HOW ORGANISATIONS WITH
LIMITED INFLUENCE CAN
MAKE A DIFFERENCE
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A literature review on influence strategies,
good practices and evaluation frameworks
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Report by Governance International
for the National Audit Office
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Dr. Elke Löffler, Governance International (project manager)
Dr. Wouter Van Dooren, University of Antwerpen
Prof. Tony Bovaird, Governance International
governance
international ™
Governance International Ltd.
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Birmingham B1 2JB
United Kingdom
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elke.loeffler@govint.org
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Disclaimer: The views expressed in this report are the authors‘ own and do not reflect those of
the National Audit Office.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND ACTION PLAN: . . . .
What English Heritage can learn from the literature review
and ‘good practice’ cases to achieve successful outcomes
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4
Executive Summary
Starting point . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4
Action plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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PART ONE:
THE STATE OF THE ART. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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Mapping the mechanisms of influence …
a challenging but timely undertaking . . . . . .
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PART TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW ON INFLUENCE STRATEGIES .
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Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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Key strategies employed by successful organisations
in leading and influencing others to deliver . . .
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Summary of strategies emerging from
the literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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2
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PART THREE:
GOOD PRACTICES OF EFFECTIVE USE
OF INFLUENCE STRATEGIES . . . . . . . . . . .
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1. Political pressure for legislative or
regulatory change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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2. Moral pressure to change norms and
standards of target groups . . . . . . . . . . . .
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3. Professional pressure to change norms
and standards of professionals . . . . . . . . . .
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4. Social pressure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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5. Inter-organisational agreements . . . . . . . .
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6. Mobilising public support for desired
network or partner behaviours . . . . . . . . . .
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PART FOUR:
EVALUATION FRAMEWORKS FOR ASSESSING
HOW WELL AGENCIES HAVE EXERTED
INFLUENCE ON OTHERS . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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Control as the focus of mainstream
evaluation frameworks . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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Approaches to measuring quality of
life improvements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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General lessons on the evaluation
of influence mechanisms . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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A model for understanding influence
strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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Assessing outcomes and influence
strategies through multiple stakeholders . . . . .
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PART FIVE:
REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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3
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND
ACTION PLAN:
What English Heritage can learn from the
literature review and ‘good practice’ cases
to achieve successful outcomes
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Starting point
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— There is now wide recognition in the academic community that
‘control’ is no longer an appropriate word in management and
governance – it exaggerates the effects which any actor or any
organisation can have on another. We are now well and truly in
the ‘age of influence’, where ‘control’ is not available but we are
nevertheless expected to find ways in which we can persuade
others to do things which further our own goals. So the situation of English Heritage is by no means exceptional – it reflects
the challenges faced by many public agencies at all levels of government.
— The bad news is that there is currently no good practice database
nor any evaluation framework which gives a lot of guidance on
how organisations may effectively lead, influence and work
with others over whom they do have some degree of influence.
Therefore, the ‘hand-picked’ case studies in this report should be
particularly valuable for English Heritage to get new insights on
how to achieve outcomes through influencing stakeholders and
partner organisations.
Influence strategies
— There is now a wide range of academic theories and concepts
which identify influence strategies and ways in which such strategies can be implemented. The literature reviewed in this report
includes regulation theory, institutional theory, principal-agent
theory, public value, network theory, organisational psychology
on persuasion as well as social and public marketing literature.
— While some influence strategies are highly relevant to the context of English Heritage, others are less appropriate. The latter
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include political pressure for legislative or regulatory change (except in very special cases) and social pressure based on coercion,
given the limited powers of English Heritage. However, English
Heritage should be encouraged to look at specific forms of using
professional pressure, social pressure, personal pressure, making
inter-organisational agreements and mobilising public support
for increasing visits from priority groups to heritage sites.
Good practices to implement influence strategies
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— There are different ways in which influence strategies may be
implemented. For example, English Heritage may choose to exert professional pressure on other organisations working in the
heritage sector by jointly devising a good practice scheme to
showcase and reward organisations with effective engagement
practices targeted at priority groups. Furthermore, the behaviour
of professionals working in the heritage sector can be influenced
through a code of conduct promoting equality and diversity.
Such a conduct can be combined with a ‘good practice’ scheme
showcasing organisations which have implemented the code in
an exemplary way. Another way to use professional pressure is
to devise a new training scheme for professionals (e.g. front-line
staff) working in heritage sites which enables them to deal with
priority groups more effectively. More short-term actions may
include the recruitment of interns from priority groups to work
with English Heritage staff or to implement a coaching scheme
for English Heritage managers by working with staff from NGOs
or other heritage organisations with experience with priority
groups and community engagement.
— Therefore, English Heritage would be well advised to develop an
action plan with some short-term actions producing quick-wins
but also including medium- and long-term influence strategies
which will only gradually show results. As institutional theory points out, changing perceptions and behaviours take time.
Therefore, it is important to give the action plan some ‘teeth’
by including measurable performance targets, which is itself a
good way of demonstrating the public value of heritage sites for
priority groups. The following sections will outline which actions English Heritage may consider for the short-, medium- and
long-term.
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Evaluation framework for assessing use of influence
In evaluating the success of influence strategies, a number of key
questions can be asked:
— Have the full range of influence sources been used?
— How much leverage is an influence source able to exert through
using the mechanism?
— How many mechanisms has the organisation been able to use,
by calling up all the sources of influence available to it?
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— How many mechanisms have been activated by multiple sources
of influence?
— What is the strength of the links between the mechanisms and
the influence targets?
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— How many influence targets have been hit, through the use of
the influence mechanisms?
— How many of the influence targets have been hit by more than
one influence mechanism?
— From the point of view of the influence targets, are there any
countervailing influence pressures? Are the influence targets being pushed by other influence mechanisms which are being activated by other stakeholders in ways which might counter the
pressures which English Heritage is seeking to apply?
We suggest that the use of this checklist may help English Heritage – and those organisations which are holding it accountable – to
scrutinise its use of influence strategies to identify ways in which
they might be strengthened.
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ACTION PLAN
Here we group a number of the lessons which emerge from the
literature review and case studies in terms of actions which English Heritage might undertake in short-, medium- and long-term
periods. We do not attempt to make an exhaustive list of all the
actions which might emerge from our report but rather to give a
flavour of some key actions which might be valuable for English
Heritage within these different time scales.
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Short-term actions
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Only a relatively small number of the influence mechanisms picked
out in this study are likely to be able to be implemented in the
short-term (e.g. within the next year or so). In particular, social
marketing techniques can often produce ‘quick wins’, as can partnership agreements with organisations which themselves are good
at influencing the target groups (e.g. schools).
Improve social marketing
Social marketing aims at influencing the behaviour of priority
groups and their communities, which is much more ambitious
than advertising the benefits of a product or service in a private
sector context. Clearly, this involves consumer-oriented research
and consultation, marketing analysis and market segmentation
– but none of these activities need take long to carry out. Case
Study 10 shows how important it was to change public opinion
about the feasibility of a major regeneration project in the town of
Hayle in Cornwall. This required the Prince’s Regeneration Trust
to undertake consultations and public meetings with the communities concerned and, in the end, this consultation process
resulted in the necessary support to raise funds and to gain the
commitment of key stakeholders. In Case Study 11, the use of
customer insight techniques helped Sunderland council to market
payment by direct debit more effectively to particular groups of
customers by encouraging them to take up local services through
a different channel. Similarly, English Heritage might take a fresh
look at heritage sites by using the market intelligence gathered
by the Equality and Human Rights Commission in their interactive map of minority groups in Britain, showing for 30 cities and
other areas the most numerous minority groups in that area – this
would allow more appropriate targeting of the kind of influence
which it exerts in each area to get site providers to explore new
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ways of encouraging BME participation. Case Study 12 shows that
a new marketing approach may attract completely new audiences
to heritage sites and suggests that there may be pay-offs to English Heritage in working with digital media companies/research
centres at universities and local artists to explore new ways of presenting heritage sites so as to appeal to people who are attracted
by audio-visual performances – an audience segment who are now
making up a growing proportion of the population.
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Pilot and roll-out partnership working with schools and youth
services
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Case Study 6 shows the benefits involved of working with local
schools. Even though they may not be resource-rich they have
the natural advantage of being in touch with children and young
people, and in many cases, with the wider local community as
well. “The way we can see it” project in the priority ward of Hadley,
which has the highest BME population in Telford, engaged local people of all ages in producing a digital snapshot celebrating
the cultural diversity of this community through art workshops
run at local schools, and brought heritage sites closer to the local
population.
Furthermore, English Heritage could explore the development
of holiday schemes at heritage sites for young people at risk by
working in partnership with local councils and private sponsors.
For example, the priority groups may be encouraged to develop
a final performance or event or exhibition as the climax of their
involvement, so that their family, friends and neighbours can be
encouraged to visit on the final day(s) of the initiative. Case Study
9 gives an idea how such schemes may be implemented.
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Medium-term actions
Most of the influence mechanisms suggested in this study are likely
to be able to be implemented within the medium-term (say, between one and three years time). Of course, they may often be
more effective if piloted first, which adds a little to the timescale
within which they will yield significant results.
Changing the behaviour of the professional community
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Cultural change in organisations takes time but also requires new
skills in managers and staff. In order to enable professionals working in museums and galleries, the countryside, leisure and recreation services of local authorities to deal effectively with under-represented groups such as ethnic minorities training and continuous professional development approaches will be necessary. Case
Study 4 shows the benefits of rolling out a new training scheme
in the vocational school of Hansenberg in Denmark. Rather than
doing some ad-hoc training of English Heritage staff, a more fully
developed training scheme could be developed jointly by English
Heritage with other organisations working in the heritage sector.
Behavioural changes of staff may also be achieved through the
participatory development of a new code of conduct (e.g. on
equalities and diversity). This would send a signal to English Heritage staff and partners to take the equalities agenda more seriously. However, it is vital that such a code of conduct is agreed with
representatives of all staff members, including the administrative
level and not just imposed from the top.
Leveraging moral pressure in society to increase heritage
attendance levels
The Austrian council of Zell am See managed to tackle its road accident problems successfully by harnessing moral pressure locally
to support a series of strong (and potentially unpopular) interventions – e. g. imposition of speed limits and use of radar equipment.
The reason that these interventions had more effect in Zell am See
then elsewhere was the local growth in the view that irresponsible
driving (particularly drunken driving) was simply unacceptable,
so that it declined. English Heritage needs to consider if there are
some aspects of heritage where increased moral pressure in the
population might valuably lead to more attendance by their target groups – e. g. convincing different minority ethnic groups that
they should take more interest in the links between their group
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and certain aspects of English history which are very evident in
some historic buildings or museums (not always links which reflect well on the English government or inhabitants of the time).
Examples might include such issues as the African slave trade, the
Far East spice trade, the Indian cotton industry, the Caribbean
sugar industry, etc, all of which have left major impacts on the
English heritage. (Clearly, such approaches to heritage are potentially controversial – but it is perhaps even more controversial to
attempt to hide such issues and maintain the situation that many
people in England have little idea of the history that lies behind
the heritage and their own culture).
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Leveraging professional pressure to encourage the spread of
‘good practice’ in ways which might impact on target group
attendance
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In line with the lessons from Case Study 3, the development of a
‘Beacon Scheme’ for heritage sites would allow the identification
of ‘good practices’ which are externally validated and replicable
by others, including innovation in attracting attendances from
non-traditional social groups. This approach encourages professionals and managers to recognise from the behaviour of their
peers elsewhere that they have been missing opportunities in
their own situation. Of course, such a scheme requires considerable investments, so that partnerships with private sector sponsors would probably have to be developed. In most recognition
schemes, the work of the ‘evaluators’ is done as volunteering;
therefore, it would be beneficial to involve other organisations
and networks with access to relevant expertise in the design and
delivery of such a scheme.
Using inter-organisational agreements to bring in new
perspectives
In line with Case Study 7, English Heritage might encourage heritage sites to recruit young people to run events at heritage sites,
identifying them through cultural and other organisations which
can reach out to minority groups. Since funding would have to be
provided for these young recruits, it would make sense to undertake such activities through agencies such as Connexions, which
would fund their employment experiences, so that the outreach
to disadvantaged groups would be a spin-off, rather than a direct
effect, of the initiative. In the current recession, it can be expected that there will be significantly greater opportunities for such
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schemes, which will help to tackle the transition of young people
(particularly in BME communities) into work.
Again, following the example of Case Study 8, involving NGOs
representing disadvantaged groups in the design, delivery and
evaluation of cultural services would help to mobilise new visitors
and would give communities (and staff working in the heritage
sector) new experiences and insights, which could spark more
imaginative marketing of such sites to target groups.
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Long-term actions
In the longer-term, there will be the opportunity for English Heritage to work on creating changed awareness and attitudes – something which can normally not be done quickly, whether this is
with the general public or with heritage site owners and operators.
In the long-term, too, legislative change is possible, where there is a
strong case for making certain behaviours or policies compulsory.
Leverage of moral pressure to encourage different attitudes
amongst the target groups towards heritage sites and experiences
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In Case Study 5, the success of Solihull in environmental improvement does not rely on spending money, on enforcement of national laws or local byelaws or on marketing a particular service or issue
– although all of these mechanisms have indeed been used as part
of the campaign. However, the core of the campaign is to get the
people of Solihull themselves to exert moral pressure on each other
to respect the environment, express open disapproval of those who
don´t show this respect and display through their own behaviour
how important this respect of the environment is to them – all
of which makes it harder for other people to continue to abuse
the environment as much as otherwise might. In the case of English Heritage, this might involve encouraging a belief in the target
group population that heritage matters, that its value can only be
sustained by participation and that passing on an understanding
of this heritage to one’s children and wider family is an important
aspect of responsible parenting and family life.
Using legislative change to bring about different behaviours in
relation to heritage sites
Legislative change which makes it easier for certain target groups
to access or to enjoy services (whether in the public or private or
third sectors) may have an important role when all other means
of influence fail. Of course, legislative change alone does not necessarily work – although it is likely to have some effect on the
behaviour of those to whom it applies, it will only work if it is
relevant to improving the experience of the target groups concerned. Consequently, English Heritage might consider what legislative changes might be relevant to improving the interest of
target groups in visiting heritage sites (e.g. through the national
curriculum in schools) or improving the experience of certain
groups once they decide to make a visit to a heritage site (e.g.
disabled access, signing appropriate to more target groups such as
BSL or minority ethnic languages, etc.).
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Next steps
The Action Plan outlined above is indicative of the potential for
implementing this report, rather than definitive in terms of what
needs to be done. An Action Plan is more likely to be effective and
sustainable if it has buy-in from all the relevant stakeholders.
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We therefore suggest, in order to start defining an agreed action
plan and getting its implementation under way, it may be useful
to launch a small-scale event for organisations working in the heritage sector and NGOs who are involved with priority groups on
community empowerment and engagement, with the objective of
exploring cooperation opportunities and getting some partnership
projects rolling. This should be followed by an effective communication strategy, so that the results of the pilot schemes are communicated to key stakeholders in the heritage sector in order to gain
wider support and interest of stakeholders for such activities. On
the back of these pilots and the subsequent communication campaign, the full Action Plan could then be launched.
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PART ONE:
THE STATE OF THE ART
Mapping the mechanisms of influence …
a challenging but timely undertaking
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The challenges faced by English Heritage in achieving key public
objectives through influence on other organisations are shared by
an increasing number of public agencies, voluntary and community organisations in the UK and elsewhere. As public sectors in
OECD countries have become more decentralised in the last two
decades
“authority is spread out from a smaller to a larger number of actors”
(Christopher Pollitt, 2009).
