The Dutchman’s Burden: Enslavement, Africa and Immigrants in Dutch Primary School History Textbooks Melissa F. Weiner1 College of the Holy Cross Abstract The Dutch have long taken great pride in their identity as tolerant, both as a “promised land” for persecuted immigrants and for generous “development” funds in foreign nations. However, the Dutch eschew their role in historical colonial imperialism, enslavement and genocide and consider non-whites, both in The Netherlands abroad, ungrateful for their nation’s aid. This chapter consolidates previous research2 addressing depictions of enslavement, immigration, and Africa in all Dutch primary school history textbooks published since 1980 to argue that textbook depictions feature Eurocentric master narratives of racial Europeanization within the unique context of Dutch society. These books perpetuate Dutch social forgetting of slavery and scientific colonialism, justify historic and contemporary interventions in Africa, essentialize and problematize immigrants and their cultures, highlight Dutch superiority, and facilitate a “Dutchman’s burden” that finds The Netherlands reluctantly aiding minorities within and outside of their borders. Findings have important implications for both The Netherlands and all nations with increasing immigrant populations as discourses, knowledges presented in textbooks impact generations of students’, who shape local and national policy regarding racial minorities, racial identities and ideologies. Keywords The Netherlands, Education, Curriculum, Textbooks, Race, Europe Introduction Textbooks, often a critical element of primary and secondary curriculum, play an important role in shaping how students view their nation’s history and conceptions of racial groups, racial and power hierarchies (Giroux, 1997; Giroux & McLaren, 1989; Zimmerman, 2002). U.S. scholars consistently find that curriculum privileges the dominant culture by obscuring historical roots of contemporary racial inequality and signaling to students which 1 Correspondence may be sent to mfweiner@holycross.edu. For the full article addressing slavery in Dutch textbooks, see Weiner 2014a. Other articles are forthcoming. 2 1 groups belong to the national community (Brown & Brown, 2010; Pinar 1993; Zimmerman, 2002). Texts written from a Eurocentric perspective often exclude the histories and cultures of minorities, and their oppression by dominant groups, and emphasize Western superiority thereby perpetuating colonialist ideologies and histories (Araújo & Maeso, 2012b; Willinsky, 1998). In The Netherlands today, considerable debate, which has become increasingly vocal, exists around the position of immigrants, particularly those of Afro-Dutch descent, and the contemporary implications for Dutch colonialism in Africa, both historically through the trade in enslaved Africans and contemporary aid efforts. As has occurred across Europe, the rise of far right politicians in The Netherlands, who call for the expulsion of immigrants and their cultures has collided with anti-racist activists who demand not only recognition of their presence in the nation and the nation’s history, but also consideration of the ways in which Dutch colonialism shapes contemporary socioeconomic inequalities. Therefore the debate over who is and is not included in Dutch history textbooks reflects larger debates over national identity and history. This article argues that Dutch textbooks addressing Africa, slavery, and immigrants perpetuate longstanding and reify contemporary manifestations of colonialist ideologies and histories alongside a unique Dutch narrative of non-whites historically and today who are both ungrateful for Dutch intervention and aid to forever foreign immigrants in The Netherlands, representing a “Dutchman’s burden.” Literature Review In Europe, contemporary racism perpetuates longstanding Eurocentric epistemologies. Rooted in the colonial encounter, Eurocentrism reflects a hierarchical binary definition positing Europe, and all that Europe has produced, as superior to the rest of the world (Quijano, 2000). Designating Europe as rational, intellectual, modern and developed, the rest of the world is marked as primitive, emotional, traditional, and irrational (Goldberg, 2009; Grosfoguel, 2011; Maldonado-Torres, 2007; Mignolo, 2000; Quijano, 2000). Contemporary popular and political Eurocentric discourses continue to rely on these centuries-old definitions and an essential relationship to a less superior “other” (Frankenberg, 2001), often blackness, that characterizes peoples, cultures, and nations forever embedded in pre-modern pasts, which Europeans believe require their aid to develop and modernize (Nimako, 2011). 2 However, these explicitly-racist discourses and ideologies are often denied through racial neoliberalism and racial Europeanization. Racial neoliberalism, rooted in capitalism, is predicated on the private control of resources and posits an individualistic perspective of success, which is divorced from historical and contemporary structural inequality (Goldberg, 2009). This is extended, in Europe, through racial Europeanization, which “buries history alive” (Goldberg, 2009) by depoliticizing the contemporary presence of non-whites on the continent, dissociating inequalities non-whites experience today from centuries of colonialist exploitation, doctrines and ideologies, and blaming minorities for their individual failings to socioeconomically assimilate and thereby bringing inequality upon themselves (Araújo & Maeso, 2012a; Goldberg, 2009). Centuries of exploitation, colonialism and racially subordinating policies do not feature in explanations for heterogeneous populations in Europe or minority groups’ socioeconomic disadvantages compared to whites. This hegemonic Eurocentric power-evasive master narrative naturalizes colonialism, slavery and racism in Europe’s development as the modern capitalist global economy’s center with