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Young Men, Time, and Boredom in the Republic of Georgia. Frederiksen, Martin Demant. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 2013. x+200 pp., ISBN: 978-1439909188. Erik Aasland Biola University Martin Frederiksen has crafted a profound book combining perceptive ethnographic research, thoughtful thematic organization, and substantial discussions of theory. He does this by focusing on unemployed and underemployed young men, ages eighteen to twentyfive, living in the city of Batumi in the Ajara region of the former Soviet state of Georgia. These are the marginalized members of the first postSoviet generation who struggle for resources in the face of societal (or at least governmental) optimism. The state of Georgia is an intriguing place for exploring a postsoviet world. During the Soviet era, Georgia was the birthplace of some of the greatest leaders of the era including Joseph Stalin and Eduard Shevardnadze. The Ajara region near the Black Sea was a significant tourist destination as well as a source of citrus, tobacco, and tea. However, after the fall of the Soviet Union, the region fell on financial hard times and the two national regimes have concentrated on regaining the lost glory and wealth of the region. Frederiksen designs a backdrop using discussions of governmental efforts to relegate activities such a thievery and drugs to the Soviet past. The author describes this process with the metaphor of “overwriting”. Whereas data on a computer that is overwritten is irretrievable, the move by political leaders to declare selected activities as no longer extant simply relegates these activities to the shadows. Thus, the author places the ethnographic description of the experience of the selected Georgian youth center stage. Early on, he states that he will focus on the temporal aspects of marginality in addition to spacial and societal considerations. Accordingly, the book is organized with temporal dynamics in mind. Section I explores the influence of fragments or ghosts from the past on the present; Section II delves into the present activities of the men toward the future; Section III analyzes how fragments of the future influence the present; Section IV, the shortest section, integrates discussions from the previous sections so that readers may consider the interplay of past, present, and future. As the young men experience the social and societal fabric giving way, they turn to friendships, especially in the form of brotherhoods, as an alternative to family or state for protection and meaning. The types of brotherhood ties that were formed are a recontextualization of the Georgian tradition of dzmak’atsebi [brother-men] and the Soviet era vory-v-zakone [thieves in law]. These “brothers” share each other’s daily lives from walks around the city, music, drug use, theft, to family problems. They also face the future with its offers of both opportunities and threats together. It is not that these Georgian youth have no future, but rather that as the marginalized they are haunted by the thought that they will not have a part in the future promised by their government (p. 173). You will notice that half of the sections have the future as topic of consideration. It is unusual for an ethnographic work on a post–socialist society to have the bulk of its discussion focus on the future(s). Even the best inquiries spend considerable time describing the Soviet past and then theorizing about the particular type of “post-ness” being considered. Under Aslan Abashidze, the first president after the fall of the Soviet Union, even unfinished projects provided a sense of opportunity for the greater society. However, after Mikheil Saakahsvili came to power as the second president and declared the transition to be over, the perspective on projects left incomplete shifted and no longer indexed a hopeful future. Frederiksen discusses materiality and the experience of youth in parallel throughout the book and then brings them together in the final chapter. He delves into the significance of materiality in this societal context, in particular the contrast of ruination and governmentally planned construction of monuments and public buildings. Georgian youth are in a comparable state of ruination, feeling cut off from their society, dispossessed like some abandoned building. Throughout, Frederiksen works deftly with an extensive body of varied research. He effectively uses his own photographs from his field research to set the tone for each section. He succeeds in both his ethnographic analysis and methodology in bringing together anthropology and phenomenology, a combination that is rare in North American anthropological circles, outside of the anthropology of consciousness. His exploration on how the future(s) impact the present is a novel approach within both anthropology and area studies. Frederiksen’s book makes a substantial contribution to both anthropology and area studies for the former Soviet Union. The only suggestion that I could make to improve the research would be to give more detail on a contrasting youth sub-culture. He mentions university students as such a group, but does not provide sufficient details to make a full comparison. As a result, we are left wondering to what extent the government’s optimism is shared by any sub-culture. With the burgeoning interest in nation branding, Frederiksen’s monograph is apropos. His ethnographically grounded, temporalitysituated approach complements the current trend. He provides an example that can be easily and effectively implemented in other postsocialist contexts. Analysis of stakeholders and marginalized groups in relationship to societal future options/imaginaries should be a priority. For ethnography more broadly, his mix of phenomenology and anthropology for doing temporal analysis is exemplary.