This is essentially what McGinnis (1999) calls the “many-agency
context of polycentric governance” or what Heifitz (1994) calls
“leadership without authority”. At the same time, in particular,
the UK government has put greater emphasis on performance — in
terms of
— service quality (http://www.nao.org.uk/quality_services_toolkit/
index.htm)
— efficiency — output per unit of input (http://www.nao.org.uk/efficiency/index.htm)
— cost-effectiveness, particularly in terms of outcomes for service
users and citizens
While significant progress has been made with the measurement
of service quality and outputs, the evaluation of outcomes still
poses big challenges. However, over the past few years, the UK
government has put a stronger emphasis on PSAs and, within the
PSAs, has increased the focus on outcomes rather than simply
service outputs. Other governments elsewhere in Europe are similarly putting a greater emphasis on outcomes. For example, the
Austrian government has passed a new law which requires federal agencies to define outcome-based targets (including targets
for important governance outcomes, such as gender mainstreaming).
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Clearly, no organisation can achieve successful outcomes acting
alone. As the Scientific Rapporteurs concluded recently from the
analysis of more than 80 good practice cases of enhancing quality
in public services from all EU Member countries, “co-operative solutions are required, not only in the form of cooperation between governments (centrally, regionally and locally), but also through co-operation
between these different levels of governments and civil society associations and, often, other stakeholders such as the media and business” (Pollitt, Bouckaert and Löffler, 2007). In other words, in a decentralised
world, successful outcomes can no longer be achieved through the
traditional reliance on compliance with legislation, and, moreover,
tight budgets mean that only limited use can be made of inducements through financial payments. Rather, it is now necessary for
organisations to explore the effective and imaginative use of a wide
range of mechanisms for influencing other stakeholders. Actually,
the issue of how best to achieve influence over partners and other
stakeholders is a key element of public governance, which we define as “how an organisation works with its partners, stakeholders
and networks to influence the outcomes of public policies” (www.
govint.org).
Given the huge interest in public governance over the past decade,
it is not surprising that there has been an explosion in the academic literature of theories and concepts which identify the key strategies used by organisations in the public, nonprofit and private
sectors to lead and influence other organisations to deliver their
objectives for them. Part Two of this report provides our summary
of this literature.
However, there has been considerably less development of applied
‘how to’ knowledge which shows how these influence mechanisms
can be used in practice and their limitations in specific contexts.
While some interesting case studies have been published of successful private and public organisations which managed to deliver
outcome targets in spite of limited resources and restricted control
over other stakeholders, they are limited in number and often rather thin in their analysis of the factors which led to success. In particular, we have found it difficult to identify influence approaches
which set out clearly what tangible results they have achieved. To
surface and analyse the most revealing experiences along these
lines, we have complemented the literature search with a set of case
studies, which we have identified and developed through our extensive national and international expert networks relevant to this
topic. These case studies are set out in Part Three of this report. For
each case study we also provide a summary of the lessons relevant
to English Heritage which emerge from these cases.
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Finally, there is a relative dearth of evaluation frameworks for assessing the performance of lead organisations, such as English
Heritage, in exerting influence on other organisations in achieving wider social policy objectives. Again, the academic literature is
relatively thin in this field. However, there are a range of relevant
approaches in the ‘grey literature’, particularly in the evaluation
field, e.g. in relation to rural development agencies and neighbourhood renewal partnerships, both of which were expected to achieve
radical improvements in a range of social policy objectives in their
areas, using non-financial mechanisms to lever change. More recently, Governance International has undertaken development
work in this field, building on the community scorecard approach
developed originally in US neighbourhood renewal improvements,
to trace the effects of partnership initiatives on the policies, budgets and practices of partners and network members (Bovaird and
Löffler, 2007). In Part Four, we briefly describe some key evaluation
frameworks and outline a set of questions which might help NAO
to develop a checklist to assess the performance of English Heritage
(and other organisations in a similar situation) in exerting influence to achieve its wider objectives.
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PART TWO:
Introduction
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LITERATURE REVIEW ON
INFLUENCE STRATEGIES
The traditional tools of governance to influence behaviour of citizens, communities, companies, non-profit or public agencies can
generally be classified as either regulation or financial incentives. It
is a widely shared belief amongst scholars of public governance
that these traditional instruments have reached the limits of their
usefulness.
Limits on regulatory intervention. The legal codes of most developed countries fill several libraries, in which only a limited
number of specialised lawyers can find their way. Governments
regularly get entangled in their own regulation and citizens or
companies often do not know what to comply to. Therefore,
international organisations such as the OECD strongly recommend deregulation, or at least, better regulation.
Limits on budget increases. The share of public expenditure in GDP
in developed countries rose from 15% in the early 20th century
to 50% and more in the early 1980s. Since then, it has remained
relatively stable between 40% and 55%. Substantial budget increases for public services are difficult to carry through in a globalised economy with volatile tax bases. Moreover, in times of
recession, citizens are more sensitive to tax rises.
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Figure 1: Limits on budget increases
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Source: Social and Cultural Planning Office (2004)
This means that the machinery of government is under pressure.
Traditionally, for each policy issue there was a specific ministry/department which coordinated policies and programmes and monitored them in a hierarchical way. However, this structure was not
flexible enough to deal with the overload of information which
often clogs the upper reaches of a centralised hierarchy. As a result,
in many OECD countries large departments were split up into a
number of smaller, more specialised agencies (Pollitt et al., 2001
and Pollitt, 2009). The idea was that there should be one agency
for each policy issue. Yet, in recent years, we have become increasingly aware of the fact that issues are cross-cutting so that agencies
need to work together. A hierarchical mode of coordination seems
no longer feasible.
Therefore, government agencies face a dilemma. Their traditional
governance modes are under pressure. Furthermore, at least in the
UK, the expectations of citizens have grown faster than objective
levels of quality (Martin, 2008). In particular, in the current economic recession, expectation management will be crucial to close
the ‘satisfaction gap’.
We should, however, not discard the traditional modes of governance. The assessment that regulation and financial incentives have
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reached their limits does not imply that they will disappear. Clearly, regulation and subsidies of all kinds will remain important into
the future. The argument about the limits of the traditional modes
of governance mainly implies rather that new initiatives will have
to explore alternative approaches.
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This change of emphasis embodies a more profound change than
is sometimes recognised. There are still books being published on
‘financial control’, ‘managerial control’, ‘quality control’, ‘political
control’ and ‘regulatory control’. However, the literature on ‘the
tools of government’ (Salomon, 2002; Hood, 1983; Hood and Margetts, 2007) suggests that ‘control’ is no longer an appropriate word
in management and governance — it exaggerates the effects which
any actor or any organisation can have on another. We are now
well and truly in the ‘age of influence’, where ‘control’ is not available but we are nevertheless expected to find ways in which we can
persuade others to do things which further our own goals.
In the following section, we review the governance literature with
these questions in mind. For each stream of literature, we will discuss:
1. What is the literature about?
2. Who exerts influence on whom?
3. What influence strategies does the literature propose?
Key strategies employed by successful organisations
in leading and influencing others to deliver
Regulation theory
1 . WHAT I S T HE L I T E RAT U RE A BO U T ?
Regulation can be conceived as a large subset of governance that is
about steering the flow of events and behaviour, as opposed to providing and distributing (Braithwaite, 2007). Instead of taking things into
its own hands, regulation is about government influencing others;
citizens, communities, profit, nonprofit and public agencies.
We need to make a distinction between primary and secondary regulation (Hood, James and Scott, 2000). Primary regulation emanates
from traditional regulators, i.e. Parliaments and law courts. Secondary regulation involves oversight of bureaucracies by other
public agencies operating at arm’s-length from the direct line of
command. It has the following characteristics:
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1. One public bureaucracy in the role of an overseer aiming to shape
the activities of another;
2. An organisational separation between the ‘regulating’ bureaucracy and the ‘regulatee’, with the regulator outside the direct line
of command
3. Some official ‘mandate’ for the regulator organisation to scrutinise the behaviour of the ‘regulatee’ and seek to change it.
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Secondary regulation was the answer of public sector reformers to
the limits of primary regulation (Hood, James and Scott, 2000).
Politicians urged the bureaucracy to do more with less and for these
purposes, reformers searched for more specialised organisations
which could provide public services on their behalf. Such specialised competences were sometimes found in the private sector, or
in arm’s-length executive agencies. It became clear, however, that
traditional regulatory oversight by Parliament and law courts was
inadequate to monitor these specialised public services (Majone,
1994). As a result, there was a strong rise in the number of regulatory agencies1.
Since oversight became specialised as well, we may ask who regulates the regulators? Specialisation has lead to substantial coordination problems in many OECD countries (OECD, 1997). It led
regulation specialist Colin Scott to observe that we have arrived in
a post-regulatory state in which the capacities and resources relevant to the exercise of power are dispersed among a wide range
of actors (Scott, 2003: 145). The fragmentation of regulation may
actually hinder cross-cutting work. Moreover, since the regulatees
are confronted with a multitude of regulators, there is an increasing awareness of the compliance cost of regulation (May, 2005).
2 . WHO E X E R TS I NFL U E NC E O N W H O M ?
The mainstream regulation literature has a classic answer to the
question who exerts influence on whom; the regulators influence the
regulatees. It assumes a unitary regime, which echoes the view of
government in the cockpit of society. Those who have to be regulated are mainly cogs in a machine that is operated according to
government preferences. In this sense, regulation theory follows
the classic policy administration dichotomy — policy maker/provider — as well as the image of ‘society by design’ or, with the Dutch
term, ‘the make-able society’.
1 (Hood, James and Scott, 2000) estimate that for employment the total staffing of regulators
of UK government grew by about 90 per cent between 1976 and 1995. Spending on regulators
doubled and the number of regulatory bodies grew by one fifth.
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Figure 2: Patterns of influence in traditional regulation theory
unidirectional
Regulator
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Regulatee
This view is critiqued by regulation scholars. Black (2008) speaks of
polycentric regimes, ‘which are marked by fragmentation, complexity and interdependence between actors, in which state and nonstate actors are both regulators and regulated, and their boundaries
are marked by the issues or problems which they are concerned
with, rather than necessarily by a common solution (p.137)’. Indeed, as Case Study 1 illustrates, regulatees try to influence regulation through various lobbying efforts and it is now considered as
international good practice for regulators to consult with key stakeholders, including regulates, before drafting a new regulation.
3 . HOW I S T HIS I NFL U E NC E E XE RT E D (ST RAT E G I E S)?
Regulation theory was part of the intellectual backbone of public
sector reforms that eventually reinforced the disaggregation of the
public sector. If we seek strategies to counter the dysfunctional effects of fragmentation within regulation literature, we clearly are
seeking to ‘change the system from within’.
1. A first strategy for an organisation to become more influential is
to acquire or reinforce a regulation mandate. This, however, usually requires legislative change and causes opposition from those who are
to be regulated. A pragmatic solution could be a foot-in-the-door
tactic — making a small-scale and inoffensive start, with a view to
building a stronger legal mandate eventually. However, it provides
an entry in the target organisations and thus an opportunity for
using other strategies that are discussed below.
2. A related but broader strategy is to increase the legitimacy of the
mandate. It is distinct from the first strategy because legitimacy for
a mandate does not solely come from its official source — indeed,
there are broadly four main ‘‘claims” (Black, 2008) (see Box 1) for
legitimacy which an organisation can make, singly or in combination.
21
Box 1: How to increase the legitimacy of a regulation mandate?
Constitutional claims demonstrate or strive for conformance
with written norms and with legal values of procedural justice.
Justice claims stress the importance of the values or ends which
the organisation is pursuing, including the conception of justice
(what is ‘‘truth’’ or ‘‘right’’), but also its goals (such as sustainable
development or free trade).
Functional or performance claims focus on the outcomes and
consequences of the organisation (for example, efficiency, expertise or effectiveness), and the extent to which it operates in conformance with professional or scientific norms.
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Democratic claims demonstrate the democratic quality of the
organisation. What particular model of democratic governance
models, for example, representative, participatory, or deliberative is being pursued?
Source: Adapted from Black, 2008
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3. If fragmentation of regulation is affecting the impact of an organisation, a strategy may be to coordinate the regulatory system. Two
options are conceivable. A first strategy might be to have a metaregulator (Scott, 2003); this is a regulator of regulators. A second
strategy is a merger of oversight bodies into so called ‘umbrella’ or
‘double-decker’ agencies with coordination at the top and specialisation in the subdivisions.
In both scenarios, we may ask whether such a meta-regulator or
umbrella organisation has the competences to regulate highly specialised regulatory agencies. More fundamentally, the role of Parliament and politics may even further erode. Should Parliament not
be the meta-regulator par excellence?
4. A fourth strategy that can be derived from the regulation literature is to rely on soft regulation. Soft regulation, as opposed to hard
regulation2, is not always legally binding, often less precise and
does not always delegate authority for implementation (Abbott et
2 Hard regulation refers to legally binding obligations that are precise (or can be made
precise through adjudication or the issuance of detailed regulations) and that delegate authority for interpreting and implementing the law (Abbott & Snidal 2000)
22
al. 2000). Therefore, it is often more realistic to devise. Soft regulation comprises many techniques including contracts, covenants,
cross-cutting indicators, codes of conduct, etc. Soft regulation will
only work, though, where there is a shared sense of commitment.
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5. A fifth strategy is to encourage self-regulation. For small organisations that have to oversee a large and complex sector, self-regulation may be a practical solution. ‘Ownership’ will be higher and
because of that, the impact may be higher too. The public organisation will only have to monitor the results of self-regulation. In the
aftermath of the current financial crisis, self-regulation has been
thrown into a bad light. The banking sector clearly failed in it efforts to self-regulate and public regulators failed to see the failure.
This crisis does point out the limits of self-regulation. We may, for
instance, question whether it is a good option when significant
private interests are concerned. However, it should perhaps remain
an option for the voluntary sector.
6. Finally, according to May (2005), a more fundamental departure
from traditional regulation is to rely on voluntary regulation. This
approach involves a very different governmental role and positive assumptions about the willingness of target organisations to
comply. Rather than mandating action, government promulgates
guidelines for best management practices and encourages adherence to them as a means of achieving desired outcomes (see Box 2).
Conceptually, voluntary regulation is strongly related to the Public
Value literature.
Box 2: How to foster voluntary regulation?
Information strategies: Non-compliance is caused by target groups
not recognising the existence of the problem (requiring information).
Educational strategies: Non-compliance is caused by target groups
not understanding what can be done to address the problem
(requiring education).
Financial or technical assistance: Non-compliance is caused by
target groups not having the capacity to take the desired actions
(requiring financial or technical assistance).
Source: Adapted from May, 2005
23
Institutional theory
1 . WHAT I S T HE L I T E RAT U RE A BO U T ?
Institutional theory covers a wide spectrum of theories. The number of ‘institutionalisms’ is growing exponentially. In this section,
we fall back on one of the seminal formulations of the theory by
Selznik (1957).
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The concept of an institution can be contrasted with the concept of
organisation. Institutions have a taken-for-granted character, while
organisations reflect rational judgment and goal-oriented, coordinated action. Selznik notes that “the term ‘organisation’ (…) suggests a certain bareness, a lean no-nonsense system of consciously
coordinated activities. It refers to an expandable tool, a rational
instrument engineered to do a job. An ‘institution’, on the other
hand, is more nearly a natural product of social needs and pressures — a responsive, adaptive organism (p4 – 5).” Institutions are,
according to Selznik, rational organisations and decision rules that
are infused with value. Democracy, for instance, is an institution because it is more than a rational way for organising society.
How do institutions grow or perish? The answer is found in the
process of institutionalisation. Selznik distinguishes four stages in
this process. First, there is a technical, rational organisation with a
specific objective. In the second step, informal relations are developed that go beyond the technical goal orientation. This results in
the development of a distinctive competence in an organisation
which is not necessarily aligned with the initial technical goals;
‘this is what we do, how we do it and what we are good at’. In the
fourth step, this distinctive competence is embedded in the formal
structures. For instance, new legislation is informed by professionals who value their distinctive competences.
Based on this theory, Selznik formulates an innovative view on
leadership which may also be of relevance for how organisations
exert influence on others. Leadership has to be institutional leadership. Three tasks are identified:
— First, a leader should identify the mission and roles of the organisation. This mission has to be internally consistent and externally legitimate.
— Secondly, leadership has to take initiatives to bring about the internalisation of the mission by staff members. This is important
for building a distinctive competence.
