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gained from the world government model, according
to Toynbee, is a more efficient plan for growing and
distributing food to all of Earth’s people.
He does recognize, however, the difficulties in getting people to simply get along with one another.
Toynbee is correct to say that political equality among
diverse peoples is nearly impossible when those
involved are also socially, culturally, and physically
many miles apart. Social issues such as the equality
of the sexes, unique religious practices, and cultural
mores vary widely from one region to the next. He
makes the argument that within the United States there
are still racial issues, particularly in the Old South, that
are only one example of how difficult a task it would be
to truly unite the world’s population under a single
ruling government. At the same time, he sees hope,
citing the example of both Islamic people and the
people of Latin America, who seem to be free from
racial tensions among their different populations.
Toynbee truly sees only one race—the human race—
and feels strongly that artificial barriers such as nationalism must be removed in order for all of humankind
to survive. It would appear that at this time in our own
history, the nations of Europe, in the expansion of the
European Union, are beginning to heed his warnings.
Fellow historians have sometimes criticized Toynbee’s
methods. One concern focuses on his reliance upon
insight and imagination rather than arguments or
induction. While some scholars defend his style as an
example of using metaphor or simply being poetic,
others declare that Toynbee fails to go the extra mile
in getting his facts straight, thereby weakening some
of his arguments. However, in the end, Toynbee must
be given credit for his attempt to document our
world’s history as a unified one. He has succeeded in
showing us that it is at least possible to envision such
a future for humankind.
— Thomas M. Prince
Further Readings
Gargan, E. T. (1961). The intent of Toynbee’s
history—A cooperative appraisal. Chicago: Loyola
University Press.
Toynbee, A. J. (1948). Civilization on trial. New York:
Oxford University Press.
Toynbee, A. J. (1966). Change and habit—The
challenge of our time. New York and London:
Oxford University Press.
4 TRANSNATIONALISM
Transnationalism is the idea that flows of transstate
migrants and their symbolic and material accoutrements are bi- or multidirectional and ongoing.
That is, where previous generations of migrants
tended toward making a “clean break” with their
societies of origin, many contemporary migrants
continue to have ongoing ties with the communities
from which they migrated. Transnationalism has
been defined in anthropology as “the process by
which immigrants forge and sustain simultaneous
multi-stranded social relations that link together
their societies of origin and settlement. . . . many
immigrants today build social fields that cross geographic, cultural, and political borders.” In many
sending societies, out-migrants are expected to play
an ongoing role. Receiving societies take a variety of
approaches, ranging from barring the assimilation
or naturalization of migrants to encouraging ongoing
dualities of identity or citizenship, but in states representing the full range of these, the number of people
living transnationally is on the increase.
Most theorists regard transnationalism as reliant on
a new characterization of space. For Arjun Appadurai,
deterritorialization is a feature of the new globalized
world in which identity is increasingly disconnected, or
at least disconnectable, from place. However, Michael
Kearney locates transnationalism in its specificity of
place, arguing that it differs from global processes that
are “decentered” and take place in “global space”;
rather, transnational processes are “anchored in and
transcend one or more nation-states.” This is reiterated
by Aihwa Ong, who regards transnationalism as referring to “cultural specificities of global processes.”
Transnational life is made possible by new technologies that facilitate transportation, communication, and the rapid transfer of funds around the
world. Air travel, while too expensive for many
migrants to use on more than an occasional basis,
nevertheless now whisks people between continents
in hours instead of weeks. Migrant remittances sustain or improve the lot of impoverished families.
Internet-based forms of communication such as listservs, chat, e-mail, and Web sites facilitate the building
and maintenance of deterritorialized communities.
These technologies have rendered much of the world
“self-consciously one single field of persistent interaction and exchange.”