insufficient voices of the oppressed to overcome race and racism’s exclusion from discourses of nationhood, democracy, and citizenship (Araújo & Maeso, 2012a; Grosfoguel, 2011). In The Netherlands, a unique form of racial Europeanization is accomplished through social forgetting, the distortion, marginalization or trivialization, of slavery and colonialism in the Caribbean and Africa and their importance to the nation’s growth and their relevance for the presence of immigrants on Dutch soil (Nimako & Small, 2012). Indeed, “race,” according to many, does not exist in The Netherlands (Essed & Hoving, 2014; Essed & Nimako 2006; Hondius 2014; van Dijk 1993). With “race” and “racism” considered taboo and anti-racialism prevailing, policy makers and scholars alike prefer the term “ethnicity,” which evokes notions of culture but fails to account for hierarchical power and value implications central to racial identities and racialization processes embedded in Dutch society (Essed & Nimako 2006; Essed & Trienekens, 2008; Weiner, 2014b). This preference for “ethnicity” over “race” both perpetuates racial Europeanization denying the existence of race and obscures the reality of daily and institutional racism of those experiencing these phenomena (Essed & Nimako, 2006; Essed & Trienekens, 2008; Nimako, 2012). The Dutch national narrative features an element of being too generous with people who do not appreciate their aid, like the historic “white man’s burden” that postulated that the whites in the West were burdened with the responsibility of ushering non-white peoples into the modern 3 era due to their lack of civilization, technology and modernity. Non-whites are considered ungrateful for the aid they have received both in their own lands and, especially, with generous welfare policies after immigrating to that nation such that white Dutch have become victims of their own generosity (Essed & Nimako, 2006; Ghorashi, 2014). These discourses similarly ignore the historical and contemporary exploitation of these groups by the Dutch, at home and abroad. Histories and Textbook Depictions Debates over textbooks are essentially debates over national identity and belonging (Apple & Christian-Smith, 1991; Fitzgerald, 1979; Giroux, 1997; Giroux & McLaren, 1989; Zimmerman, 2002). Curriculum privileging the dominant culture and excluding minority groups and their oppression by the dominant group not only obscures historical roots of contemporary inequality but signals to students which groups belong to the national community (Brown & Brown, 2010; Pinar, 1993; Tyack, 1999; Zimmerman, 2002). For centuries in the U.S., non-white, working class, and women’s groups have demanded that curriculum accurately reflect their contributions to the building of the nation (Binder, 2002; Moreau, 2003; Weiner, 2010; Zimmerman, 2002). These highly contested debates continue today and often shift depending upon the political power and demographics of particular groups. For example, the growing Latino population in the U.S. has increasingly called for the inclusion of Latino contributions to U.S. history, particularly in the Southwest. Similarly, backlash against inclusion continues in the form of, Texas’s recent decision to minimize discussions of slavery segregationist Jim Crow laws and Arizona’s law (HB2281) banning the teaching of Mexican-American history to students on territory once considered Mexico. Similar debates are ongoing in The Netherlands, as well as in other European nations with increasingly large and vocal non-white populations. Below, I describe both the documented histories of enslavement, Dutch intervention in Africa, and contemporary immigrants in The Netherlands as well as existing research addressing these topics as they are presented in history textbooks both in The Netherlands and abroad. Dutch Enslavement and Involvement in Africa The Netherlands played a prominent role in the slave trade and colonialism in Africa. Spanning three centuries, the Dutch enslaving enterprise generated millions in profits and 4 entrenched, both in their colonies and the metropole, racializing discourses of Africans justifying their enslavement. Enslaved Africans and their descendants, grew, harvested, and processed coffee, sugar cane, cocoa and cotton in the Dutch Antilles (Aruba, Curacao, Bonaire, St. Martin, St. Eustatius, and Saba), and Suriname (Nimako & Willemsen, 2011). Funds from this exploited labor, alongside that in Indonesia, built the national Dutch economy within a global system, while underdeveloping the colonies’ infrastructure (Horton & Kardux, 2005; Nimako & Willemsen, 2011). Abolitionism was largely absent from The Netherlands and Dutch privateers (aka pirates) traded in enslaved men, women, and children even after it was outlawed in 1814 (Drescher, 1994; Nimako & Willemsen, 2011). The Netherlands legally abolished slavery in 1863 but required a 10-year “apprenticeship,” which white Dutch argued was necessary for the enslaved to understand the meaning and responsibilities of their freedom (Drescher, 1994; Nimako & Willemsen, 2011). The Dutch government then financially compensated master enslavers for their loss of “property.” In Africa, alongside their enslaving base on Fort Elmina on the West African coast, the Dutch established a colony in present-day South Africa to acquire supplies while traveling between The Netherlands and its colony in Indonesia (cf. Fredrickson, 1981). Dutch settlers referred to African peoples as “abject savages,” “the laziest people under the sun,” “who occupy the lowest position in the evolutionary scale” (Fredrickson, 1981, p. 34, 56, 196). These sentiments justified Dutch appropriation of Xhosa and Zulu land, genocide when they resisted and, later, the establishment of a herrenvolk democracy to maintain apartheid social relations, prior to its official inception under British rule in 1948. Today, the Dutch maintain ties to Africa through both corporate and