— Thirdly, leaders have to defend institutional integrity of the or-
24
ganisation. Not every fight is worth fighting, but when the distinctive competences of an organisation are questioned, action
is needed.
Once rational and technical ways of doing things become institutionalised, they start to exert institutional pressure. Dimaggio and
Powell (1983) describe the pressure that arises from three types of
institutions — power structures, norms, and shared cognitions.
(2 ) W H O E XE RT S INFL U E NC E O N W H O M?
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Institutional theory does not assume a direct relation of influence
between organisations. There is only an indirect influence through
the process of institutionalisation and institutional pressure. When
Churchill noted that ‘first we shape our buildings, thereafter they shape
us’ he accurately reflected the essence of institutional theory. As a
result, institutional strategies to increase influence will require a
certain persistence. This also becomes evident in Case Studies 2
and 3.
Figure 3: Indirect influence through institutions
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(3 ) HOW I S T H I S I NFL U E NC E E XE RT E D (ST RAT E G I E S)?
We further build on Dimaggio and Powell’s (1983) theory to derive
strategies for influencing others. These are in essence strategies of
institutionalisation, which we hope will exert institutional pressure when successful. Institutional strategies require usually a long
term perspective, but the influence institutions exert is enduring
too.
1. Institutionalise power structures so that they exert coercive pressure. Power structures are generally enacted in legislation and an
obvious strategy might be legislative change. It may be useful to con-
25
sider pseudo-regulation as well. For example, if a small organisation
succeeds in convincing another organisation to draft a specific plan
(e.g. a local tourism strategy), the relative impact of the organisation will be augmented.
2. Institutionalise norms and standards so that they exert normative
pressure. Norms and standards are in professional contexts generally acquired through training. A good strategy may be to develop
specific training programmes as Case Study 4 illustrates. A strong
catalyst for getting a theme on the agenda is to break into the curricula of universities and other training institutions. Another strategy which might be feasible for small organisations is to organise
staff mobility from and to the organisation. Typically, core staff are
combined with a more mobile group.
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3. Institutionalise models of good performance so that they exert mimetic pressure. Organisations have to deal with uncertainty and
therefore they seek some secure footing in their environment. Success stories of good performance can therefore be very influential
in shaping the behaviour of others. A strategy, also feasible for
small, but credible organisations, is to proclaim best practices. Other
organisations may model their behaviour after the example which
is demonstrated.
26
Principal-Agent Theory
(1 ) WHAT I S T HE L I T E RAT U RE A BO U T ?
Principal-agent theory is directed at a relationship, in which one
party (the principal) delegates work to another party (the agent),
who performs that work. Agency theory attempts to describe this
relationship using the metaphor of a contract (Eisenhardt, 1989).
Table 1 summarises the main elements of the principal-agent theory.
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Table1: Summary of the key characteristics
of principal-agent theory
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Theory element
Description
Key idea
Principal-agent relationships should reflect efficient organisation of information and risk-bearing costs
Unit of analysis
Contract between principal and agent
Human
assumptions
Self-interest, bounded rationality, risk aversion
Organisational
assumptions
Partial goal conflict and information asymmetry between
principal and agent
Information
assumption
Information as a purchasable commodity
Contracting
problem
Agency (moral hazard and adverse selection), risk sharing
Potential problems
Relationships in which the principal and agent have partly
differing goals and risk preferences (e.g. compensation,
regulation, leadership, impression management, whistle
blowing, vertical integration, transfer pricing)
Source: Eisenhardt, 1989
It is important to fully understand the assumptions of agency theory. We first need to establish whether a particular relation between
organisations fits into the principal-agent category before adopting
the strategies that this theory proposes. The assumptions are as follows (Jensen and Meckling, 1976; Verhoest 2002):
1. the relation is based on an implicit or explicit contract;
2. the goals of principals and agents are at least partly incongru-
27
ent. Principals and agents are driven by self-interest. In a public
sector context the typical assumption is that politicians want
to maximise votes while bureaucrats want to maximise income,
prestige, status, power, security and professionalism. Niskanen
(1971) argued that the bureaucrat’s strategy is budget maximisation. Dunleavy (1991) proposes a more nuanced model of ‘bureau-shaping’. Rather than securing large budgets, bureaucrats
want to head influential bureaus in the policy arena;
3. there is information asymmetry to the advantage of the agent,
and the agent will use this advantage to shirk, i.e. not to devote
all its efforts to the principal’s goals;
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4. the principal is risk-neutral while the agent is risk averse, and
because of the information asymmetry, the agent will be better
able to assess the extent of the risks.
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It seems to us that in many instances, these assumptions do not
hold. In these cases, principal-agent strategies will be of limited
value.
1. Often there is no contract, nor explicit or implicit. Moreover,
there is a wider hierarchy of principals and agents; citizens,
elected politicians, top managers, middle managers and operational staff (Moe, 1984).
2. In the public sector, principals and agents may well be driven by
a common public interest rather than self-interest, and therefore, there will not always be goal incongruence. The public value literature (see below) builds more strongly on this assumption (see also the literature on public service motivation (Perry
and Hondeghem 2008; Perry and Wise 1990).
3. Information asymmetry may also be of a substantial different
nature in the public and non-profit sector, compared to the private sector. A distinction can be made between policy information and managerial performance information. Information on
policies is much more important and complex in the public sector. Typically, policy information is held by principals.
4. Finally, along the same line, the concept of risk is more complicated in the public sector because besides operational risk, it is
faced with political and policy risks that principals may want to
transfer to agents3.
3 In contrast, the public sector is less exposed to financial risks than the private sector since it
can increase taxes or print money.
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2 . WHO E X E R TS I NFL U E NC E O N W H O M ?
The relation of influence is two-directional, and mediated by the
contract. Principals exert influence on agents because they want
agents to perform a service under preset conditions. The agents
exert influence on the principal because they strategically use their
information lead in the negotiation of the contract as well as during the execution of the contract.
Figure 4: Directions of influence in a principal-agent relationship
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3 . HOW I S T HI S I NFL U E NC E E XE RT E D (ST RAT E G I E S)?
Principal-agent literature suggests some strategies for principals to
influence unwilling agents (Verhoest, 2002). These strategies may
be translated in general terms as strategies for exerting influence on
other organisations. Some strategies are more feasible than others
for small organisations with limited resources.
Monitoring strategies. Principals may attempt to monitor the behaviour of agents better in order to reduce information asymmetries.
Performance measurement systems are often devised for this purpose. Public publication of performance information may provide
strong leverage for small organisations, since increased accountability may be rewarded by the ultimate principal, the general public,
by higher levels of trust which may give the organisations access to
new sources of income. Non-profit organisations use performance
information for these purposes, too4.
Bonding. Principals may attempt to put explicit bonds on the operational autonomy of the agent. Jensen and Meckling (1976) mention contractual guarantees to have the financial accounts audited
4 Note that performance information does not need to be ‘correct’ in the sense that it reflects
accurately behaviour and performance of the agents. As long as it is believed to be correct, or
believed to be as correct as it can get, it will reinforce the position of the principal. The problem
with incorrect information however is that it may give wrong incentives to agents (Van Dooren
2008).
29
by a qualified auditor, explicit bonding against malfeasance on the
part of the manager, and contractual limitations on the manager’s decision-making power as examples of bonding arrangements.
This strategy requires principals with a strong mandate and/or resources, enabling them to impose such requirements. Clearly, this
strategy is usually not realistic for small organisations with limited
influence.
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Incentives and risk turnover. Principals may provide incentives — rewards or sanctions — to agents to perform specific activities. However, because of information asymmetry and imperfect monitoring, this may lead to goal displacement. Alternatively, the principal
can provide incentives for achieving results. In this case there is a
transfer of risk to the agent, since besides the activities of the agent
external conditions may have an impact on risk. Furthermore, this
strategy requires substantial resources from the principal to provide incentives or enforce sanctions. These incentives are usually
thought of as financial stimuli. However, small organisations may
also think about non-financial incentives they provide to other
organisations. Reputational incentives, for instance, are typically
one of the main tools in hands of ‘weak’ principals (e.g. external
recognition through award schemes or favourable testimonials and
references).
30
Public value theory
1 . WHAT I S T HE L I T E RAT U RE A BO U T ?
Public value in the public and non-profit sectors is the equivalent of
shareholder and user value in the private sector (Moore 1995; Moore
2000). Public value refers to the value created by government
through services, laws, regulations and other actions (Kelly and
Muers 2002). Strategies in the public and non-profit sectors need
to be adapted to the specific features of the sector (see Table 3 for
an overview). Managers of public and non-profit agencies have to
focus their attention on three key issues: public value to be created,
sources of legitimacy and support, and operational capacity to deliver public value.
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Table 2: Public and private value
Source of funding for
value creation
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Principal value created
For profit
Revenues earned by the sale of
products and services to willing
customers
financial returns delivered to
shareholders and value delivered to customers
Non profit
Charitable contributions of
money, time and material
the achievement of social objectives and the satisfaction of
donors
Public
Appropriated tax money
the achievement of the politically mandated mission of the
organisation and the fulfilment
of citizens’ expectations
Source: Adapted from Moore 2000
The Public Value literature has an analytical and a normative component. Analytically, efforts have been made to determine what the
public actually values. Jorgensen and Bozeman (2007) compiled an
inventory of more than eighty public values (see also De Bruijn and
Dicke 2006; Radin 2006). Hood (1991), in a seminal article, determines three groups of public values:
— efficiency and effectiveness
— robustness and resilience
— openness and transparency.
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The Public Value literature acquires a much stronger normative tenor when it discusses how to determine the refined preferences that
constitute public value. Barzelay (2007) calls it normative theory
because it not only analyses what is, but also prescribes how management ought to behave in order to be effective. O’Toole, Meier
and Nicholson-Crotty explain that Moore ‘sketches an extended
normative argument aimed at encouraging public managers to approach their managerial responsibilities with a particular perspective shaped by a fairly concrete notion of what the managerial task
involves and how it is likely to have a positive impact on “creating public value”’ (O’Toole Jr, Meier and Nicholson-Crotty 2005:
p.46).
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The concept of public value has been quite well received in practice.
The Cabinet Office published a study on it (Kelly and Muers, 2002).
They attempt to dig into the broad notion of public value and discuss the value created by services, the value of fairness in services,
the value of outcomes and the value of trust. The text provides
ample international examples. The BBC pioneered the use of public value as a framework within which to set their bid for renewal.
English Heritage published the proceedings of a conference titled
‘capturing the public value of heritage’ (see Box 3).
Box 3: Capturing the Public Value of Heritage — London
Conference, 25–26 January 2006
Different Heritage organisations (Heritage Lottery Fund, English
Heritage, Department of Culture, Media and Sports, and the National Trust) jointly organised a conference on the public value
of Heritage. Since Heritage usually is not well understood by the
public (as opposed to sectors like education or defence), the development of a joint understanding of public value may prove to be
a useful strategy in influencing actors outside the direct realm of
the Heritage sector. The report notes that (Clark 2006: p.3) there
are special reasons for thinking about heritage in the light of public value. At its most basic, heritage is what people value and want
to hand on to the future. Heritage is very broad — it can cover everything from land and biodiversity, to buildings and landscapes,
collections and even intangible heritage such as language and
memory. In fact what makes something part of our heritage is not
whether it is a building or landscape, but the value that we place
on it.
Value therefore remains at the centre of all heritage practice; it is
what justifies legal protection, funding or regulation; it is what inspires people to get involved with heritage. (…) The advantage of
32
the public value approach over other frameworks is that it places
concepts of value at the centre of thinking and it is that — more
than anything else — that makes public value such an attractive
proposition.
Source: http://www.hlf.org.uk
2 . WHO E X E R TS I NFL U E NC E O N W H O M ?
In contrast to regulation theory and principal agent theory, public
value clearly propagates the notion of reciprocal streams of influence.
In order to find out what the public values, service providers must
interact and engage with the public. Influence ideally takes place in
a triangle of relations between the public, professionals and politicians. Public managers are central in these relationships.
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Figure 5: Who influences who in shaping public value
Public
reciprocal
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Public Managers
Politicians
Professionals
Although Public Value theory assumes that the influence exerted
by all stakeholders concerned is well balanced, there is a risk that
managers become dominant. Rhodes and Wanna (2007) express
this fear vividly when they write that “the inherent danger with
‘public value management’ is that public managers are asked to
serve as the Platonic guardians and arbiters of the public interest.” Stoker, who is an advocate of Public Value theory, points to the risk that
‘managers doing politics may push citizens and politicians to the
margins; there are severe limits to the extent that politics can be
managed and remain open and legitimate (Stoker 2006).
33
3 . HOW I S T HI S I NFL U E NC E E XE RT E D (ST RAT E G I E S)?
Not surprisingly, the best strategy to exert influence is to create
public value. Organisations can only create public value if they
combine three strategies. The so-called strategic triangle (Moore,
1995) implies that …
— organisations must aim at creating something substantively valuable (i.e. public value).
— organisations need to be legitimate and politically sustainable
(i.e. attract sufficient ongoing support and resources from their
key stakeholders with due recognition of their power).
English
— public value needs to be operationally and administratively feasible (i.e. do-able with the available organisational and external
capabilities needed to produce it) (Moore 1995: p. 71).
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The “strategic triangle” suggests the following strategies:
1. A sustained attention to outcomes of the organisation. This not only
focuses on actual results but also deliberation about what outcomes are valued. Outcome measurement is crucial to monitor the
achievement of public values as well as to demonstrate results.
2. A continuous ‘entrepreneurial’ management of the political framework in order to function effectively. This argument echoes Wilson’s (1989) observation that while private sector managers are
concerned with the bottom line, i. e. profits, public sector managers are confronted with the top line, i. e. legislative and political constraints. Therefore, a public manager has to be a policy
entrepreneur as well, who is capable of identifying problems
and solutions and who can mobilise political support (Kingdon,
1984).
3. A continuous attention to sound management. Kelly and Muers
(2002) discuss some of the elements that determine satisfaction
with services. Ceteris paribus, these factors may also facilitate
collaborative strategies with other organisations. It might make
sense to reflect upon the relations with stakeholders from the
viewpoint of satisfaction management.
3.1. Quality service: Evidence from the private sector shows that
the treatment of customers by staff ranks as important in determining their satisfaction, which is also influenced by the price
and usefulness of a product. Since price and product quality are
often difficult to observe in the public sector, service quality becomes even more important.
3.2. Information: There is a strong correlation between satisfaction with different services and whether people feel they are well
34
informed about them. Information is a crucial part of building
relationships with stakeholders.
3.3. Choice: there is some evidence that enhanced levels of choice
can boost user satisfaction even if it does not have a discernible
impact on service outcomes. It may be a good strategy to provide stakeholders with choice in collaborative arrangements.
3.4. Use of services: Whether people have used specific services, as
opposed to only hearing about them through the media, is significant in determining their satisfaction. A worthwhile strategy
for stakeholder management would be to involve key stakeholders in what the organisation is doing.
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Network theory
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1 . WHAT I S T HE L I T E RAT U RE A BO U T ?
Contemporary government is increasingly networked. This phenomenon is described as the era of collaboration by Agranoff (2005)
and the network society by Castells (2000). Network theory develops
concepts to study this trend empirically (Agranoff, 2003). In particular, the Dutch school of network analysis may be useful for our
purposes since it pays particular attention to network management
(Koppenjan and Klijn, 2004; Teisman and Klijn, 2002).
In essence, network management is about exerting influence of a
non-hierarchical nature in networks in order to achieve outcomes.
The resource dependencies are a crucial feature of a network since
they connect the network and give rise to network dynamics. The
advantage to an organisation from participating in a network is the
opportunity to tap into resources of other organisations — resources
that the focal organisation does not have in sufficient number or
quality. Fragmentation and specialisation of society as well as the
public sector has lead to a dispersion of resources. This is why increasingly more organisations participate in networks to ‘get things
done’. Several types of resources can be identified (Voets, 2008):
1. Financial capacity in terms of subsidies, loans, taxing power or
the power to allow tax reductions, …
2. Production capacity in terms of ownership of specialised production means, functional knowledge on how to produce, …
3. Decision power
4. Knowledge of procedural knowledge of decision-making processes, personal networks
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5. Legitimacy derived from a formal position, reputation, representation or other sources.
