Listening to the Voices of Children in Foster
Care: Youths Speak Out about Child Welfare
Workforce Turnover and Selection
Jessica Strolin-Goltzman, Sharon Kollar, and Joanne Trinkle
Child welfare workforce turnover rates across private and public child welfare agencies are
concerning. Although research about the causes of child welfare workforce turnover has
been plentiful, empirical studies on the effects of turnover on child outcomes are sparse.
Furthermore, the voices and experiences of youths within the system have been largely
overlooked.The purpose of this study was, first, to explore the experiences and opinions about
child welfare workforce turnover and retention of youths in the child welfare system; second,
to explore a relationship between the number of caseworkers a youth has had and his or her
number of foster care placements; and third, to harness the suggestions of youths in resolving
the turnover problem. Youths in the child welfare system (N = 25) participated in focus
groups and completed a small demographic survey. Findings suggest that youths experience
multiple effects of workforce turnover, such as lack of stability; loss of trusting relationships;
and, at times, second chances. The article concludes with suggestions for caseworkers, state
trainers, local and state administrators, and social work researchers on engaging with youths
in relationships that facilitate genuine systems change around social work practice and the
child welfare workforce crisis.
KEY WORDS: child welfare;foster care; workforce turnover; youth
C
hild welfare workforce turnover rates are
estimated to be between 23 percent and 60
percent annually across private and public
child welfare agencies (Cyphers, 2001; Drake &
Yadama, 1996; Jayaratne & Chess, 1984; Jayaratne,
Hinile, & Chess, 1991). In New York state (NYS),
approximately 60 percent of public child welfare
agencies have suffered from high turnover for at
least one year since 2000. High turnover is defmed
as an annual turnover rate exceeding 25 percent.
In 2004, the rates of workforce turnover in highturnover agencies ranged from 27 percent to 94
percent (New York State Office of Children and
Family Services Bureau of Training, 2004). Despite
the growing literature on the etiology of workforce
turnover in child welfare (Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2003; Balfour & NefF, 1993; Barak, Nissly, &
Levin, 2001; ChildWelfareTraining Institute, 1997;
Dickinson & Perry, 2002; Ellett, 2000; Ellett & Ellett, 2004; Ellett, Ellett, & Rugutt, 2003; Graef &
Potter, 2002; Ireland, Smith, & Thornberry, 2002;
Strolin-Goltzman et al., 2008), few studies exist on
the effects of turnover.
Turnover of public child welfare workers affects
a wide range of children and families; however.
CCC Code: 0037-8046/10 $3.00 ©2010 National Association o< Social Workers
foster care youths are exceptionally vulnerable to
the activities of pubHc child welfare caseworkers,
because caseworkers are responsible for their safety,
stability, well-being, and permanence.The few studies that have researched the association between
turnover and child welfare outcomes found that
when caseworkers leave, it touches the lives of the
youths in their care emotionally and physically. For
instance, in one study, researchers looked at the
influences on multiple foster care placements and
found a positive association between the turnover
of caseworkers and the movement of youths into
foster care (Pardeck, 1984).
Most recently. Flower, McDonald, and Suniski
(2005) found that children with more than one
worker are almost 60 percent less likely to be
placed in a permanent situation within Adoption and Safe Families Act timeframes compared
with those with only one worker.There are many
reasons this might be so. Perhaps the cases lagged
for a period of time during the hiring process, or
perhaps information about cases was not recorded
thoroughly. Both possibilities would be consequences of diminished human capital resulting
from workforce turnover.
47
Providing consumers with a voice about the
events that most directly affect their lives is
congruent with the values ofthe social work
profession and is essential in truly grasping
the effects of a phenomenon on a population.
Studies have also found that agency investment
in workforce standards—including stability and
experience of casevi^orkers, low caseloads, and high
frequencies of contact with youths—result in significantly better rates of discharge within the first
two years of foster care placement (George, 1990).
Shapiro (1976) found that more experienced caseworkers were more hkely to discharge youths within
the first year of placement. In systems in which turnover is high and the average length of employment
is two years, inexperienced workers are the norm
(Gansle & Ellett, 2002). Despite the availability of
casework services that facilitate safety, permanency,
and healthy outcomes, many children may either
not be receiving these services and placements or
may be getting them much later than they might
have if they had been served by stable organizational
systems with experienced caseworkers.
All of the aforementioned studies provide some
indirect evidence ofthe negative effects of turnover
on children and families in the child welfare system;
however, the evidence presented in them is outdated
and insufficient. Furthermore, studies publicizing
the voices of those who are directly served by the
system are nonexistent. Perhaps the best illustrations
for understanding the consequences of child welfare
w^orkforce turnover come from youths theinselves,
who either fall through the cracks as a result of
systemwide workforce instability or succeed despite
the costs of an unstable system. The present study
provides new insight into the effects of caseworker
turnover by asking consumers of the child welfare
system (youths) about their experiences.