development relationships and take pride in their involvement in non-governmental organizations (NGOs). They have long had a reputation as generous donors (Hoebink, 1999). However, Dutch aid projects are often selected based on their likelihood of success to satisfy donors, rather than those addressing the worst problems, or require aid to be spent on Dutch products and services (Bebbington, 2005; Bijl, 2012; Derksen & Verhallen, 2008). Although they featured prominently in the global history of enslavement, the Dutch remain ambivalent about their complicity with the kidnapping, enslaving and exploitation of Africans and apartheid in South Africa and there is little recognition of the connection between slavery and contemporary inequalities experienced by Afro-Dutch in The Netherlands today 5 (Nimako & Small 2012; Nimako & Willemsen, 2011). Critical scholars describe this institutionalized practice of the social forgetting of slavery in the Dutch national narrative as a “willful act of forgetting” (Horton & Kardux, 2005: 42; Nimako & Small 2012). Dutch history scholarship has followed suit, using scientific colonialism to portray “colonialism as a normal form of relations” rather than “a system of exploitation and oppression” (Hira 2012: 53). Only recently have critical scholars begun to address enslavement’s central role in the Dutch Golden Age, offering significant challenges to the master narrative asserting The Netherlands’ minimalist involvement in the trade and enslavement of Africans (Hira 2012; Hondius 2011; Horton & Kardux 2005; Nimako & Small 2012; Nimako & Willemsen 2011; Zunder 2010) While advocates continue to argue the importance of including critical examinations of slavery in European history as a compulsory subject and on examinations at every grade level (eg. Cole 2004; Deveau 2001; Lyndon 2006), scholarly literature examining slavery in textbooks in Europe remains sparse. That which exists finds textbooks deploying Eurocentric epistemologies to glorify European colonialist projects while failing to address the enslavement’s impact on the lives of millions of enslaved Africans or the families and communities left behind, depicting slavery as primarily an American phenomena, or remaining silent on the subject (Araújo & Maeso 2012a; Broeck, 2003; Cole, 2004; Deveau, 2001). This omission is symptomatic of racial Europeanization, silencing slavery’s role in establishing European (and individual European nations’) social, political, and economic hegemony over the last half millennia (Goldberg, 2009; Grosfoguel 2011; Wallerstein 1980, 1974). As in Europe, depictions of slavery in American textbooks feature a master script of Eurocentric white dominance that “fails to address underlying issues such as the purpose, cause, and consequence of events and systems such as slavery” (Swartz, 1992, p. 343). These texts ignore institutional racism and present enslavement in a detached and perfunctory tone that “obscures the oppressive role of those who perpetuated slavery” (Foster, 1999, p. 269). This sanitizes slavery as neutral rather than central to the capitalist global economy’s development and its links to racist ideology and accumulation of resources (Magubane, 2004; Ogden et al., 2008; Sivanandan, 1982). Presenting slavery from this white perspective, with only a few “bad” masters, most books “ignore, undermine, or misrepresent the larger institutional/structural ties that supported (through actions and/or inactions) and, more important, benefited from their enactment” (Brown 6 & Brown, 2010, p. 45). By including sympathetically-depicted master enslavers’ voices, rather than those of the enslaved, textbooks reproduce stereotypical images of them as inducing fear among whites, physically strong, criminal, looking alike, enjoying music, dance, and stories, fit for exploitation, and lacking intellect, culture, history, and agency (Brown & Brown, 2010; Foster, 1999; Gordy & Pritchard, 1995; Swartz, 1992). Contemporary textbook depictions of Africa primarily discuss the continent relative to Europe, European civilization, dominance and global power (Frijhoff, 2010; Marino, 2011; Sefa Dei, 2010). Historical depictions of Africa prior to European arrival are often non-existent and, when they appear, highlight “primitive” cultures and humanity (Marmer et al., 2010; van Dijk, 1993). African history begins with European contact, constructing Africa as a site of discovery (Alvermann & Commeyras, 1994; Marmer et al., 2010; Wilson, 1995). Books rarely address “slavery, violent conquest or neocolonial exploitations of Third world counties” and instead perpetuate the myth that Europeans brought (and continue to bring) “civilization to barbarians in Third World countries” (Marmer et al., 2010; van Dijk, 1993, p. 204). Discussions of contemporary Africa perpetuate these discourses by implicitly and explicitly highlighting Africans’ “otherness” through depictions of Africans as backward, savage, lazy, violent, primitive, exotic, naked, underdeveloped, criminal, and drug abusers (Marmer et al., 2010; Manzo, 2006; Myers, 2001; Popke, 2001; van Dijk, 1993). Dutch textbooks replicate these sentiments by emphasizing their own political, economic and cultural role in the world, particularly their superiority and guidance regarding social issues (Frijhoff, 2010). Struggles for independence, rather than referencing anti-colonial ideologies and resistance nurtured and developed under conditions of racial and foreign oppression, appear as violent outbursts of “wild and fanatic tribes” with whites as victims (van Dijk, 1993). African independence ideologies are attributed to Western liberal thought, rather than Africans’ rejection of centuries of colonialist oppression (Alvermann & Commeyras, 1994). Textbooks depict independent African nations as politically backward, led by dictators, and in perpetually need of “our” Western democracy, intervention and aid (Downing, 1980). Immigrants in The