According to Huxham and Vangen (2006: 13) ‘seeking collaborative advantage is a seriously resource-consuming activity so is only
to be considered when the stakes are really worth pursuing. Our
message to practitioners and policy-makers alike is “don’t do it
unless you have to.” Costs are indeed important in networks and
need to be in balance with the performance of the network. The
performance of networks can be conceived as results performance,
process performance and regime performance (Voets, Van Dooren
and De Rynck, 2008).
English
Finally, it is useful to identify the types of networks in which an
organisation is involved. Mandell and Keast (2008) identify three
types, depending on the purposes of the network:
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1. Cooperative networks: the main aim is sharing of information
and expertise. Each participant remains independent and there
is virtually no risk sharing.
2. Coordinative networks: organisations attempt to integrate existing services. They interact with each other in order to coordinate better individual efforts but remain independent.
3. Collaborative networks: organisations come together to solve
problems they cannot solve on their own. The participants are
interdependent and the risks are shared.
2 . WHO E X E R TS I NFL U E NC E O N W H O ?
The directions of influence in network theory are fuzzy and volatile.
Network theory does not presuppose a particular line of influence.
The exertion of influence depends more on the roles that participants in a network see for themselves than on the formal institutional position.
Figure 6: Who influences who in networks?
Actor
Actor
Actor
Actor
Actor
Actor
36
Agranoff (2003) identifies several roles for actors in networks. Depending on the agenda of an organisation, different roles may be
aspired to. In the reading of Agranoff’s roles by Voets (2008):
1. A ‘network operator’ is an actor, e.g. a project manager, that is responsible for the daily management of the network (e.g. preparing documents for meetings, following up on the operations of
different working groups, managing the website and databases,
i.e. a secretariat which takes care of all the administrative aspects
of the arrangement).
English
2. A ‘network champion’ is understood here as an actor that excels
in networking in terms of building, maintaining and using connections with other actors at all levels and of all backgrounds,
stakeholders and other relevant actors.
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3. A ‘network promoter’ is an actor that is considered authoritative,
accepted by all actors as a leader (in moral terms, not in terms of
power or hierarchy) which leads the participating actors towards
the common goals. He/she holds a position of trust and is also
the one to which actors direct grievances or concerns. He/she
tries to keep things together at a general level and is the one that
in cases of conflict is expected to appease conflicts. If necessary,
this actor might even ‘sanction’ actors (but again, based on a
moral authority, trust and informal acceptance, granted to him
by the stakeholders rather than based on a hierarchic position).
4. A ‘creative thinker’ is an actor that has no stakes in the issues,
and hence is ‘free’ to give creative input. These actors deliver
expertise, develop concepts, models, plans, visualise ideas and
produce tools to build ‘groupware’.
5. A ‘vision keeper’ is a strong ‘believer’. These actors are concerned
with the progress of the network rather than looking only at
their direct organisational interest. If these actors feel that the
arrangement tends to go in the wrong direction they will act or
at least communicate this. This separates them from stakeholders or network participants who have a more narrow approach
to the network and only focus on what they perceive to be their
own direct organisational goals.
6. A ‘network participant’ is every actor that is officially/in formal
terms part of the network structure. This is a general and formal category. These actors manage from time to time, and their
management actions are mainly aimed at their own organisational interest.
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3 . HOW I S T HI S I NFL U E NC E E XE RT E D (ST RAT E G I E S)?
The network literature suggests a multitude of strategies to influence other organisations. We discuss two clusters of strategies. First,
there are resource-based strategies. A first step is to critically analyse
what resources the organisation can bring to the network. As discussed above, the resources are not only financial. In a second step,
the organisation should assess how important this resource is for
the organisations it wants to influence. The scheme of Hanf and
Scharpf (1978) may be useful to make this assessment. They suggest two variables which determine the dependency of organisations — the substitutability of the resource and the importance of
the resource. The third step is to design strategies to either decrease
substitutability or increase importance of a resource for the target
organisations.
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Table 4: How to determine dependency?
Importance of the resource
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Substitutability
of the resource
High
Low
High
Low dependency
Independence
Low
High dependency
Low independency
Source: Adapted from Hanf and Scharpf (1978)
A second cluster is concerned with network management strategies
given the resources and the roles. Klijn and Teisman (1997) make
a distinction between game management to improve a game and
network constitution strategies to improve the network. Strategies
can be aimed at the perceptions in the network, the actors, or the
institutions.
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Table 5: Strategies for network management
Perceptions
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Actors
Institutions
Game management (A) Covenanting: exploring similarities and
to improve the
differences in actors’
game
perceptions and the opportunities that exist for
goal convergence
(C) Selective (de)activa(E) Arranging: Creating,
tion: (de)mobilizing actors sustaining and changing ad
who possess resources
hoc provisions which suit
groups of interactions
Network constitution changes to improve the network
(D) Network (de)activation: bringing in new actors or changing positions
of existing actors
(B) Reframing: changing
actors’ perceptions of the
network (which games to
play, which professional
values matter, etc.)
(F) Constitutional reform:
changing rules and resources in networks or trying to
fundamentally change the
ecology of the games
Source: Klijn and Teisman (1997)
For small organisations, strategies aimed at institutions are generally more difficult to fulfil. Institutions are about the rules of the
game, and it requires substantial resources and authority to arrange
institutional settings, let alone reform them.
Strategies aimed at (de-)activating actors within the network or
bringing new actors to the network are more realistic. It seems,
however, that it is generally easier to bring new and powerful actors into a network than to get them out. Activation may be easier
than de-activation.
Strategies aiming at changing actors’ perceptions of a network
should also be considered by small organisations. Reframing, for
instance through PR or publishing performance information, may
be feasible as well. However, this takes time.
Finally, the dynamics of network self-management and self-organisation can lead to major social change. Groundswell, a recent book
on this topic, has become a best seller, based on the idea that people
are now “using technologies to get the things they need from each
other, rather than from traditional institutions like corporations”
(Li and Bernoff, 2008, p. 9). However, alert organisations which
spot these trends at an early stage can act as platforms and brokers
for these self-organising activities and, because they are working
with the grain of what their customers want rather than fighting
for their customers by selling them things that do not really want,
they may be able to achieve fast change in consumer habits, with
major benefits for their organisations.
39
Organisational psychology on persuasion
1 . WHAT I S T HE L I T E RAT U RE A BO U T ?
In Monty Python’s Life of Brian there is a scene where Brian speaks
to a crowd of people who are admiring the new Messiah that they see
in him. He urges the crowd that they are all individuals, after which
they repeat inunison “Yes, we are all individuals”. It seems paradoxical that although everyone is different and although only individuals
can act, they often do so in a coordinated, organised way.
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Weick and Roberts (1993) speak of a collective mind that exerts influence on individual action5. However, just as the individual mind is
not a place in our head, this collective mind is not a reality outside
of the individual. It is a disposition towards a process that Weick
and Roberts call interrelating. ‘The collective mind is “located” in
the process of interrelating just as the individual mind is “located”
in the activities of lorry driving, chess playing, or article writing
(p.365)’.
Interrelation consists of three activities: the construction of actions
(contributing) while envisaging a social system of joint actions
(representing), and interrelating that constructed action with the
system that is envisaged (subordinating). A concrete example: a
lecturer prepares slides for her course (contributing) while envisaging the expectations of students and her own experience as a
student (representing). She then fits her course into the teaching
system as she defines it (subordinating).
The disposition towards interrelation can be seen as a continuum
from habitual performance to heedful performance. ‘In habitual action,
each performance is a replica of its predecessor, whereas in heedful
performance, each action is modified by its predecessor. In heedful
performance, the agent is still learning. Furthermore, heedful performance is the outcome of training and experience that weave together thinking, feeling, and willing. Habitual performance is the
outcome of drill and repetition.(p.362)’ In other words, collective
minds can be smart or dumb, depending on how thoughtful individual actions are interrelated with (the view of) joint actions.
This theory suggests independence from context. ‘A smart system does
the right thing regardless of its structure and regardless of whether
the environment is stable or turbulent. (p.377)’ We have to create
5 Like institutionalism, social psychology is a broad field which often extends to organisational
learning. For reasons of clarity, we confine ourselves to an significant an exemplary theory in
the field. Some other important publications in the field include (Argyris & Schön 1996;Katz &
Kahn 1966;Senge 1990;Weick 1995)
40
the capacity to solve situational problems heedfully, and not in a
routine way.’
Finally, this theory also suggests that there is a distinction between
group formation and the development of a collective mind. This is a
promising perspective for small organisations, since they may envisage the development of a collective mind within a policy sector
without having to develop a strong sense of belonging to a single
group.
English
2 . WHO E X E R TS I NFL U E NC E O N W H O M ?
Deutsc
It is difficult to identify clear lines of influence. All actions of individuals in an organisation exert some influence, since they shape
other people’s understanding of what the joint action of the organisation is. In an inter-organisational context, this would imply that
every action of an organisation influences other organisations. We
should keep in mind however that this literature is hesitant to see a
formal organisation as an actor — people act, not organisations.
3 . HOW I S T HI S I NFL U E NC E E XE RT E D (ST RAT E G I E S)?
Español
The strategic recommendation of this theory would be to develop a
collective mind in a policy sector (i.e. heritage). This collective mind
mainly consists of capacities for interrelating individual actions of
organisations to what is believed to be the joint action scheme.
The strategic concern par excellence should be access to knowledge
and information sharing. We should invest in sense-making within
the policy sector. This strategy harmonises the shared representation of what is important and how actions are interrelated. We
argued that a collective mind as an infrastructure for sense making
can exist without group formation. This observation leaves considerable room for small organisations to have a substantial impact.
Weick and Roberts (1993) argue that ‘the mindset for practice
implicit in the preceding analysis has little room for heroic, autonomous individuals. A well-developed collective mind, capable
of reliable performance is thoroughly social. (…) As people move
toward individualism and fewer interconnections, collective mind
is simplified and soon becomes indistinguishable from individual
mind.’ This observation seems to exclude some other common strategies. Models that are only based on competition are not advisable
from this perspective. Proclaiming ‘best practices’, sectoral heroes
and role models would not be recommended from this stance,
since they stress individual achievement rather than capacities to
learn for joint action.
41
Social and public marketing
1 . WHAT I S T HE L I T E RAT U RE A BO U T ?
Kotler and Zaltman (1971, p. 5) define social marketing as “the design, implementation and control of programs calculated to influence
the acceptability of social ideas and involving considerations of product
planning, pricing, communication, distribution and marketing research”.
More recently, it has been defined as “the application of commercial
marketing technologies to the analysis, planning, execution, and evaluation of programs designed to influence the voluntary behavior of target
audiences in order to improve their personal welfare and that of their
society” (Andreasen, 1995).
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Social marketing works by influencing the behaviour, not just of
the individual citizen, but also of policy makers and influential
interest groups. Social marketers might target the media, organisations and policy and law makers.
Lynn MacFadyen, Martine Stead and Gerard Hastings (1999) suggest that social marketing is not so much a theory as a framework
that draws from many other disciplines such as psychology, sociology, anthropology and communications theory to understand
how to influence people’s behaviour (Kotler and Zaltman, 1971).
It offers a logical planning process involving consumer-oriented
research, marketing analysis, market segmentation, objective setting and the identification of strategies and tactics. It is based on
the voluntary exchange of costs and benefits between two or more
parties (Kotler and Zaltman, 1971). However, social marketing is
more difficult than ordinary marketing, because it tries to change
intractable behaviours in complex economic, social and political
climates with often very limited resources (Lefebvre and Flora,
1988). Furthermore, unlike normal marketing which is trying to
meet shareholder objectives, the social marketer is trying to meet
society’s desire to improve citizens’ quality of life, which is more
ambitious — and more difficult to pin down.
Consumer orientation is the central element of all forms of marketing (Kotler et al 1996). In social marketing, the consumer is assumed to be an active participant in the change process. The social
marketer seeks to build a relationship with target consumers over
time and their input is sought at all stages in the development of
a programme through formative, process and evaluative research
(MacFadyen, Stead and Hastings, 1999). In short, the consumercentred approach of social marketing asks not “what is wrong with
these people, why won’t they understand?”, but, “what is wrong with
us? What don’t we understand about our target audience?”
42
Because of its emphasis on exchange, social marketing emphasises voluntary behaviour. To facilitate these voluntary exchanges,
social marketers have to offer people something that they really
want — not just what the agency wants them to want. Consumer
research is vital to identifying what these benefits could be, associated with a particular behaviour change.
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MacFadyen, Stead and Hastings (1999) stress that social marketing
seeks to influence the behaviour not only of individuals but also
of groups, organisations and societies (e.g. Hastings et al. 1994c,
Lawther and Lowry, 1995; Lawther et al. 1997; Murray and Douglas
1988). Levy and Zaltman (1975) suggest a sixfold classification of
the types of change sought in social marketing, incorporating two
dimensions of time (short-term and long-term) and three dimensions of level in society (micro, group, macro). In this way, social
marketing can influence not just individual consumers, but also
the environment in which they operate (see Table 6).
Table 6: Types of social changes, by time and level of society
Micro level (individual consumer)
Group level (group or
organisation)
Macro level (society)
Short term
change
Behaviour change
Change in norms Administrativ change
Policy change
Example:
Attendance at stopsmoking clinic
Removal of tobacco advertising from outside a
school
Banning of all forms of
tobacco marketing
Long term
change
Lifestyle change
Organisational change
‘Socio-cultural evolution’
Example:
Smoking cessation
Deter retailers from selling Eradiction of all tobacco
cigarettes to minors
related disease
Adapted from Levy and Zaltman (1975) by MacFadyen, Stead and Hastings (1999)
Social marketers must not only uncover new demand, but in addition must frequently deal with negative demand when the target
group is apathetic about or strongly resistant to a proposed behaviour change. Young recreational drug users, for instance, may see
no problems with their current behaviour (Andreasen, 1997) but
social marketers have to find a way to make them reexamine it and
then want to change it.
Rangun et al. (1996) suggest a typology of the benefits associated
with a behaviour change. The benefits may be: tangible, intangible,
relevant to the individual or relevant to society. Demand is easier
to generate where the benefits are both tangible and personally
relevant. In those situations where the product benefits are intan43
gible and relevant to society rather than the individual (as with
CFCs in aerosols), social marketers must work much harder to generate a need for the product. This, they argue, is the hardest type
of behaviour change, as the benefits are difficult to personalise and
quantify.
2 . WHO E X E R TS I NFL U E NC E O N W H O M ?
Social marketers seek to influence social behaviors, not (simply) for
the benefit of the marketer, but rather to benefit the target audience and general society. Like commercial marketing, the primary
focus is on the consumer — on learning what people want and need
rather than trying to persuade them to buy what we happen to be
producing. Marketing talks to the consumer, not about the product.
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It may do this by directly talking to the customer or through an
intermediary (e.g. the parents of obese children, or by getting role
models to send clear messages to those who admire them that certain behaviours are not ‘cool’).
3 . HOW I S T HI S I NFL U E NC E E XE RT E D (ST RAT E G I E S)?
Español
The main tools for social and public marketing are the ‘four P’:
— product
— price
— promotion
— place
Each of these can be varied to attract the target audience to try new
(and often previously avoided) behaviours. For the purposes of this
review, we will focus mainly on promotional strategies.
44
Figure 7: Major promotional methods
❚ Advertising: any paid form of non-personal presentation and
promotion of ideas, goods or services by an identified sponsor
(includes direct mail and web)
❚ Sales promotion: short-term incentives to encourage purchase
or sale of a product or service
❚ Public relations: a variety of programmes designed to improve,
maintain or protect a company or product image
❚ Personal selling: oral presentation in a conversation with one or
more prospective purchasers for the purpose of making sales
English
Source: American Marketing Association (1960)
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It is important to realize that very different types of promotion
may be needed when working with different types of audience,
e.g. audiences with different levels of commitment (Bovaird, 2009,
Chapter 6). Some examples relevant to marketing the arts and culture to different types of audience are given in Figure 8.
