010.
41
) Al-Nakshabandi 2010.
42
) Heydari et al. 2005.
43
) Raptis et al. 2005.
44
) As they are treated today, see Ramadan 1991.
45
) D’anastasio 2011; Ortner et al. 1981, 138–141; Ortner 2003, 215.
46
) For possible confusion with signs of tuberculosis see Ortner et
al.1981, 140; Mutolo et al. 2012.
47
) Brothwell 1965.
38
48
) Ortner/Frohlich 2007; Rashidi et al. 2001.
) Etxeberria 1994; Curate 2006.
50
) D’anastasio 2009.
51
) Mutolo et al. 2012.
52
) Dunne et al. 2012; D’anastasio 2009. As well as Rashidi 2011 (ref.
courtesy J. Eidem) – a study which I did not have the possibility to consult
while writing this paper.
53
) Thompson (1936, 190) took maskadum to be “rheumatism or similar” (see also JRAS 1937, 430; AfO 11, 339, n. 18).
54
) SpTU 1, 43: 15.
49
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BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXIX N° 5-6, september-december 2012
maskadum will seize him”,55) and “he must not eat beef, lest
maskadum will befall him”.56) These references may indicate
that ancient Mesopotamian experts in magic and medicine
suspected that maskadum could be brought on by eating meat
products.
VII. To sum up, I propose that:
• Mesopotamian medicine knew about zoonotic diseases,
diseases that affect both humans and animals.
• One disease in particular, maskadum, was identified as
being dependent on livestock.
• The most likely candidate for this particular zoonotic disease is brucellosis which was endemic and widespread in
the Levant and Mesopotamia in ancient times and still
today.
The question as to how ancient Mesopotamians found out
that some diseases required an animal host is not easily
answered, especially since modern medicine arrived at this
conclusion only fairly recently. And yet, the ancient texts are
clear on this. One should not overlook the fact that another
zoonotic disease was well known in ancient times: rabies.
Brucellosis could have been recognized as another zoonotic
disease because of its transmission from sheep and cattle to
humans, and almost never from human to human. It is not
beyond the realm of possibility that some observer made an
empirical induction that connected the immediate presence
of livestock with the appearance of the disease. The appearance of similar external cysts in both humans and animals
sick with brucellosis could also spark the idea that this disease ties humans to livestock.
VIII. I wish to end this paper with a methodological
caveat, serving as my own advocatus diaboli. Unlike material substances, geographical locations, or cosmological
events – diseases are not non-changing objective entities.
They are cultural constructs whose definition alters with
time, reflecting shifting cultural paradigms. According to
the humoral theory of Hippocrates, melancholia had its
somatic basis in an excess of black bile. For Albrecht
Dürer the same disease had a spiritual, religious and psychological basis. Today Melancholia is mainly metaphorical and modern medical literature refers to its characteristic
set of behavior as depression and bipolar disorder. In
greater parts of western society, hysteria and homosexuality are not currently considered somatic diseases, although
they were until a few decades ago. And just as diseases
disappear, new diseases appear. Internet Addiction Disorder (IAD) is now accepted as a medical condition which
covers a variety of impulse-control problems, as Cybersex
Addiction, Net Compulsion, Information Overload, and
Computer Addiction.57) Before 1912, when the Swiss psychiatrist Paul Eugen Bleuler invented it, autism simply did
not exist, but it is now the “hidden epidemic”.58) Briefly,
the notion that a modern equivalent can be found for each
and every ancient disease is naïve, if not actually wrong.
55
) ser saÌî la ikkal maskadum iÒabbassu (5R 48 v:33, cited in CAD
M/1, 368a).
56
) ser alpi la ikkal maskadum ibassisu (Iraq 23, 90:14, cited in CAD
M/1, 368a).
57
) http://www.helpguide.org/mental/internet_cybersex_addiction.htm
58
) http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/6844737/ns/health-mental_health/
434
Can one safely say that Hansen’s disease is the Biblical
leprosy? Is it methodologically right to search for modern
equivalents to sassa†um, rapadum, sanadum, gergissum,
sagbanum, or garasum – or any other of the many diseases
mentioned in Mesopotamian sources? The answer to these
questions is certainly not positive – but it is not entirely
negative either. Ancient physicians had their own system
of classification of natural phenomena and their own way
of conceptualizing somatic and mental disorders. At the
same time, however, human physiognomy has not significantly changed since the Middle Bronze Age and the bacteria which surround us today also surrounded the Babylonians, to similar effect.
So what ancient disorders may be identified today? Some
modern diseases, like Down Syndrome or Tay-Sachs, though
displaying clear pathological signs, cannot, in principle, be
inferred from ancient texts since it is impossible to relate
their symptoms to one single disease without knowing their
etiology in genetic abnormalities – totally unknown of course
in Antiquity. There is a good chance that diseases arising
from a traumatic event – rabies for example, which herald an
immediate or fatal response, can be identified in ancient
texts. It is also possible to identify diseases whose symptoms
and mode of transmission are easily discernable, like rubella
(but then, would it be possible to distinguish in the ancient
sources between rubella, measles, or chickenpox – all highly
contagious diseases whose symptoms are similar? Hardly).
Diseases which affect a specific organ – like the eye in glaucoma and in cataracts, or the mouth in cleft lip and cleft
palate, have a better chance of being identified in modern
terms than systemic diseases which affect the entire body
with a multitude of symptoms, like diabetes. Some diseases
which appear in a well-defined circumstances, like Sudden
infant death syndrome (SIDS) may also be identified. Diseases typical to a region, like hyperthermia (sun heat) can be
detected.
Brucellosis – an endemic and common disease with acute
and even fatal results, whose mode of transmission is unique
but understood by pre-modern medicine – meets more than
one of the above conditions, allowing us, I suggest, to identify it with the ancient maskadum.
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