Netherlands Antilleans, Surinamese, Turks and Moroccans represent the four largest non-Western minority groups in the Netherlands today, most of whom reside in the four largest cities, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague, and Utrecht. Although long a receiving nation for 7 immigrants, this “new” immigration, of Turks and Moroccans beginning in the 1960s and Surinamese and Antilleans in the 1970s has generated considerable xenophobia among the Dutch populace and stimulated and exacerbated by right-wing political figures. Considering these groups alongside native white Dutch reveals a racial hierarchy in The Netherlands, with former colonial subjects nestled between Dutch on the top and Turks and Moroccans on the bottom, resulting in corresponding access, or lack thereof, to social resources and opportunities. Competing with native Dutch for scarce positions, these immigrant groups, with lower educational attainment rates lower than white Dutch, are increasingly disadvantaged in the Netherlands’ service economy and experience high levels of unemployment compared to white Dutch with similar educational qualifications (Snel et al., 2005; van Ours and Veenman, 2003; Vasta, 2007). Popular arguments that the established population has fostered “illegal immigration,” and stereotypes of these groups “violent,” “dishonest,” “intrusive,” “slackers,” “complainers,” and neither law abiding nor assimilable into society, find both these groups experiencing overt discrimination in schools, in public, and in the labor market (Engbersen & van der Leun, 2001; Heath et al., 2008; Sniderman & Haagendoorn, 2009). The use of allochtoon to describe non-white Dutch and autochtoon for native white Dutch reflects the higher value attributed to the latter identity (Essed & Trienekens, 2008). This boundary creation and policing inhibits the social acceptance of multiple-generation nonEuropean immigrants who share nativity, language, culture, and citizenship with “native Dutch.” There is no language available for migrants to claim multiple identities (i.e. Dutch Ghanaian) (Ghorashi, 2009). The limited research on immigrants in Dutch textbooks finds racist and essentializing treatment of immigrants that denies whites’ and Western nations’ power historical and contemporary and oppression (van Dijk, 1993). Books addressing immigrants draw clear boundaries between “us,” “real” native residents of the nation, and “them,” through the use of discursive positioning that renders Dutch nationals and the nationality as superior to the nations and cultures of immigrants (Foster, 1999; Loewen, 2007; van Dijk, 1993). As in the U.S., Dutch textbooks “are replete with stereotypical if not blatantly Eurocentric and racist representations of minorities and Third World peoples and continue to ignore minority groups and their cultures altogether” (van Dijk, 1993, p. 200; Foster, 1999; Fitzgerald, 1979; Loewen, 2007). Texts discuss immigrants using broad categories (i.e. guest workers rather than Turks and Moroccans), 8 highlight their “strange” and “backward” cultures, criminality, misogyny, habits, food, clothes, music, and languages and suggest an “illegal” presence of immigrants as they “flood,” “invade” and “inundate” The Netherlands (Mok, 1990). Books posit that cultural differences inhibit immigrants’ assimilation in a benevolent tolerant Dutch state, which provides generous financial assistance (ibid.). Combined, these narratives facilitate empathy for native white Dutch and excuses Dutch xenophobia while precluding immigrants’ integration into Dutch society. Recent changes to Dutch history curriculum finds cultural differences muted or as problems to confront rather than realities to embrace and/or celebrate (Sunier, 2009). Data Collection and Methods To assess depictions of enslavement, immigrants, and Africa, I examined the newest version of all Dutch primary school history textbooks, workbooks, and in-class activity books published since 1980 (N=203), drawing heavily on the analytic techniques of Araújo & Maeso (2012a), Swartz (1992), and Pescosolido et al. (1997). All books, which can be found at the Dutch Royal Library in The Hague, are written in Dutch and all translations are mine. Each book was read closely for discussion and images of enslavement, Africa, and immigrants. Pages addressing these phenomena were photographed on site and then typed and imported, along with photos of images, into Atlas.ti for analysis. Content and discourse analytic strategies (cf. van Dijk, 1993) combined with inductive and deductive coding categories (Fereday & Muir-Cochrane, 2006) allowed for the holistic assessment of these texts’ depictions of enslavement, Africa, and immigrants. Deductive and inductive coding facilitated the generation of coding categories based on scholarship addressing these phenomena and the generation of new categories as they emerged. Discourse analysis allowed for the discernment of the perspective from which these topics are presented and lessons students learn in relation to Dutch history and society. TABLE 1 ABOUT HERE Findings Africa Historically Appearing in 95 (46.8%) of the 203 textbooks examined, Africa is absent from the majority. Africans’ voices appear in only 7.4% of books, as Africans captured for enslavement, discussing their own primitive cultures, or testifying to life in poverty or as a child soldier 9 (Panday et al., 2000, p. 43, 48; van Reenen, 1998, p. 65, Wagenaar et al 2004, p. 48). Textbooks primarily depict Africa as a site of discovery, exploration, or consumption for white Europeans with products ranging from peanuts to people (i.e enslaved Africans). Nearly half, 49.5%, depict Africa as a site of discovery and 41.1% refer to it as a product source. None feature Africans describing their perceptions of colonialism or desires for independence, nor do students hear the voice of a single African leader. Most books begin their history of Africa with