Fig. 8 Promotion to audiences with different levels of commitment
First timers
Second timers
Taster sessions
Showcases
Multi-media
Tours backstage
Mixed
Regulars
Fans
Meet the Artist
Candlelit dinners
Champagne
Talks
Workshops
Package Tours
A particularly powerful form of promotion is word of mouth, since
it means that members of the public — and, particularly, members
45
of the target group — can promote to each other. Word of mouth often carries much more credibility than promotion through ‘formal’
channels or by ‘vested interest’ providers.
P R OM OT I ON BY W O RD O F M O U T H
❚ Careful charting of official and unofficial opinion leaders
❚ Disproportionate selling time can and should be aimed at highly
reputable, would-be early adopters
English
❚ Sales incentives should encourage working with early adopters
❚ Events that pair happy new customers with a wider audience
❚ User newsletters, which can be circulated to non-users
❚ Testimonials can be systematically gathered and circulated
Deutsc
❚ Detailed, step-by-step “word of mouth” campaign plan
Where promotion uses advertisements, it is important that they
are well calculated to reach and influence their target market.
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HOW T O B U I L D G O O D A D VE RT S
❚ ‘Before and after’ scenarios
❚ Invented places
❚ Invented characters
❚ a renamed and rebranded service or product
More recently, social networking media—RSS, social network sites
and social book marking sites—open up the possibilities of managing communications with target groups in ways very similar to
the ways in which ‘word of mouth’ operates. However, to take full
advantage of social media requires real understanding of the users
who are reached in this way. Whereas direct mail attempts to get the
recipient to take an action, with most social media, the aim is simply
to create a connection in the first instance—with the aim of using it
only later. Both are important ways of communicating with target
groups, but need very different marketing strategies. Fundamentally,
social networking media open up access points, which can later be
used to create content, spread it over wide connections, and get a
community to identify with it. This can be a much more effective
way of getting a message across in the long-term.
46
One particular use of social networking is ‘viral marketing’, which
Wikipedia defines as “marketing techniques that use pre-existing
social networks to produce increases in brand awareness or to
achieve other marketing objectives through self-replicating viral
processes, analogous to the spread of pathological and computer
viruses”. While often word-of-mouth delivered, it can be enhanced
by networking, particularly through the internet — e.g. through
video clips, interactive Flash games, ebooks, brandable software,
images, or even text messages.
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A key aspect of creating successful viral marketing campaigns is
to identify individuals with high social networking potential and
create viral messages that this group finds appealling and is highly
likely to pass along to its contacts. While potentially valuable for
getting people to take positive social messages more seriously, ‘viral
marketing’ is also sometimes used pejoratively in relation to stealth
marketing campaigns, and it must be used carefully to avoid accusations of ‘manipulation’.
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47
Summary of strategies
emerging from the literature
From this review of the literature, we can identify the following
generic types of ‘influence strategies’ which are open to a public
or non-profit agency in order to achieve its social objectives indirectly through its influence on other organisations, communities
or individuals.
As Table 7 shows, many influence strategies are grounded in several theories discussed in the literature review. Clearly, different
theoretical frameworks stress different ways of delivering these influence strategies, not all of which are relevant to the context of
English Heritage.
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Table 7: Overview on influence strategies emerging
from literature
Influence
strategy
Literature
Examples of articles
or books
Observations
Political pressure
for legislative or
regulatory change
Regulation theory —
acquire or reinforce a regulation mandate
Hood, James and Scott,
2000
Only a feasible strategy for
English Heritage if done in
collaboration with other
organisations
Institutional theory —
Dimaggio and Powell,
bring about legislative change 1983
to exert coercive pressure
Regulation theory — increase Black, 2008
the legitimacy of the mandate
Focus on values (justice
claims) or outcomes (performance claims) may help
English Heritage to increase
legitimacy of its mission
Regulation theory —
coordinate the regulatory
system
Not relevant to English
Heritage
Scott, 2003
Regulation theory —
Abbot and Snidal, 2000
‘soft regulation’ (e.g. codes of
conduct)
Techniques such as covenants or codes of conduct
may be relevant to English
Heritage
Moral pressure
Institutional theory —
institutionalise norms and
standards
Dimaggio and Powell,
1983
Relevant to English Heritage (e.g. development of
public campaigns)
Professional
pressure
Institutional theory —
Learning from good practice
models
Dimaggio and Powell,
1983
Relevant to English Heritage (e.g. development of
good practice schemes for
professionals)
Regulation theory —
May, 2005
encourage self-regulation and
voluntary regulation
Institutional theory —
Institutionalise norms and
standards
Dimaggio an Powell,
1983
Public value —attention to
sound management
Kelly and Muers, 2002
Relevant to English Heritage (e. g. development of
training programmes to
tackle new social issues)
48
Social pressure
Principal agent theory —
imposing social bonds and
reciprocal obligations
Jensen and Meckling,
1976
Not relevant to English
Heritage
Zineldin, 2002
Personal pressure
English
Dimaggio an Powell,
1983
Relevant to English Heritage (e.g. consultation of
target groups through focus groups etc.; co-production of services at heritage
sites with target groups)
Public value —
Attention for outcomes of the
organisation
Mark Harrison Moore,
1995
Relevant to English Heritage (e.g. measurement
and demonstration of outcomes)
Social and public marketing — viral marketing
Levy and Zaltman, 1975
word of the mouth, enhanced through networking
Bovaird, 2009
Inter-organisation- Principal agent theory —
monitoring strategies
al agreements
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Institutional theory —
Institutionalise norms and
standards
Van Dooren, 2008
Relevant to English Heritage (this may facilitate
agreements with private
sponsors)
Principal agent theory — incentives
Verhoest, 2002
Reputational incentives
may be relevant to English
Heritage
Regulation theory — ‘soft
regulation’
Abbott et al., 2000
e.g. agreement to adhere
to joint code of conduct
Network theory — resourced
based strategies
Hanf and Scharpf, 1978
Relevant to English Heritage (network may give
access to resources which
the English Heritage does
not have)
Network theory — game
management to improve the
game — covenanting, selectivation of positive actors,
crafting network arrangements that favour the target
behaviours
Klijn and Teisman, 1997
Strategies at mobilising
new actors are relevant to
English Heritage
Network theory — Reframing: Klijn and Teisman, 1997
changing actors’ perceptions of the network (which
games to play, which professional values matter, etc.)
Changing actors’ perceptions of a network (e.g.
through PR or performance
information) are feasible
for English Heritage
Institutional theory — institu- Dimaggio and Powell,
tionalise norms and standards 1983
Organisational interchange
of staff or trainees
Regulation theory — rely on
voluntary regulation
May, 2005
Joint manifestos and statements of policy
Organisational psychology
on persuasion —
develop a collective mind
Weick and Roberts, 1993
Invest in information sharing
American Marketing Association, 1960
Developing new communication channels and
messages to approach and
convince target groups
Institutional theory — institutionalise models of good
performance
Dimaggio and Powell,
1983
Undertaking campaigns to
promote these good practices through the identified
channels
Network theory — game
management to improve the
game — crafting network arrangements that favour the
target behaviours
Klijn and Teisman, 1997
Founding new organisations (e.g. non-profit organisations, user groups,
etc.) or networks to promote certain behaviours
Public and social marketMobilising public
support for desired ing — tailor promotion to
needs of target groups
network or partner behaviours
Public value — ensuring orMoore, 1995
ganisations remain legitimate
and politically sustainable
Publicising practices elsewhere which show potential and benefits of desired
behaviour
49
In Part Three, we explore how some of these strategies can be implemented by case studies from a range of public and third sector
examples.
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50
PART THREE :
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GOOD PRACTICES OF
EFFECTIVE USE OF INFLUENCE
STRATEGIES
This section will showcase selected good practices in other sectors
or other countries which illustrate how organisation with limited
influence can make an impact. Even though this challenge is faced
by many organisations, there is no good practice database showcasing
influence strategies. Therefore, good practice cases were drawn from
a variety of sources, including websites such as the Beacon Scheme
(http://www.beacons.idea.gov.uk) the website of Governance International (www.govint.org) interviews with umbrella organisation. Furthermore, it proved to be very challenging to identify any
outcomes (or even simple output results) for most case studies. This
shows that even in the UK after more than 20 years of performance
measurement the ability and willingness of organisations to collect
performance information is very limited. It is worrying that often
pilots are rolled out or developed further without assessing the outcomes (or any results) of the initial project 6.
In order to make clear how the factors of influence identified in
the literature review can be translated into practice the case studies
match the key set of influence factors set out in Table 1. Typically,
the case studies set out the problem concerned, the key influence
mechanism and the key results. Whenever possible, performance
indicators will be used. If such information is not available some
other evidence is thought which indicates social impacts on some
target group. The case studies are completed by an indication of
the source of the material and a contact person so that further information can be accessed easily.
6 Therefore, some case studies have am missing or incomplete results box as some public
agencies were not willing or able to deliver hard-based evidence of results achieved.
51
1. Political pressure for legislative or regulatory
change
Changes to legislative frameworks are unlikely to be generally appropriate to the context of English Heritage, but may be relevant in
relation, for example, to the implementation of national equalities
policy or major economic development or tourist policies which
are enshrined in legislation.
In particular, small organisations often do not have the resources
and capacity to run legislative change campaigns successfully by
themselves. Therefore, it is recommendable that small organisations campaign together, which may be done in a range of different
ways from loose networks to more formal structured coalitions and
alliances.
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As NCVO (http://www.ncvo-vol.org.uk) points out collaborative
campaigning can:
— Bring together a range of expertise knowledge, and experiences
— Lead to the sharing of resources and workloads
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— Allow access to a broader base of supporters and therefore reach
a greater number of targets
— Enable you to apply pressure to decision makers at various levels
— Make a greater impact
Case Study 1 shows how the Women’s Institute (WI) and WWF-UK
campaigned together to reduce the threat of hazardous chemicals.
Case Study 1: REACH Chemicals Campaign
The problem concerned: Tens of thousands of chemicals are made
and released into the environment every day. Some of these
chemicals are particularly ‘persistent’, meaning they stay in the
environment for a long time and do not break down, but actually build up in the body or interfere with hormone systems. The
WI have been campaigning on this issue since the 1960s. With a
mandate already from their membership they seized the ‘once in
a lifetime opportunity’ presented by the European Commission in
2003 when they began drafting new legislation in this area. Over
the next three years the WI campaigned to ensure legislation to
reduce the threat of hazardous chemicals and a Europe wide system for testing and approving chemicals was passed.
52
How influence was exerted: Working in collaboration with WWFUK the WI lobbied MEPs to ensure that the strongest legislation
on hazardous chemicals was passed by the Parliament. The partnership worked well as both organisations were able to bring their
unique expertise to the campaign: the WWF-UK provided strong
and compelling evidence through their toxicology experts whilst
the WI were able to able to mobilise members into action to provide the ‘people power’.
This was the first time the WI had influenced the EU, so the WWFUK were able to provide more general support explaining how the
lobbying process worked at the European level and helping to set
up initial meetings and European parliamentary receptions.
English
Involving your members
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In March 2004 the WI and WWF-UK held a joint event to explain
the issues surrounding the campaign to their members. Members
were then asked to write to their own MEPs urging them to vote
for the strongest regulations around this issue as possible. In the
lead up to the vote in the European Parliament WI members met
personally with their MEPs around the country to reinforce the
WI’s position. Members also visited Brussels to lobby MEPs before
the first plenary vote and then to Strasbourg for the final push of
last minute lobbying before the vote in the Parliament.
Gain attention
Strive to stand out. The WI used various campaign tactics to raise
the profile of their campaign amongst MEPs and the media.
A red London double decker bused WI members to parliament
in Brussels to deliver a petition calling for stricter legislation on
chemicals found in household products. The petition contained
77,000 signatures and was presented to the European Parliament’s
Petitions Committee along with the results of blood test results
taken from samples across the UK that contained the presence of
chemicals, to underline the issue. A member also addressed the
Petitions Committee explaining just why the Women’s Institute
was so insistent on strong legislation.
On the day before the final vote in Starsburg an installation was
built using everyday products that contain harmful chemicals
outside the Parliament to draw attention to the vote.
53
Get personal
The WI asked supporters to write individual handwritten letters
that explained why the issue is so important to them personally
and relevant to the MEP who would receive it. WI campaigners
were struck by seeing two separate piles for post in some MEPs
offices they visited — one for handwritten letters and the other
for templates. They also tried to make the letters stand out visually — something simple like using coloured paper or the use of
pictures or a colourful logo.
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Results achieved: WI members felt that the largest impact was
achieved by actually speaking to MEPs in person, by establishing relationships and explaining the issue and actions they could
take. The WI found MEPs very accessible, from booking a cheap
Eurostar ticket, to making pre-appointments through MEPs offices in the UK. And as the campaign progressed the WI often found
themselves knocking on MEPs doors to secure the amendments
were voted through. The final vote in the European Parliament
took place in December 2006 when MEPs voted on legislation
that will require reassessment of thousands of chemical products
currently on the market and a shift in emphasis to developing
new and less harmful alternatives.
Source: http://www.ncvo-vol.org.uk/campaigningeffectiveness/
projects/index.asp?id=12252
Contact person: Ruth Bond, Women’s Institute
What English Heritage can take from this case study: Legislative
change which makes it easier for certain target groups to access
or to enjoy services (whether in the public or private or third sectors) may have an important role when all other means of influence fail. Of course, legislative change alone does not necessarily
work — although it is likely to have some effect on the behaviour
of those to whom it applies, it will only work if it is relevant to
improving the experience of the target groups concerned. Consequently, English Heritage might consider what legislative changes
might be relevant to improving the interest of target groups in
visiting heritage sites (e.g. through the national curriculum in
schools) or improving the experience of certain groups once they
decide make a visit to a heritage site (e.g. disabled access, signing
appropriate to more target groups such as BSL or minority ethnic
languages, etc.).
54
Clearly, as the regulation literature shows, acquiring or reinforcing a
regulation mandate is only one possible strategy of influence.
Another strategy which may be relevant in the context of English
Heritage is the use of ‘soft regulation’. For example, there are many
voluntary codes of conduct to which private and public agencies
adhere to in order to influence the behaviour of their staff and to
demonstrate to their target groups that the organisation takes specific issues seriously.
Clearly, legislative or regulatory influence strategies may become
more effective by combining them with influence strategies focussing on values or performance. Otherwise, there is the risk that target groups do not comply with regulations. In particular, this applies to ‘soft’ forms of regulations.
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55
2. Moral pressure to change norms and standards
of target groups
This includes more long-term strategies to ‘institutionalise’ specific
norms and standards in order to influence relevant actors indirectly. However, it is only likely to succeed in policy areas where there
is a major public concern or sympathy or where a recent event or
campaign has sensitised public opinion.
For example, drinking and driving has become widely socially
unacceptable, which is quite a change from public perception 30
years ago, when many people pressed car drivers to have “one last
drink”, even when they were trying to refuse. Of course, as Case
Study 2 from Austria reminds us, irresponsible behaviours still persist — but they can be reduced further by partnership working and
clever campaigns by all stakeholders concerned.
English
Deutsc
Case Study 2: Reducing road accidents due to drunken drivers in
the District Zell am See in Austria
Español
The problem concerned: In 2000 a serious accident on a highly
frequented highway caused a lot of headlines in Austria since it
turn out that public agencies badly coordinated rescue efforts and
had done insufficient risk management. The consequence: 8 dead
and several injured people. Therefore, the political leader of the
district agency of Zell am See, Dr. Rosemarie Drexler, decided that
time had come to improve road safety through better partnership
working between all stakeholders concerned.