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Transnationalism has given rise to, and is now
facilitated by, new institutions. Michael Peter Smith
and Luis Eduardo Guarnizo highlight cross-national
institutional networks such as sending country governments’ outreach to their nationals within host
countries. Haiti, which does not recognize dual citizenship but has a Ministry of Haitians Living Abroad,
is one such example.
As Sarah J. Mahler notes, many authors at least
implicitly distinguish between transnationalism
“from below” and “from above.” The former concerns
the daily lives of ordinary people, and the latter the
macro-level political and economic forces dominated
by elites. Anthropologists have focused disproportionately on transnationalism from below.
In an article in which he traces the course of
anthropology and his own career in it over the past
fifty years, Clifford Geertz notes that an interest in
transnationalism began in anthropology only in the
1990s, before which it was “not thought to be a part
of anthropology’s purview” but that now studies of
it seem to be “appearing on all sides.”
— Diane E. King
Further Readings
Hannerz, U. (1996). Transnational connections:
Culture, people, places. London: Routledge.
Levitt, P. (2001). The transnational villagers. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
Ong, A. (1999). Flexible citizenship: The cultural logics
of transnationality. Durham, NC: Duke University
Press.
4 TRAVEL
From a Western perspective, travel begins with
Europe’s fascination with the “Other.” Examples of
this include religious pilgrimages and the Renaissance
expeditions of trade and exploration. Undoubtedly,
travel is also tied to colonization by European forces,
beginning with the travels of the Portuguese to Africa
in 1455 to obtain slave labor when Pope Nicolas V
granted the Portuguese the right to do so; followed by
the voyages of the Portuguese navigator Bartholomew
Dias in 1488 around the Cape of Good Hope;
Christopher Columbus’s voyages to the Americas
from 1492 to 1502; and culminating with the numerous
voyages of exploration of the Pacific by Spanish,
French, Dutch and English navigators, mainly in the
16th and 17th centuries. Religious missionaries also
contributed to the waves of travelers around the
world, oftentimes writing long and detailed accounts
of their experiences. Many of these accounts, if read
with a critical eye, provide valuable insights into the
lifeways of indigenous peoples before the massive
changes wrought by centuries of contact. Scholars
have found a series of parallels between the accounts
written by missionaries during their religious expeditions and 19th-century travel writing.
Travel expeditions were of particular significance
to European naturalists in the 18th (such as Sir Hans
Sloane (1660–1753) who worked in Jamaica, and
Maria Sibylla Merian (1647–1717) who worked in
Suriname) and 19th centuries, particularly Charles
Lyell (1797–1875), Thomas Henry Huxley (1825–
1895), Ernst Haeckel (1834–1919), and especially
Charles Robert Darwin (1809–1882). These travels
made naturalists aware of the presence and relevance
of the fossil record, the distribution of plants and
animals, and the presence of societies with different
cultures, languages, beliefs, rituals, and customs.
Many of these findings contributed to the emergence
of anthropology as a discipline. For instance, Sir
Charles Lyell, close friend of Darwin and supporter
of Darwin’s theory of evolution, traveled around
the world observing geological phenomena. From
findings during these travels emerged the concept of
uniformitarianism to explain geological changes
throughout history. Thomas Huxley, a self-educated
intellectual and author of Evidence as to Man’s Place
in Nature (1863), traveled aboard HMS Rattlesnake
to Australia as an assistant surgeon from 1847 to
1851. His findings in natural history (particularly
zoology) resulting from this trip were published in
a work entitled Oceanic Hydrozoa. Ernst Haeckel,
whose “law of recapitulation” was unfortunately
appropriated by the Nazi party to justify nationalism
and racism, traveled to the Mediterranean to conduct
research on invertebrate groups.
Charles Darwin traveled for five years (1831–1835)
as a naturalist aboard the HMS Beagle on a British
science expedition around the world. One of Darwin’s
best-known stops during this voyage was the Galapagos
Islands, which Darwin conceived as “a group of satellites attached to America,” with organisms that were
physically comparable, organically dissimilar, yet at