European contact, with only 11.6% of books mentioning Africa prior to Europeans’ arrival and only one of those depicting a sophisticated African civilization pre-European contact. Explicitly ignoring African peoples, one books reads, “In the 19th century, the interior of Africa was discovered” (van de Brug, 1991, p. 50). TABLE 2 ABOUT HERE Slavery Of the 203 textbooks, workbooks, and activity books published since 1980, 49 (33 textbooks, 15 workbooks, and one copybook (for teachers to make overheads) mention African enslavement, and 40 (41.7%) address the Dutch trade in enslaved Africans or enslavement. None of the books include race or racism in their discussions of slavery. The books only discuss trade in enslaved Africans in the context of the West Indies Company (WIC). They do not address the Middlebury Commerce Company (which preceded the WIC) or the many independent traders who transported Africans before, during, and after the trade was abolished in 1814 (Nimako & Willemsen, 2011). There is no mention of enslaved Africans in The Netherlands. Depictions of enslaved Africans both minimize Black humanity, with over two thirds (67.35%) omitting any form of Black humanity (families, culture in the form of songs, stories, language or names, or emotions) and perpetuating explicitly stereotypical depictions of Africans (30.6%). In the case of the letter, books described Africans as “strong,” better workers than native South Americans and Antilleans (12.2% of books), dancing on plantations or during the Middle Passage, or violent (Brenninkmeyer et al., 1995; de Bruin, 2003b; Fenger & Siemensma, 2005; Goris et al., 2008; van der Vlis, 1986; van Duinen, 1983). TABLE 3 ABOUT HERE Nearly half of the books (49%) explain the trade in enslaved Africans in the context of global colonial efforts to generate wealth for the metropole. To accumulate wealth, one book 10 explains, the Dutch “went first to the west coast of Africa. There they found a much better trade: slaves!” (Panday et al., 2000, p. 45). Most books attempt to couch the Dutch trade within the global commercial venture while minimizing The Netherlands’ involvement. However, one book highlights Dutch prowess in trading, a trait for which the Dutch have historically taken great pride, revealing, “The Dutch were also ‘good’ at slave trading” (van Reenen, 1998, p. 323). Many books distance the Dutch from this trade by stating that it was the WIC, comprised of traders, who did so, not the Dutch people or government. Combined, over 40% of the books justify the trade in enslaved Africans for either labor or profit. Representative explanations for slavery state that, upon colonizing Suriname and the Dutch Antilles, “Slaves were needed for the work on the plantations” (de Bruin, 2003a, p. 60). Since “There were too few workers. So Spain, Portugal and the WIC brought workers from Africa” (Janssen et al., 2010, p. 6). Further linguistically distancing the Dutch from their exploitation of enslaved Africans, most textbooks switch from the active tense, used to discuss their trade in enslaved Africans, to the passive voice when discussing slavery on plantations. For example, one book reads, “there were black slaves from Africa that were going to do the work on the plantations” (Boivin & Torreman, 1995, p. 30). Nearly half of the books (44.9%) essentialize Africans as slaves by stating that the traders took “slaves from Africa” [slaven uit Afrika], rather than that traders took people out of Africa and enslaved them. With 16.3% justifying slavery as existing in Africa, textbooks naturalize Africans’ essential utility as laborers for White profits, particularly when coupled with statements that Africans made better slaves than native Antilleans and South Americans, found in 12.2% of books. While the voices and contemporary ideologies of enslaved Africans are rarely heard in textbooks, children do encounter those of White master enslavers. Textbooks and accompanying workbooks repeatedly refer to Whites’ perceptions and treatment of enslaved Africans as “animals” or “pets” (de Bruin, 2001, 2003b) while workbooks ask students variations of, “which people found slavery very normal?” (Visser-van den Brink et al., 2006, p. 42; de Bruin, 2003b, 2001). Explicitly articulating Whites’ perspective, one book explains, “The life of the black slave was not that hard in the eyes of whites” (Wagenaar et al., 2004, p. 52). Synthesizing the views of millions of White Dutch over centuries, another book states, “The Dutch found slavery very normal for over 200 years” (Goris et al., 2008, p. 37). Sympathetically addressing “difficulties” 11 White traders and master enslavers experienced, books describe white experiences as dangerous due to illness and shipwreck, the many Whites who died during the Middle Passage or how, on plantations, “whites did not have it easy” (Brenninkmeyer et al., 1995, p. 21; Buijtendijk et al., 1986; de Bruin, 2003a; Wagenaar et al., 2004). Less than half (41%) of the books address resistance by enslaved Africans, often in the form of running away or uprisings on plantations, but rarely through more subtle forms of covert resistance. Resistance, when it occurs, arises as reactions to bad treatment, rather than an indictment of a globalized racist world economy founded on the labor of enslaved men, women and children. Featured in 36.7% of the books, Maroons, enslaved Africans “who had managed to build an independent existence in the forests” (de Bruin, 2003b, p. 18), would be harshly punished if caught (Visser-van den Brink et al., 2006, p. 71). Most books describe Maroons as terrorizing Whites or depict them as physically dangerous or threatening (i.e. wearing nothing but a loincloth, holding a spear). Enslaved or Maroon men (but never women) challenging slavery through violent means allows Whites to become victims of “angry Black men.” These depictions reproduce the viewpoint of master enslavers who likely viewed resisters’ actions