How influence was exerted: The district agency of Zell am See set an
ambitious target for reducing road accidents in 2001 and formed a
partnership with all stakeholders involved dealing with road safety,
including the police, automobile clubs and the national agency for
road safety to agree on joint policy statements and publicity. In addition, there was a strong element of citizen consultation—indeed,
many of the innovative ideas which were implemented came from
local people. In particular, the various actors sought to change patterns of behaviour by doing a better risk analysis and increasing
prevention but also being tougher on people who do not abide by
the rules. The measures taken included
…increased public relations, focusing each month on different
topics such as wearing safety belts, motorbike safety, keeping a
safe distance, avoiding alcohol, using winter tyres, etc. The crea-
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tion of an internet platform proved particularly important — the
website offers car drivers information on road works, radar warnings, and the impact of drugs and alcohol on safety. For example,
a photo shows the ‘tunnel effect’ of alcohol — the more drivers
drink the more they narrow their view and already with 0.8 alcohol the pedestrian on the left hand side cannot be seen anymore.
The website keeps the website interesting by offering traffic quizzes with prizes to win. The number of hits quickly increased from
300 to 1000 per month. Whenever a fine was issued to a driver,
it came with an information sheet on the legal consequences of
driving with alcohol. The feedback and the reaction of drivers
suggested that this helped to change behaviours.
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…better risk analysis and reduction of risks on the road network.
For example, when a heavy accident happened, a prohibition to
overtake was issued. In severe accidents blackspots, speed limits
were imposed and drivers were stopped and briefed about the
dangers. The district agency also organised press campaigns to inform drivers about the risks of particular roads.
… consultations with head teachers, residents, engineers and other staff in local agencies to discuss additional measures for increasing road safety, such as mobile police radar equipment or new
speed limits. Citizens were involved through discussion fora on
the website and could submit proposals to the district agency by
email, by phone or in writing.
Results achieved: The objective was to reduce accidents by 10%
within two years. After two years of partnership working, accident
statistics showed that accidents with injuries had been reduced
by over 9% across the district (while in the wider state of Salzburg
the reduction was only 4% and in Austria as a whole accidents
actually rose by 0.2%. Similarly, the number of injured persons
fell significantly in Zell am See, although it rose marginally at
national level. These were the lowest number of accidents and
injured people since 1996, even though traffic had increased significantly due to tourism.
Source: www.sicher-im-pinzgau.at as well as documentation submitted to the UN Public Service Award
Contact person: Sylvia Kogelbauer, Email:
silvia.kogelbauer@salzburg.gv.at
What English Heritage can take from this good practice: Some
of the policies and practices in Zell am See were clearly based on
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strong intervention by public agencies — e.g. imposition of speed
limits and use of radar equipment. However, these were being
used elsewhere, too, but without the same effect. It appears that
a major contributory factor to the success of the campaigns in
Zell am See was the increasing popular view that irresponsible
driving (particularly drunken driving) was simply unacceptable
socially, so that far fewer people indulged in it. English Heritage
needs to consider if there are some aspects of heritage where increased moral pressure in the population might valuably lead to
more attendance by their target groups — e.g. convincing different
minority ethnic groups that they should take more interest in the
links between their group and certain aspects of English history
which are very evident in some historic buildings or museums
(not always links which reflect well on the English government or
inhabitants of the time). Examples might include such issues as
the African slave trade, the Far East spice trade, the Indian cotton
industry, the Caribbean sugar industry, etc, all of which have left
major impacts on the English heritage. (Clearly, such approaches
to heritage are potentially controversial — but it is perhaps even
more controversial to attempt to hide such issues and maintain
the situation that many people in England have little idea of the
history that lies behind the heritage and their own culture).
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3. Professional pressure to change norms and
standards of professionals
English
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Strategies of institutionalisation may also be targeted at the professional community in order to change the behaviour and thinking
of staff working in the heritage sector. Institutional theory reminds
us that norms and standards can also be changed by showcasing
desired forms of behaviour and action which correspond to such
norms. Success stories of good performance may therefore be very
influential in shaping behaviour of others. Indeed, there is now an
increasing growth of competitive quality awards and recognition
schemes to showcase ‘good practice’ in public, private and nonprofit sectors to enable and encourage other organisations to replicate
good practice (Downe and Hartley, 2007). One of the most widely
known ‘good practice’ scheme is the are the government-sponsored
Beacon schemes, organised in several sectors — local authorities
(1999 to present), schools (1998 – 2005), health (1999 — 2003) and
further education (1999 — to present) as Case Study 3 describes.
Case Study 3: The Beacon Scheme in the UK to spread good practice in the public sector
The objective to be achieved: The Beacon schemes were designed to spread understanding of good practice inside key
parts of the public sector – local authorities, health agencies,
schools, further education colleges, etc. (Although central government also ran a beacon scheme from 2000 to 2002, this was
rather different in nature, being essentially a ‘super-branding’
exercise, which gave ‘beacon’ status to those central government organisational units which had already collected a series
of ‘threshold’ badges, namely Charter Mark, Investors in People
(re-accreditation), EFQM and ISO 9000).
How influence is exerted: The distinctive feature of this family of ‘Beacon’ models is that award winners have a formal responsibility to disseminate their practices – it is a rare example
of a state-sponsored award scheme of dissemination based on
a norm-referenced competition. Moreover, the various Beacon
schemes have gone further than simple publication of ‘inspiring case studies’ and have adopted the open day model used
by the government’s Inside UK Enterprise scheme since 1995;
whereby one-day visits or open days are held during which top
UK businesses can share their knowledge and experience with
others, through a two-way exchange of information and giving
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‘hands-on’ experience with new techniques and innovations –
Beacon awards are conditional upon winners being prepared to
do the same.
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The Beacon Schools programme identified high performing
schools across England and was designed to build partnerships
between these schools and represent examples of successful practice, with a view to sharing and spreading that effective practice
to other schools to raise standards in pupil attainment. Each
Beacon School (whether nursery, primary, secondary or special
school) received around £ 38,000 of extra funding a year, usually for a minimum of three years, in exchange for a programme
of activities enabling the school to collaborate with others to
disseminate good practice and raise school standards. The Beacon Schools programme was phased out in 2005, replaced by
the Leading Edge Partnership programme for secondary schools
(http://www.standards.dfes.gov.uk/beaconschools/).
The National Health Service (NHS) Beacon programme in the
UK gave awards to both hospitals and general practitioners
(GPs) that exemplified local “best practice” and supported them
to develop and disseminate learning across the wider NHS. Research into the scheme suggested that, whilst Beacon hospital
projects had some potential in developing relatively innovative
activity, they were not perceived to be stepping-stones to wider
public health action (Whitelaw et al, 2004). After the scheme
was disbanded in 2003, the NHS Modernisation Agency has
held annual health and social care awards, while pursuing a
range of approaches to improvement and dissemination, particularly ‘collaboratives’, based on an idea from the US Institute
for Healthcare Improvement, which bring together experts and
practitioners to pursue dramatic organisational improvements,
which have a very different flavour from the competitive Beacon approach (Bate and Robert, 2002, p.644).
The Beacon Awards in the further education sector were launched
in 1994 by the Association of Colleges, but have been sponsored by the government’s Learning and Skills Council (LSC)
since 1999. In 2002, the award name was changed to ‘Learning
and Skills Beacon’, open to all post-16 providers funded by the
Learning and Skills Council and inspected by post 16 inspectorates (DfES, 2002). The programme aims to recognise imaginative and innovative teaching and learning practice in colleges
and work-based learning programmes, and to encourage the
sharing of good practice through dissemination activities and
collaborative work (LSC, 2004). There are two closely associated
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awards run by the LSC – the LSC Award for College Engagement
with Employers and the LSC Award for Equality and Diversity.
English
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Results achieved: The Beacon Council scheme has lasted longest. It was set up in 1999 and is now one of the longest-standing policy instruments of the Labour government. In 2004 it
was even expanded from local authorities to include national
parks, police and fire services, passenger transport and waste
management authorities, and town and parish councils. By its
10th year in 2009, the scheme had attracted 1885 applications,
and 512 Beacon awards had been made. Over 50% of the Local
Government sector has secured awards in that time (a 24% success rate for applicants). The aim of the scheme is to recognise
‘excellence’ or innovation; and to disseminate good practice.
Award winners must provide an excellent service in any of the
nominated themes; have evidence of a good overall corporate
performance, including favourable recent inspections (the socalled ‘corporate hurdle’); and must suggest interesting opportunities for others to learn from their practice (Downe and
Hartley, 2007).
Source: www.beacons.idea.gov.uk/
Contact person: Ruby Dixon, Email: ruby.dixon@idea.gov.uk
What English Heritage can take from this approach: The development of a ‘Beacon Scheme’ for heritage sites would allow the
identification of ‘good practices’ which are externally validated and replicable by others. Of course, such a scheme requires
considerable investments so that partnerships with private sector sponsors will have to be developed. In most recognition
schemes, the work of the ‘evaluators’ is done by credible expert
peers or volunteers; therefore, it is beneficial to involve other
organisations in the design and delivery of such a scheme.
A related strategy to the institutionalisation of models of good performance may be to institutionalise norms and standards (e.g. related to the equalities agenda) through the development of joint
training programmes for professionals working in the heritage sector.
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Case Study 4: Developing team-based management in the
vocational school Hansenberg in Denmark
The problem concerned: HANSENBERG is a 154 years old educational institution situated in Kolding, Denmark which offers
32 vocational training programmes to 6000 students. Having
gone through a severe financial and managerial crisis the school
changed its legal status in 1999 to become a self-governed school.
The decision was taken to decentralise decision-taking processes
and to develop a team-based organisation with strong user involvement.
English
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How influence is exerted: Intensive training of all employees was
initiated starting with the management group followed by 38
teams which completed a 3-day course in teamwork. All managers
were authorized in the use of Belbin profiles at an approved Belbin accreditation course. The managers use the Belbin role assessment in their own team. In further training, balanced scorecards
were introduced which help each team to meet the objectives determined by the team and the school.
Results achieved: During the four years with team organisation
the school has made many alterations such as a change of the
team constitution. Originally, the team coordinator was nominated for six months, today it is possible to sit for one year. New induction courses have been implemented to ensure that new staff
gets an understanding of the way the school works in teams. A
professional coach has been recruited to support development of
the team members.
The school uses a Balanced Scorecard which shows improvements
in all key performance areas of the school. In particular, student
satisfaction has increased from index 65 to 70 while staff satisfaction has increased from index 60 to 65. 79.9 % of all employees
find that establishment of self-sustaining teams has helped them
in their work to a large extent or to some extent. Most importantly, the drop-out rate has been reduced from 13 % to 10.8 %.
However, also the financial results of the school have improved.
Contact person: Gitte Lykkehus and Birger Hørning, Email: hansenberg@hansenberg.dk
Source: www.5qualiconference.eu and other background information of the project managers
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What English Heritage could take from this example: As the Danish example reminds us cultural change takes time but also requires new skills of managers and staff. In order to enable professionals working in museums and galleries, the countryside, leisure
and recreation services of local authorities to deal effectively with
under-represented groups such as ethnic minorities training and
continuous professional development approaches will be necessary. Rather than doing some ad-hoc training, a more fully developed training scheme could be developed jointly by English
Heritage with partner organizations. The delivery of the training
could be outsourced to professional trainers or organizations with
expertise in diversity and equalities issues.
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Clearly such a training programme may be coupled with a certification scheme in order to give partner organisations non-financial
incentives to invest into staff training.
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4. Social pressure
This mechanism of influence uses the social norms of networks and
partnerships to press other stakeholders to conform to desired behaviours. Rather than convincing target groups through public campaigns the key influence is exerted through behaviours and actions of
groups which consequently change the behaviour of peer members.
As the Solihull Case Study shows social pressure through positive
actions of Environmental Champions helped to deal with undesired forms of behaviour and to achieve improvements in the environmental quality in the local area.
English
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Case Study 5: Reducing environmental crime through environmental champions in Solihull
The problem concerned: It costs Solihull Council over £1.2m to
clean up graffiti, litter, chewing gum and fly posters. Therefore,
the Council aims to reduce the demand which individuals place
on it by litter dropping, graffiti, anti-social behaviour etc. and
to develop within communities a feeling of collective social responsibility and social action.
Influence exerted: In 2007 the Council launched the Environment Champions initiative, which aims at increasing co-production with local residents in improving the local environment
in Solihull’s neighbourhoods. In particular, the project has been
set up to tackle the environmental issues that affect everyone
in Solihull borough, such as graffiti, litter, flytipping and abandoned vehicles, etc. The Environment Champions act as the
“eyes and ears” of the Council and help shape the service that
is provided within their local area. Volunteers can be trained,
equipped and empowered to deal with minor issues, such as
removing graffiti or fly posters, for example. Anyone can be an
Environment Champion; the only requirement is to have an interest in protecting and improving Solihull’s environment, and
the quality of life of those living there. To date there are 150 Environment champions, from the age of 12 to 82, and numbers
are growing quickly. There are two types of Champions – Active
Champions and Reporting Champions. The Active Champions
participate in activities, while the Reporting Champions simply
report environmental issues to the council but do not participate
in activities. The Active Champions receive Health and Safety
Training and all equipment needed is supplied by the Coun-
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cil. 15 groups and schools have so far affiliated to the scheme.
Groups and individuals sign a Champions charter when joining
which lays out what is expected from the Champions and what
they in turn can expect from the Council.
The Champions have already undertaken some valuable work
removing graffiti (including removing graffiti from over 150 telephone cable boxes), picking up litter, and reporting important
problems. However, there are other activities in which champions could become involved including:
English
— Running Clean Up events
— Putting up signs prohibiting dog fouling
— Vegetation removal or control
Deutsc
Español
Results achieved: As well as having a positive impact on the
environmental quality of their area, it is hoped that the work
of the Environment Champions will increase respect for the local environment and public places, and reduce people’s tolerance of environmental crime. The council hopes that this will
then lead to a reduction in such crimes and boost people’s pride
in their area, resulting in the continued improvement of the
neighbourhood and, in the longer term, the improvement of
the health and wellbeing of people living in, working in and
visiting Solihull.
Source: Press releases and information provided by David Carter,
Solihull Council
Contact person: David Carter, Directorate Performance, Solihull Council, Email: dmcarter@solihull.gov.uk
What English Heritage can take from this good practice: The
success of the Solihull case does not rely on spending money,
on enforcement of national laws or local byelaws or on marketing a particular service or issue – although all of these mechanisms have indeed been used as part of the campaign. However, the core of the campaign is to get the people of Solihull
themselves to exert moral pressure on each other to respect the
environment, expressing open disapproval of those who don’t
show this respect and displaying through their own behaviour
how important this respect of the environment is to them – all
of which makes it harder for other people to continue to abuse
the environment as much as otherwise might happen..
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As the case studies show, depending on the context, social pressure
can take many forms. The key issue is how the existence of this social pressure can best be mobilised for the agency’s purposes.
5. Inter-organisational agreements
As the literature on network management suggests, partnerships are
key for organisations with limited resources to achieve outcomes.
Partnerships may not only include different actors — depending on
the resources required — but the extent of partnership working may
also vary as the case studies in this section show.
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Case Study 6: Linking schools and local communities through art
projects in Telford
The problem concerned: This unitary authority is working to
transform its communities using culture and sport allied to
powerful and meaningful partnerships that are making a real
difference. Innovative use of resources and joined up cultural
services working have demonstrated real benefits for hard to
reach groups, particularly the young, those excluded from education and disabled people.
How influence was exerted: The arts development team worked
in the priority ward of Hadley, which has the highest BME population in Telford. The project “The way we can see it” engaged
local people of all ages in producing a digital snapshot celebrating the cultural diversity of this community. The initiative
asked local schools to provide facilities to run community arts
events. The outreach to local communities was done through
a steering group which involved representatives from a wide
range of community groups. However, the steering group did
not determine the projects to be done but consulted local people by running arts workshops. This allowed to shape projects
and to make them relevant to local communities.