as individualist, rather than challenging systemic enslavement. This white perspective of resistance is enhanced by discussions of punishment for not working hard (but not as a form of social control on its own or over-used), alongside images of well-clothed enslaved men and women, smiling as they sing and dance. Representative sentences using the passive voice include “The slaves were treated badly” (Panday et al., 2000, p. 47) or “On the sugar plantations life was deadly” (de Bruin, 2003a, p. 58), thereby lacking attribution as to who treated enslaved Africans badly or made their lives deadly. Slightly more than a tenth of the books describe this treatment and enslaved Africans’ lives on the plantations as “not that bad” (Goris et al., 2008, p. 38), particularly for those who worked in the houses rather than the fields, since “some slave owners treated their slaves well” (Visser-van den Brink et al. 2006, p. 71) and many of the enslaved did not have to work on Sundays (Goris et al., 2008, p. 27). These discourses explicitly justify both Dutch violence towards Africans and, in many cases, legitimize it by putting responsibility for it on the enslaved. Africa Today 12 Africa’s image in textbooks never evolves significantly past the continent’s birthplace of primitive humanity. The majority of books depict Africans as primitive, violent, and poor refugees, who are essentially and perpetually culturally different, where sickness and crime abound but education is rare. Slightly more than one tenth feature nature, a long-existing representation of Africa as a site of untamed wilderness and in opposition to rational, organized and industrial Europe. World maps, found in the majority (71.6%) of books featuring Africa, position the continent as a stopping place on Europeans’ way to somewhere else, where Europeans acquire products, a site of colonization (with maps shaded different colors for their colonial rulers), or as places lacking civilization. One quarter (25.3%) of the books sever or distort African maps while nearly a third (32.4%) feature Africa as a site of absence, lacking religion, wealth, or peace. TABLE 4 ABOUT HERE More books (27.3%) describe Africa as being colonized by Europeans than those that discuss African nations (14.7%). African nations lack agency, instead becoming subsumed to Europeans’ conquest. “The Europeans considered the new countries as their property” (Venema, 1985, p. 59). “Many European countries had, between 1500 and 1900, conquered many possible areas in Africa and Asia. These conquered places were called colonies” (van der Vorst & Weber, 2004, p. 82). While colonies exist, colonialism does not. There is no discussion of African sentiment toward colonialism, their exploitation, the massive profits generated for European nations and corporations by colonialism, the systematic destruction of families, communities, tribal cultures or economies. African independence, mentioned in 14.7% of books, arrives suddenly in textbooks without discussion of why “many countries were independent after the Second World War” (Panday & Kouwenberg, 1997, p. 61). Books rarely state from which European nations African counties became independent. Nor do they explain how independence materialized, why so many countries in such a short period of time gained independence, who wanted independence, what not being independent meant to Africans, or resistance organizations and nationalist thought prior to independence. Textbooks depict independent African nations as poor, violent, and led by dictators (Baaijens & van Klinken, 1996; Boivin & Torreman, 1995). Nearly all books combine Africa with Asia and South America in discussions of development, essentializing the Global South. A representative statement found in a number of 13 texts reads, “Most countries in Africa, Asia and South America are very poor” (van der Vorst & Weeber, 2004, p. 106). Explicitly linking poverty and development, one book first defines a developing country as “a poor country that gets help from rich countries” and then uses it in a sentence, “Many developing countries lie in Africa and Asia” (Panday & Kouwenberg, 2001, p. 61). These descriptions essentialize entire continents by ignoring political, economic and sociohistoric differences between African nations. Dutch involvement in Africa is largely limited to contemporary aid. While over a third (37.7%) of textbooks mention or show South Africa on a map of Africa, less than 10% suggest the Dutch founded the colony. Instead, it is discussed as a stopping point for explorers or traders on the way to Indonesia. Only 13.7% mention Elmina or Guinea, another name for the Dutch Gold Coast (present-day Ghana). And South African apartheid is completely divorced from the Dutch. Textbooks position Western aid organizations, such as the UN, Unicef, and the Dutch NGO, Novib, which appear in 14.4% of books, as necessary to solve the issues described above. Textbooks depict the Dutch as particularly invested in aid. Novib, a Dutch NGO, “helps these poor countries. They build hospitals and schools. Or they help farmers with the installation of water wells” (van der Vorst & Weeber, 2004, p. 106). Another reads, Dutch “volunteers were sent to bring their knowledge to the local people.” (Panday et al., 2001, p. 69). Immigrants Less than one fifth (18.7%) of all textbooks mention immigrants. The most frequently mentioned immigrants are, in descending order, Surinamese, Indonesians, guest workers (usually Turkish, Moroccan, Italian, and Spanish), refugees fleeing from Asia, Africa, South America, and the former Yugoslavia, Jews, and other Europeans. Most books present the immigrant groups and the years of arrival without explaining their emigration. When explanations appear, textbooks depict immigrants as leaving their countries because of violence, to find work, avoid religious persecution, escape poverty, a “better future” or “better life” or education (Berserik, 2005; den Otter & Maters, 2001; Kratsborn et al 2007; van Sonderen et al., 2006). With the exception of one series, immigrants are compartmentalized into their own separate sections, set off from the rest of Dutch society. TABLE 5 ABOUT HERE 14 Nearly half the books highlight immigrants’ differences and foreignness, regardless of their length of residency in The Netherlands. One book states, “there are many similarities between Turkish, Moroccan, Surinamese and Dutch children… But there are also big differences” (Fenger & Siemensma, 2004, p. 75). These differences allow The Netherlands to be considered a multicultural and/or “colorful” society in one third (34.2%) of books. While the voices of immigrants rarely appear (in 34% of the books and only to highlight their happiness about being in the country), the perspective of Dutch white people, who are presumed not to be immigrants, feature prominently. This is accomplished through the use of terms considered offensive to many immigrants (i.e allochtonen, buitenlanders, and vreemdelingen), with nearly a quarter (23.7%) of the books using allochtoon. Similarly, textbooks present a xenophobic Dutch perspective, suggesting there are too many immigrants or that they need to work harder to assimilate, while referencing Dutch benevolence (appearing in 18% of books) in accepting immigrants (Baaijens & van Klinken, 1997; Fenger & Siemensma, 2004; Kratsborn et al., 2007). Although immigrants experience “problems” (in 21% of books), racism, prejudice and discrimination are not their cause. Discussion This paper integrates critical scholarship from around the globe addressing contemporary Dutch research around the role of the Netherlands in the trade and enslavement of Africans, aid to Africa, and immigrants’ history and socioeconomic integration alongside that which addresses these phenomena in textbooks to offer both a summary and analysis of these phenomena in Dutch primary school history textbooks. Textbooks feature Dutch aphasia, an inability to discuss and integrate the colonial past into their national narrative (Bijl, 2002), divorcing their colonial involvement across the globe, particularly in Africa, from contemporary socioeconomic conditions for non-European Dutch people at home and abroad, and then position themselves as superior in both realms. These depictions offer critical insights into the Dutch national narrative. These textbooks clearly position of their own nation at the pinnacle of the global racial hierarchy by discursively othering nations and peoples to retrench global conceptions of white supremacy in the form of modernity and civilization. The Netherlands’ unique history of enslavement alongside contemporary policies towards immigrants and global aid policies, results in textbooks featuring a “Dutchman’s burden” that aligns with the nation’s dominant racial ideologies. 15 Textbooks obscure and distort The Netherlands’ role in enslaving Africans, justify their history of colonialism, exploitation, oppression and genocide for profit and labor, and promote Eurocentric epistemic privilege by decoupling colonialism and capitalist exploitation of Africans from Dutch presence in their colonies. This results in the severance of all ties between historical oppression of enslaved Africans from The Netherlands’ historical rise as a global economic power, and contemporary racial ideologies and socioeconomic inequalities experienced by AfroDutch throughout the current and former Dutch kingdom. Slavery’s trivialization likely contributes to the long-standing resistance to using the term “race” or institutional racism within Dutch society (Essed & Nimako, 2006; Essed & Trienekens, 2008; Hondius, 2013). Similarly, this narrative perpetuates the longstanding (and many argue, outdated) tradition of Zwarte Piet, Sinterklaas’s blackfaced slave helper that features prominently across The Netherlands during the Christmas season and the vitriol to which white Dutch subject Zwarte Piet opponents (cf. Helsloot, 2012; Hondius, 2014). Depictions of Africa reveal a distinctly Eurocentric construction rooted in conceptions of modernity developed during colonial exploration and exploitation that portrayed Africa and Africans as an essentialized, homogenized group, lacking rationality, civilization, modernity, and later, industrialization and capitalism compared to Europeans (Grosfoguel, 2011; Hesse, 2007). Textbooks obfuscate the role of Western interventions in exacerbating problems, particularly that of poverty and “underdevelopment,” and instead suggest to children that independent African nations are incompetent, uncivilized and still pre-modern, unable to create functioning education, health, or economic systems. Textbooks racializing (White) Dutch as humanitarians, rather than historical colonialists, promote The Netherlands as internationally superior without critically addressing the effects of this aid on populations or the community (Bond, 2000; Jordan & van Tuijl, 2007). As a result, these books become central to Africa’s continued construction in opposition to capitalist Europe, much as governmental and church doctrines did centuries earlier. These cultural differences represent the foundation of international neo-liberal discourses that perpetuate historical colonialist relationships and contribute to a global racial hierarchy (BonillaSilva, 2000; Goldberg, 2009). Explanations of immigrants coming from nations rife with violence, religious persecution, poverty, and lacking a variety of freedoms, positions The Netherlands as a superior nation and resemble current immigrant scholarship highlighting problems immigrants bring with 16 them and perpetuate in The Netherlands that hinder their socioeconomic integration in Dutch society (Essed & Nimako, 2006; Nimako, 2012). Racism in The Netherlands is denied and discrimination is minimized, occasional and individual, rather than appearing in textbooks as an institutional barrier