Results achieved: The numbers involved from this community
were higher than anticipated. Over 500 local people were actively engaged in the project. In particular, previously isolated community groups from a wide range of ethnic backgrounds spent
time with each other during shared arts events. The project also
promoted family learning and inter-generational work. This fi-
66
nal work reflected the cultural richness of the area in a subtle
yet powerful way. There were benefits to the wider community
long after the project finished, thus enabling greater community cohesion.
Source: IDeA 2005 (Cultural Connections)
Contact person: John Cocker, Arts Development Manager,
Email: john.cocker@telford.gov.uk
English
What English Heritage could take from this approach: The project shows the benefits involved of working with local schools.
Even though they may not be resource-rich they have the natural advantage to be in touch with children and young people,
and in many cases, with the wider local community as well.
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Clearly, in Case Study 6 the partnership was more of a coordinative
network where schools and the local authority worked together
to deliver an arts programme targeted at disadvantaged communities. In Case Study 7 the partnership is more formal since we
have a contractual relationship with all principal-agent problems
involved. As a result, the participants are interdependent and the
risks are shared.
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Case Study 7: Improving employability of disadvantaged groups
through partnership working with cultural organisations — the example of SAMPAD in Birmingham
The problem concerned: Disadvantaged young people often experience low levels of confidence and have problems finding a job
or training opportunity.
English
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Español
How influence was exerted: The PAYP (Positive Activities for Young
People) programme is a national programme funded by central
government through Local Authorities. In Birmingham the local
authority leads on the delivery of PAYP activities for the 08/09
financial year. PAYP is a targeted programme working with the
most at risk young people. Risk factors that face these young people can include: educational exclusion or non-school attendance;
involvement in substance misuse; crime factors (known to police/
arrested within 12 months. Through PAYP activities young people
can participate in programmes during the school holidays, access
out of school activities throughout the year and be supported in
learning and/or employment. The main objectives are to reduce
crime and anti-social behaviour both in the short term and long
term. Sampad have a history of working with young people on
numerous educational/creative projects within Birmingham City
Centre. The two geographical areas that Sampad have worked
with and currently working with in 2008/09 are Handsworth and
Sparkbrook — both areas are low income status or economically
and socially deprived areas in the city. The PAYP programme offers
young people the opportunity to engage in highly creative activities in which they will gain skills that vary from hard — (technical)
to soft (increased communication and confidence building). The
current PAYP programme ends in March 2009 and consists of 60
young people.
In the first programme which was run between autumn 2003 and
early 2005 40 participants engaged in PAYP activities during the
Autumn and Spring term holidays. The participants have experienced over 2600 hours of creative and positive learning activities
delivered artists at Punch Records which provided multi-media
music workshops. The programme ended in a showcase event
where young people presented their new skills and creative work
to the public. This performance showcase expressed their thoughts
and views, their perspectives and emotions, using image, rhythm
and live sports. Apart from the performance showcase, the 6-day
programme produced 5 tracks (lyrics created by the young people), film footage and an exhibition of 300 images.
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Results achieved: Many of the young people gained a boost in
confidence. Two presented for the first time in front of an audience, overcoming their fears. Moreover, the project has helped to
deliver impacts in crime reduction, social exclusion, community
engagement and better citizenship. As Gurdeep Matharu, aged 14,
commended “on our journey through Small Health we were disgusted and yet surprised. It’s not until you do an activity like taking photos that you realise, there’s a lot of beauty and at the same
time, a lot of ugliness, too”.
English
Source: www.sampad.org.uk
Contact person: Urmala Jassal, email: urmala@sampad.org.uk
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What English Heritage could take from this approach: Recruit
young people to run events at heritage sites, identifying them
through cultural and other organisations which can reach out to
minority groups. The funding would have to be provided through
agencies such as Connexions, which would fund their employment experiences, so that the outreach to disadvantaged groups
would be a spin-off, rather than a direct effect, of the initiative.
Partnership working with NGOs may not only enable English Heritage to reach out to new target groups but also provide the necessary knowledge and skills to English Heritage staff to redesign
heritage sites and the services provided at such sites to the needs to
groups with special needs such as people with disabilities as Case
Study 8 shows.
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Case Study 8: Touch Tour for Visually Impaired People in the Byzantine & Christian Museum in Athens
The problem concerned: The Byzantine & Christian Museum
(www.byzantinemuseum.gr) is a national state museum founded in 1914. It has over 25,000 artefacts in its possession, organized into collections that date from the 3rd to the 20th century
AD. The Museum’s objective is to enable physical, intellectual
and social access to its permanent exhibition. Physical limitations, hearing impairments or learning difficulties should not
prevent visitors from enjoying the museum’s services.
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How influence was exerted: In order to learn from international
experiences, the Museum took part in the “Access to Cultural
Heritage: Policies for Presentation and Use” project (www.accessculture.org), supported by the Culture 2000 Programme of
the European Commission. International exchanges helped to
design the project “Touch Tour for Visually Impaired People”.
The project was led by a multi-disciplinary team of the museum’s staff. After initial in-house research into the assessment of
issues related to physical, sensory and intellectual accessibility
of specific exhibits potentially included in the touch tour, the
proposed objectives were agreed by the museum’s conservators.
The crucial phase of the project was a consultation process with
representatives of the Tactual Museum-“Lighthouse for the
blind”, a Greek national NGO for visually impaired people, who
tested and discussed the proposed “touch objects” in terms of
sensory and intellectual accessibility. The Tactile Museum was
also involved in the fine-tuning of a number of new products
and services designed to meet the needs of visually impaired
people such as:
— text of the audio guide
— translation of the exhibition labels into Braille
— design of a brochure in Braille about the Byzantine Museum, including an introduction to its permanent exhibition
— production of a special map for accompanying persons,
highlighting places of interest in the permanent exhibition.
Results achieved: About 100 blind visitors have benefited from
the touch tour so far. The museum’s experts continue their
research into extending the existing touch tour into the second part of the permanent exhibition. A detailed evaluation is
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planned after the completion of the touch tour in the permanent exhibition area of the museum.
Source: 5th EU Quality Conference for Public Administration
(http://www.5qualiconference.eu/) and documentation provided by the museum
Contact person: bma@byzantinemuseum.gr, amlazari@otenet.gr,
phone: +30 210 7211027, +30 210 7232178
English
What English Heritage can take from this approach: Involving
NGOs representing disadvantaged groups in the design, delivery and evaluation of cultural services helps to mobilise new
visitors and gives communities (and staff working in the heritage sector) new experiences.
Deutsc
Partnerships may also involve private sector organisations and bring
in financial resources but also infrastructure, skills and knowledge
which is currently not available for English Heritage and public
and nonprofit partners.
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Case Study 9: Offbeat — a crime reduction project between Gateshead Council, local schools, Northumbria Police and sportswear
giant Nike
The social objective to be achieved: Reducing anti-social behaviour and crime offended by young people in local hotspots
How influence is exerted: This partnership scheme between Gateshead Council, local schools, Northumbria Police and sportswear
giant Nike helped to lead young people away from crime and
anti-social behaviour by providing sport and art activities during
holiday periods. The scheme normally involved up to 150 people each week from across the borough of Gateshead. Participants
for the scheme were chosen by agencies including social services,
community education, social inclusion projects, local authority
children’s homes, Youth Offending Teams and young people who
were able to identify peers at risk. The sessions were run from local
schools during the school holidays in the borough’s youth crime
and disorder hotspots. The project was made possible by co-funding through Nike, UK which provided coaches and prizes as part
of an agreed sponsorship deal. After 2006, the project evolved into
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the scheme ‘Sport Action Van’, with similar objectives and again
working in local anti-social behaviour ‘hotspots’, but now with
different ways of engaging with the young people concerned.
Results achieved: In the area supporting Joseph Swan Comprehensive School, there was a fall of 25% in calls made to the police
about disorder in the area, during the first week in the Easter break
2001 compared to the previous year.
Source: IDeA 2005 (Cultural Connections) and updates from interview with project manager
English
Contact person: Caroline Luck, Cultural Services Manager, email:
CarolineLuck@Gateshead.Gov.UK
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What English Heritage could take from this approach: Run holiday schemes at heritage sites for young people at risk by working
in partnership with local councils and private sponsors. Encourage them to develop a final performance or event or exhibition as
the climax of their involvement, so that their family, friends and
neighbours can be encouraged to visit on the final day(s) of the
initiative.
Clearly, in the current economic climate it is not easy to identify and to commit private sector sponsors of local heritage sites.
It is therefore important to make sponsoring more attractive for
business by combining community projects with heritage sites so
that business can demonstrate that it has contributed to achieving social objectives benefiting specific target groups rather than
investing into a heritage site with unclear benefits. One interesting
approach to raise the attention in the business sector and media
could be to launch an award as this is practiced by the Canadian
national business association Business for the Arts (http://businessforthearts.org/).
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6. Mobilising public support for desired network
or partner behaviours
The theory on public value points out that partnerships may help
to deliver public value but the value created must also be demonstrated to the wider public. Social marketing shows tools and approaches how this can be achieved. One promotion strategy can
consist in undertaking public campaigns to promote specific forms
of behaviour (see Case Study 10) or by developing new communication channels and messages to approach and convince target
groups (Case Study 11) or new ways of representing, experiencing
and preserving the past relevant to these target groups, through the
use of leading edge technologies (virtual reality, 3D visualisation)
(Case Study 12).
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Case Study 10: The regeneration of Hayle through the Prince’s
Regeneration Trust
The problem concerned: An example of where PRT has already
successfully achieved its objectives is Hayle in west Cornwall.
In the 18th and 19th centuries, Hayle was an important industrial town with two major foundries, Harvey’s and Copperhouse,
employing several thousand people and producing world class
pumping engines, initially for the Cornish tin mines and then for
industrial purposes across the world. Although the Foundries declined in the later half of the nineteenth century, the town developed a range of new industrial and engineering works, including
explosive manufacture, a coal-fired power station and an ICI plant
producing bromine for aviation fuel. After the Second World War,
Hayle’s industrial activity declined sharply, compounded by the
closure of Hayle’s harbour to commercial shipping in the 1970s.
This drastic reversal of fortunes left the town in considerable economic and social need, with a very high rate of unemployment.
Hayle is in the top 20% most deprived areas in the country, with
one of the highest indices of deprivation in the South-West.
How influence was exerted: The Prince’s Regeneration Trust became involved in the regeneration of Hayle by invitation of a local County Councillor. PRT played a crucial role at several stages
helping to deliver a project that has given a major boost to the
local economy and continues to alleviate social and economic difficulties in the town. The first significant contribution made by
PRT was in helping to change the perception of the site. Through
community consultation events and meetings, PRT helped shift
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opinion and convince all the key stakeholders that a large and
ambitious project was possible.
PRT was instrumental in persuading the owner of the site, The
Guinness Trust, to gift the site to a newly created Trust, called
“The Harvey’s Foundry Trust”. It also used a combination of
personal pressure and persuasive argument to gain the support of
English Heritage, who made money available to buy the drawing
office, the grade II* listed building at the centre of the site.
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Once the project had got off the ground, the next stage was to
galvanise wider support. PRT brought all the key parties together
in a steering group and secured an inter-organisational agreement
with the Chief Executive of Penwith Council. He was persuaded
that the Trust’s proposals were sensible and deliverable and agreed
to become the “accountable body” responsible for delivering the
project in the interim while the Harvey’s Foundry Trust became
established.
PRT also convened a meeting with potential funders. That was a
key milestone, and by the end of the meeting there were offers
of funding support from the South West of England RDA, English Heritage, Cornwall Enterprise, the Town Council and both
the County and District Councils. This broad financial support,
which was later bolstered with a generous contribution of EU Objective I money, funded Phase I of the project. Phase I specifically
addressed the economic and social needs of the town by creating
employment opportunities in a new-build office development and
in the refurbished drawing office. This was followed by Phase II,
funded by a Townscape Heritage Initiative Programme, which regenerated the redundant Foundry Farm for use as workshops and
work-live units. Phase III is now being planned and will involve
the restoration of further buildings to create more work space and
a heritage information facility, including restored original Harvey’s steam engines.
Results achieved: Harvey’s Foundry now provides workspace for
over 80 people. There are 17 businesses that have either relocated or been started in Dowren House (Phase I). Foundry Farm
(Phase II) has enabled 13 businesses to expand and create new
jobs. When Phase III has been completed, there will be well over
100 jobs at Harvey’s and the site will attract significant numbers
of tourists and visitors. The Harvey’s Foundry project has proved
a real catalyst for the regeneration of the town and has created a
new sense of confidence in the community. The substantial and
ongoing regeneration of Harvey’s Foundry has been instrumental
74
in the creation of the Cornwall and West Devon Mining World
Heritage Site.
Contact person: Fred Taggart, Project Director, Email: Fred.taggart@princes-regeneration.org, phone 0207 4626440
Source: Prince’s Regeneration Trust (unpublished case study)
English
Case study 11: Sunderland – using market research to learn about
the needs of specific groups
The objective to be achieved: To increase the number of council
tax payers who pay by direct debit.
Deutsc
Español
How influence was exerted: Sunderland City Council used customer segmentation to identify which groups were not paying
by direct debit and their preferred communication channels.
The council subsequently advertised the direct debit service in
specific locations, such as the inside of buses, and provided payment options to meet these groups’ requirements, including a
weekly payment option. Customer insight techniques makes it
possible to market services more effectively, such as being able
to encourage take-up of services or different channels by particular groups.
Results achieved: Partly as a result of these initiatives, payment
by direct debit has risen from 62 percent to 67.2 per cent.
Source: www.idea.gov.uk and Customer Service and Access
Strategy 2008–2011 (download from www.sunderland.gov.uk)
What English Heritage could take from this approach: Customer insight techniques help to market services more effectively
to particular groups of customer by encouraging them to take
up the service through a different channel. Indeed, it may also
be useful for English Heritage to take a fresh look at heritage
sites by using the market intelligence gathered by the Equality
and Rights Commission in their interactive map of minority
groups in Britain (see http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/
en/projects/Modernmulticulturalism/Pages/Mapping.aspx).
This map shows 30 cities or areas of Britain, which appear as
red circles – after a double click on a circle a detailed neighbourhood map opens up showing the most numerous minority
groups by postcode, in that area.
75
Case Study 12: Lightshift
What this project is about: Marketing natural heritage to a new
audience
English
Deutsc
Español
Summary: Lightshift was a temporary arts-based illumination
project run by the Forest of the Dean Sculpture Trust (FDST) in
partnership with Forest Enterprise and Forest of Dean District
Council, which took place in the Forest of Dean for seven nights
from 26 October 2001. Lightshift was conceived as a way of attracting visitors after the foot and mouth-disease had struck rural
areas in England, by presenting the Forest in a new light through
its arts work. Two artists were commissioned to produce an array
of video, light and sound works, including drumming and fire
sessions with search lights ‘communicating’ across the Forest. The
event proved very successful — more than 40,000 people attended,
75% of whom lived or worked locally.
Delivery mechanism: Use of funds for arts and media development to fund local artists to create different exciting public environments in a rural area and a forest landscape.
What English Heritage could take from this approach: Current
interactive/telematic art practice is increasingly moving into open
spaces thanks to advances in wireless technology, and the increased availability of small, robust and battery-powered computers. Combining heritage sites with sound and light displays opens
them up to new audiences, particularly amongst younger people
from different social groups. There may therefore be pay-offs in
working with digital media companies/research centres at universities and local artists to explore new ways of presenting heritage sites in ways which to appeal to people who are attracted by
audio-visual performances — an audience segment who are now
making up a growing proportion of the population.