that hinders immigrants’ long-term socioeconomic success or psychological well-being. Focusing on immigrants’ cultural differences, regardless of cultural assimilation, they remain outsiders who drain a benevolent Netherlands of vital financial resources. This omission and boundary drawing is symptomatic of racial Europeanization, portraying Europe as primarily a homogenous continent that both benevolently allows newcomers entry but is fearful of their potential to destroy national cultural homogeneity (Goldberg, 2009; Grosfoguel, 2011). Conclusion Dutch textbooks contain a Eurocentric master narrative reflective of racial neoliberalism within the unique context of The Netherlands’ history of colonialism in discussions of enslavement, Africa, and immigrants. Contemporary debates over the presence of non-white Europeans in The Netherlands, particularly Muslims and colonial Afro-Dutch subjects, and the legacies of centuries of Dutch colonialism reveal considerable contention over both the national narrative and citizenship. These textbooks have important implications for and likely contribute to ongoing anti-immigrant sentiment in The Netherlands today. Given the role of longdocumented role of textbooks in shaping children’s conceptions of these phenomena, the findings here, particularly those which perpetuate the “othering” of internal and external people of non-Dutch backgrounds, suggest that these books likely shaped the global outlooks of many white Dutch people voting for and supporting exclusionary domestic and paternalistic international policies. With regard to issues domestic to The Netherlands, ignoring immigrants’ perspectives, these textbooks perpetuate White racial epistemologies and an educational coloniality of power in which immigrants represent a perpetual outsider status within a Dutch nation which likely contribute to The Netherlands’ socioeconomic racial hierarchy and contemporary xenophobia. From an international perspective, these books not only position Europe, and explicitly the Dutch, as culturally, intellectually, technologically and civilizationally superior but then ascribe to Africa and immigrants living in The Netherlands their dependency on the Dutch. This facilitates the transmission of a national narrative resembling the historic “white man’s burden” 17 postulating Western whites’ responsibility for ushering non-white peoples into the modern era due to their lack of civilization, technology, and modernity. In The Netherlands, this includes being too generous towards both immigrants within the nation and Africans constructed as needing their aid abroad. Given the long-documented role of education in shaping children’s conceptions of their nation, realities, and identities (Marmer et al., 2010), these textbooks reveal the racial neoliberal foundation that today’s Dutch adults encountered and that which the current generation of Dutch children will learn to value. Through both outright exclusion and emphases on the cultural differences that separate “us” from “them,” racializing ideologies of nationalism, colonialism and white supremacy feature prominently in The Netherlands’ textbooks and likely contribute to the nation’s racial hierarchy. White Dutch students reading these books learn how their society conceives of immigrants from around the globe and likely experience difficulties in considering non-whites equal to themselves. Depriving students from all racial and ethnic backgrounds of accurate knowledge about their nation’s history, textbooks will have real consequences for Dutch society. They likely constrain white Dutch people’s ability to recognize or address present-day institutional racism in Dutch society that contributes to persistent social, economic, and political exclusion for all multiple generation immigrants. Limited access to accurate knowledge of race, racism, and immigrants, will continue to contribute to anti-immigrant and xenophobic sentiment and an unwillingness to address persistent consequences of centuries of global colonialist interventions that leave non-white Dutch citizens perpetual outsiders in their own nation. These findings are of relevance for nations across the European continent with expanding, and increasingly vocal, immigrant populations and which feature similar anti-immigrant/Afro-phobic sentiment, popular and political discourses and policies. Given that many former colonies continue to use textbooks developed in their colonial metropoles (as is the case in Curaçao and Suriname), this research also has important implications for former colonies in Africa, the Caribbean, and South America. In these nations, these textbooks perpetuate sentiments of European superiority and may hinder antiEuropean/western/capitalist nationalist and independence movements among generations of children reading books steeped in racial neoliberalism disconnecting their daily colonized realities from centuries of European exploitation. Similarly, these books justifying the presence 18 of western aid organizations, paternalistically minimizing the importance of anti-colonial independence movements, and reifying conceptions of Afro-descendants as essentially, poor, violent, and anti-intellectual, likely contribute to the neo-colonialism of corporate interests based in former colonial metropoles that has replaced state-based colonialism through much of the nonEuropean world. Acknowledgements The author is deeply grateful to the Spencer Education Foundation for funding this research (Grant #201100032) and for feedback from Antonio Carmona Báez, Kwame Nimako, Stephen Small, Philomena Essed, Eric Mielants, Jeffrey Dixon, Artwell Cain, Marta Araújo, and Donna Driver-Zwartkruis in drafting the multiple manuscripts on which this article is based. References ALVERMANN D.E.; COMMEYRAS M. Messages that high school world history textbooks convey: Challenges for multicultural literacy. 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