76
PART FOUR:
EVALUATION FRAMEWORKS
FOR ASSESSING HOW WELL
AGENCIES HAVE EXERTED
INFLUENCE ON OTHERS
English
Control as the focus of mainstream evaluation
frameworks
Deutsc
Español
A recent literature review of evaluation frameworks used in the
public and nonprofit sectors undertaken by Governance International revealed that there is no lack of supply (Bovaird and Löffler,
2009). Indeed, as Max Travers points out in The New Bureaucracy
(2007), it is hard to trace all the origins and pathways of the evaluation movement but it has produced an increasing number of quality models and systems that are widely promoted by management
consultants, government regulators and quality managers in public agencies. In particular, there has been an enormous interest on
the part of public agencies — and, to a lesser extent, in the voluntary sector — in “excellence models” of organisational quality. They
are commonly structured as “production functions” with enabling
factors being hypothesized to lead to various dimensions of quantitative and/or qualitative results. Since they claim to be generic
models, they also make possible comparisons between public and
private sector organisations. The strength of the relationships involved — the level of confidence which we can have that increases
in specific enablers will lead to increases in the results — is rarely
discussed but it is assumed that some such relation can be predicted with confidence.
In Europe, these ‘excellence’ models clearly cluster around two
core models — the 1999 version of the European Excellence Model
(previously known as the Business Excellence Model — see www.
efqm.org) and its public sector version — the Common Assessment
Framework (known as CAF — see www.eipa.nl). The key evaluation
categories of both frameworks are almost identical and include:
— leadership
— strategy and planning
77
— people
— partnerships and resources
— processes
— different categories of “objective” and “subjective” results, including society results (outcomes), people results, citizen/customer oriented results and key performance results.
Figure 9: The CAF Model (based on the EFQM Framework)
English
The CAF Model
ENABLERS
Deutsc
RESULTS
People
Results
People
Leadership
Strategy &
Planning
Partnerships
& Resources
Español
Processes
Citizen/Customer
Oriented
Results
Key
Performance
Results
Society
Results
INNOVATION AND LEARNING
Source: www.eipa.nl
In the case of the CAF, the language explaining the individual criteria in each of the nine boxes is more oriented towards a public sector context (e.g. differentiating between citizens and customers).
Otherwise, the main difference between the two evaluation frameworks is that the checklist of the CAF is free of charge (as it can
be downloaded from the internet) whereas all tools related to the
EFQM framework involve significant fees. (A version of the EFQM
model which has been refashioned to be particularly relevant for
small organisations, including most third sector organisations, is
known as the PQASSO and can downloaded at http://www.ces-vol.
org.uk/index.cfm?pg=42).
While the criteria used in these approaches clearly have a strong
degree of common sense plausibility, there remains considerable
room for debate as to whether the models which they embody ac-
78
tually assess the right things and show the centrally important relationships.
English
Deutsc
Español
The frameworks of the European Excellence Model and the Common Assessment Framework still pay little attention to the ways in
which influence strategies might link the enabling factors to the
results areas. Indeed, both models are still anchored in a context of
managerial control where management follows a rational planning
cycle along the Plan-Do-Check-Act (PCDA) cycle. Apart from partnership working the influence strategies identified in the literature
review hardly figure in either evaluation framework. However, it is
interesting to note that both models now count partnerships as a
resource. This is, of course, an important dimension of partnership
working but it completely ignores the role of partnerships in determining vision, setting strategy, improving joined-up processes,
pursuing governance goals (such as the equalities agenda and protecting citizens’ rights), in all of which areas partnerships act as key
agents, not simply as resources available to the decision-making
agents. To give another example, the results factor ‘impact on society’ recognises the vital importance of assessing the organisation’s
knock-on effects on jobs, environment and social relationships in
the community, but nowhere in the models is it recognised that
local social capital and a good environment can, in turn, be key aspects of the context of public agencies, without which the enabling
factors are unlikely to be effective (Putnam, 2000).
The fundamental problem with conventional evaluation frameworks is that they only assess dimensions which an organisation
can directly control. In this sense, they are rooted in the old paradigms of ‘government’, not ‘governance’. However, most organisations — even when they have significant financial and staff resources — are not able to achieve their desired results, particularly the
outcomes which are valued by citizens, by themselves. Clearly, this
requires new conceptual frameworks, different evaluation models
and methodologies, and even new sets of indicators. At present,
no evaluation framework exists which incorporate in a systematic
way all the influence factors identified above in this review. However, there are now evaluation methodologies which focus on specific influence factors. In particular, considerable progress has been
made with the measurement of quality of life outcomes which is
discussed in the next section.
79
Approaches to measuring quality of life
improvements
In recent years projects which have sought to measure the quality
of life (and changes to quality of life) have mushroomed, particularly at the local level in many countries. In many cases, the first
trigger for the development of QoL indicators was the need to respond to Agenda 21, following the Rio Earth Summit in 1992. As
a consequence, many early QoL indicators tended to be strongly
focused on environmental and sustainability issues. Some of the
most interesting recent international QoL projects have included:
English
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— the Human Development Index (HDI) of the United Nations (United Nations, 2002), first launched in 1990 with the simple but
ambitious goal of putting people back at the center of the development process, going beyond measuring income to assessing the level of people’s long-term well-being. Since then, four
new composite indices for human development have been developed — the HDI, the Gender-related Development Index, the
Gender Empowerment Measure, and the Human Poverty Index.
The HDI, published annually by the UN, ranks nations according to their citizens’ quality of life, rather than strictly by their
economic statistics. The criteria for calculating the rankings include life expectancy, educational attainment, and adjusted real
income. However, there is no specific analysis of the strategies
by which increases in this index can be achieved.
— The Audit Commission in Britain, working with over 70 pilot
local authorities, developed a portfolio of 38 PIs which measure QoL in 13 broad thematic areas (Audit Commission, 2002).
These QoL PIs have been produced in order to encourage local
authorities and their partners to consider QoL issues in ways
which will benefit local communities. The government regards
the use of these PIs as ‘recommended good practice’ in the monitoring of community strategies but there is as yet no statutory
requirement to do this. Nor is there an explicit set of strategies
recommended to bring about increases in these indices.
— The European Urban Audit was launched by the European Commission in 1997 “to enable an assessment of the state of individual EU cities and to provide access to comparative information
from other EU cities” (http://europa.eu.int/comm/regional_policy/urban2/urban/audit/src/intro.htm). Since then, the 58 pilot
cities have grown to a consortium of more than 100 cities in
Europe. The pilot started with a set of 33 QoL PIs on 5 themes
including socio-economic development, civic involvement, levels of training and education, environment, culture and recreation.
80
Although the QoL measurement movement is still relatively young,
it is possible to make a preliminary assessment:
— Typically information about QoL indicators is primarily geared
towards improving the accountability of public agencies to citizens and community groups. However, the way the information is presented is rarely target-group oriented. Annual reports
reporting publicly about the QoL in a local area or in a wider
context rarely seem tailored to the needs of people or groups
interested in specific issues.
English
Deutsc
Español
— There is already a discernible trend to use QoL indicators, where
they are available, not only for inter-area comparisons but also
for inter-agency benchmarking. There must be a major question
as to whether this makes sense for QoL indicators. Given the differences between local areas, and the different configurations of
agencies responsible for QoL improvements, inter-agency comparisons on QoL indicators are likely to be highly contestable — it
is usually far from clear which of the agencies involved in a mulit-agency effort has played a key part in the outcomes achieved,
and which ones have played relatively unimportant roles.
— In general, the relative success of some influence strategies rather than others has rarely been demonstrated through the use of
this data, although as the data banks mount over time, it may be
expected that this will become more possible.
General lessons on the evaluation of influence
mechanisms
The evaluation of influence mechanisms therefore faces us with one
of the core problems of evaluation—how to attribute causation to
the effects which we see from the interaction of multiple stakeholders in their attempt to solve the real world problems which they
face. There are several facets to the attribution problem which concern us in the case of English Heritage’s influence on other heritage
providers, in respect of bringing about greater participation by target groups. First, there is the issue of the extent to which the interventions were, in any sense, a ‘cause’ of the effects identified (the
‘overall cause-and-effect attribution problem’). Secondly, there is the
issue of which actions by which stakeholders were MOST important
amongst these ‘causes’ (the ‘agency-specific attribution problem’).
The overall cause-and-effect attribution problem is typically tackled by undertaking before-and-after studies, ideally across a cross-
81
section of sites where different levels of the ‘causal’ factors were
involved, to identify the extent to which the effects differed across
these sites. If before and after studies are not available, then crosssection analysis demonstrates only associations between the variables and is not itself sufficiently strong to establish cause-andeffect, but some qualitative studies can throw light on whether
these associations are likely to have a cause-and-effect relationship.
Similarly, if only time series data for one site is available, showing
how different levels of ‘causal’ factors in particular periods gave
rise in later periods to different levels of ‘effects’, then these associations are not in themselves proof of cause and effect relationships and some qualitative analysis will be needed (or extending
the evidence-gathering to some extra sites).
English
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The agency-specific attribution problem is typically tackled by
evaluating a range of different sites where the agency mix is different, to see what effect results when the contribution of a specific
agency is missing or is only available at reduced levels. In practice,
it is often difficult to find such sites, so that the agency-specific
attribution problem may be irresolvable. In particular, the more
intensive and intertwined is partnership working between agencies
in relation to a particular problem, the more unlikely it is that any
form of separation of the different effects of each agency will be
possible. Indeed, trying to disentangle the different contributions
of each partner may itself make the partnership less effective (often
referred to as ‘pulling up the plant to examine which of the roots
are contributing most to its growth’), especially if this leads to reconsideration by some partners of whether they are getting their
‘fair share’ of the spoils, given their contribution, and a breakdown
of the (often fragile) agreements on the basis of which the partnership has hitherto been operating.
Taking a different perspective, the outcome assessment developed
by Governance International gets round the issue of how much influence each stakeholder exerts on the others by simply involving
all stakeholders in each of the evaluation stages — the diagnosis,
the analysis of potential improvements and the decision-making
on which specific initiatives to take, arising from the analysis (Bovaird and Löffler, 2007). By making each of these stages joint, the
partnership is able to identify its joint perceptions of its problems,
its goals, its options, its willingness to commit to new ways forward
and its preferred way forward. While this approach loses the analytical power which comes from a rigorous evaluation methodology based on cause-and-effect understanding, it gains greatly from
generating more imagination and more commitment and therefore may open up possibilities not available through conventional
evaluation methodologies.
82
A model for understanding influence strategies
In this section, we suggest a model for understanding influence
strategies by an organisation (Figure 10). This builds on the literature and case studies outlined in this report and takes account of
the approach of Bakker and den Hond (2008) in suggesting that
the influence of activist stakeholders over organisations is the temporary outcome of processes of action, reaction, and interaction
among various parties. It provides the basis for a checklist which
can be used for evaluating an organisation’s use of influence strategies, which we set out in the next section.
English
The model has three basic components — sources of influence, influence mechanisms, and influence targets — and illustrates how
these are related to each other by a series of links.
Deutsc
Español
The sources of influence correspond to those which we have explored in this report — legislation, moral pressure, social pressure
and inter-organisational pressure. (Personal pressure and professional pressure could also be represented here but have been omitted to keep the figure as clear as possible).
The mechanisms of influence are not spelt out in the figure but
would include such activities as lobbying for legislative change,
calling upon personal favours, mobilising public opinion in order
to pressurise the target organisations to change their behaviours,
negotiating reciprocal actions, calling upon favours on a ‘you
scratch my back, I’ll scratch yours later’ basis, etc.
The influence targets are those organisations whose behaviour English Heritage (in this case) seeks to change. They could be specified
in a greater level of detail but here are simply categorised by sector.
It needs to recognised that there are important feedback loops in
this model which are not fully represented in Figure 10. For example, if certain influence sources do not appear to succeed over a
period of time (e.g. exerting moral pressure) then they may actually lose potential power because they are no longer believed in by
those previously influenced by them. Again, overuse of particular
influence sources or influence mechanisms may render them less
effective because they become more familiar and therefore less persuasive (as in the influence strategy of ‘crying wolf’). We have not
attempted to map these feedback effects as yet but they need to be
borne in mind when using the model.
83
Figure 10. Model of influence mechanisms for English Heritage
INFLUENCE SOURCES
INFLUENCE MECHANISMS
A
B
English
INFLUENCE TARGETS
National Trust
Private historic
house
C
M
Law
ora
l Pressure
e
ial pressur
s
ion
Inter
t
a
l
-org re
Soc
LAs
D
Other
E
Deutsc
Español
A checklist for evaluating the success of influence
strategies
In evaluating the success of influence strategies, a number of the
features in Figure 10 are of central importance.
First, have the full range of influence sources been used? Research
by Frooman and Murrell (2005) suggests that repertoires of strategies play a critical role in stakeholder behavior. While the repertoires of strategies which the organisation will typically choose
among is partly determined by demographic variables (age, gender,
ethnic group, etc.), structural variables (size of organisation, sector,
etc.) further refine choice from within that repertoire. If only a restricted range of influence strategies is considered, this is likely to
reduce the effectiveness of the influence exerted.
Second, how much leverage is an influence source able to exert
through using the mechanism? (We might label this the ‘power’
which that source generates through that mechanism). Some mechanisms may be very valuable for exerting social pressure but not be
very relevant to mobilising moral pressure (e. g. campaigns to deselect MPs who do not support particular legislative proposals).
Third, how many mechanisms has the organisation been able to
use, by calling up all the sources of influence available to it?
84
Fourth, how many mechanisms have been activated by multiple sources
of influence? It is likely that mechanisms are more powerful when
this occurs — i.e. different sources of influence may have a strong
reinforcing effect on each other in making that mechanism effective. For example, a newspaper is more likely to support a campaign if it supports the moral argument for the campaign AND it
believes that it will sell more newspapers by jumping on this particular bandwagon (the exercise of reciprocal interest.
English
Deutsc
Español
Fifth, what is the strength of the links between the mechanisms and
the influence targets? This is likely to play a major role in the success of an influence strategy. For example, a campaign launched
by a newspaper which is sympathetic to a minister’s political party
is more likely to influence that minister than one launched by a
newspaper backing the opposition. This takes account of the fact
that organisations may not be adroit at using appropriate influence
mechanisms. While Rowley (2000) showed that organisations occupying peripheral positions in their stakeholder networks were
are more likely to cooperate with their stakeholders (through negotiation and acquiescing to their proposals) than organisations
situated in central positions, this depends on how well they play
the cards available to them.
Sixth, how many influence targets have bit hit, through the use of the
influence mechanisms?
Seventh, how many of the influence targets have been hit by more than
one influence mechanism? Again, it is likely that there are important
reinforcing mechanisms available if more than one influence mechanism is pushing an influence target to change its behaviour.
Eighth, from the point of view of the influence targets, are there any
countervailing influence pressures? Are the influence targets being
pushed by other influence mechanisms which are being activated
by other stakeholders in ways which might counter the pressures
which English Heritage is seeking to apply?
We suggest that the use of this checklist may help English Heritage — and those organisations which are holding it accountable — to
scrutinise its use of influence strategies to identify ways in which
they might be strengthened.
As Hendry (2005) argues, in recent years, businesses have begun
to learn that they can no longer to afford to disregard the concerns of social and environmental activists, as the firm’s long-term
reputation may be at stake. Organisations seeking damage-control
are recognizing that they are better off when they seek out the
85
views of activist organizations instead of ignoring them. Indeed,
activist groups have often succeeded in influencing organizations
to change core operating processes in order to lessen their negative social and environmental impacts — e.g. home improvement
stores are now reluctant to purchase lumber from companies logging old growth rainforests and foodstore chains snow seek to buy
tuna from companies using dolphin-friendly fishing methods.
English
Assessing outcomes and influence strategies
through multiple stakeholders
Deutsc
Español
In the above discussion of key issues in the evaluation of influence
strategies, we have stressed that all evaluation in this area must be
stakeholder-specific. This begs the question as to which stakeholders should be involved in such assessments.
Clearly, no absolute list of stakeholders can be drawn up. In every context, different stakeholders will be able to influence outcomes — and will feel affected by the benefits and costs which result. Consequently, their perceptions of these benefits and costs,
and their views of which alternative approaches might have been
cost-effective, will be valuable in the evaluation process. Clearly,
evaluations of outcomes should always be based on multiple stakeholder assessments rather than simply self-assessments or assessment by some external (expert) stakeholder who is not interested
or does not care about a specific governance issue (although both
self-assessment and external assessment may play a valuable role in
the evaluation process).
86
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