Providing consumers with a voice about the
events that most directly affect their lives is congruent with the values of the social work profession
and is essential in truly grasping the effects of a phenomenon on a population (NASW,2000). Children
placed out of home by public welfare agencies have
a significant stake in employment practices and patterns within the child welfare system. In fact, their
interactions with caseworkers can be determinant
of future life outcomes. Although children are an
48
integral part of the child welfare process, far too
often their voices have been absent in discussions
about how to improve different aspects of the system. Using youths in the child welfare system as a
resource for information on caseworker practices
is uncommon; however, youths provide an insider's
view ofthe effects of caseworker turnover that has
yet to be heard.
The purposes of this study were threefold: (1)
to explore the experiences and opinions about
child welfare workforce turnover and retention of
youths in the child welfare system; (2) to explore the
relationship betw^een the number of caseworkers a
youth has had and his or her number of foster care
placements; and (3) to harness the suggestions of
youths in resolving the turnover problem.
METHOD
The data were collected through focus groups and
a smaO demographic survey. Focus groups are indepth guided discussions used to explore a specific
problem or question and are preferable for allowing
the expression of participants' priorities (Kreuger &
Casey, 2000). Focus groups were conducted with
25 youths in the child welfare system. Data were
collected in two focus groups consisting of 12 and
13 participants each. Prior to the focus groups,
youth participants filled out a short survey with
demographic information that included questions
about length of time in the child welfare system,
number of placements, number of caseworkers,
current placement, race, and age. The focus groups
were run by two trained social work researchers
with backgrounds in child welfare, group works,
and adolescent development.The groups lasted one
and one-half hours each. Both youths and their
guardians signed consent forms; hoiAiever, only the
youths participated in the focus groups.
Focus groups typically use a questioning route,
similar to an interview guide, that should grow
directly from the research questions (Stewart &
Shamdasani, 1990).The research team collaborated
with youths in the child welfare system to develop
the questioning route. A draft ofthe route was developed and sent to a group of youths in the child
welfare system for feedback. Alterations were made
according to feedback froin the youths, and the
final route was approved by researchers and youths.
About 10 percent ofthe youths who participated
in the study also participated in designing the
questioning route.
SocialWork VOLUME 55, NUMBER i
JANUARY 2010
The ñnal questioning route consisted of three
open-ended questions regarding turnover and retention.The questions follow:
Turnover and Retention
1. For those of you with more than one caseworker, think of the time when you were
switched from one worker to another. How
did your experience of switching caseworkers
affect you?
2. For those ofyou who did not raise your hands,
how would you describe your experience of
having one worker?
3. What are your ideas for how to retain
workers?
Data were collected by two means (survey and
focus groups) to test dependability, or reliabihty, of
the data. Dependability is a criterion used in qualitative research to test consistency in data; the term
is analogous to reliability in quantitative lnethods
(Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Tw^o recorders attended
the groups and transcribed the discussions. Crosschecks were completed to ensure accuracy of the
recordings.
Participants
A convenience sampling plan was used to recruit
the youths. As a result, the youths were not representative of the youths in the foster care or child
welfare population. The youths in this study were
older, overrepresented in independent living situations, and leaders within the state's system. All of
the youths in the study were involved in New York
states Foster Care Youth Leadership Advisory Team:
Youth in Progress (YIP).YIP was formed in August
of 2003 as part of the New York State Office of
Children and Family Services response to its child
and family services review, with the purpose of
organizing access to youth voices across the state.
The team comprises youth leaders and their adult
mentors from nine regional foster care youth leadership teams across New York state. The mission of
YIP is "to enhance and advance the lives of today's
and tomorrow's foster care youth by giving them a
sense of self and responsibility" (Youth in Progress,
n.d.).The team has established several priorities, the
first of which is to dispel the negative stereotypes
of youths in foster care. The other priorities include
addressing family and sibling visitation, increasing
youth opportunities to make decisions, and im-
proving available services in and after foster care.
This study helps to facilitate attainment of priority
3 for the YIP group, which is to "increase youth
involvement in selecting, assessing and retaining
service providers."
The demographic survey yielded information
on age, race, type and number of placements, and
length of time in the child welfare system. The
average age ofthe 25 participants was 17.6 years.
The average number of placements, excluding independent living, was 4.4, with a range from one to
nine.The majority ofthe youths (36 percent) were
in an independent living program at the time ofthe
focus groups. Participants reported being in the child
welfare system an average of 8.5 years, with a range
from four months to 20 years. Forty percent ofthe
participants were African American, 12 percent were
Latino, 24 percent reported being of two or more
races, and 20 percent were white.
Data Analysis
Content analysis was used to analyze the focus
group data. Holsti (1969) defined content analysis
as "any technique for making inferences by objectively and systematically identifying specified
characteristics of messages" (p. 14).Two researchers
separately reviewed the data content and developed
preliminary categories and coding structures. Categories were compared with each other to derive
a set of coded themes from the data.The two coding structures were then compared; the researchers'
coding structures were consistent with each other
75 percent of the time. Following the initial development of coding structures, two members of
the research team used these categories to assign
specific codes to the data. A third researcher provided an additional validity check when there were
disagreements between the two main raters. Interrater reliability was greater than 95 percent. Interrater
reliability is an estimation based on the correlation
of among two or more raters who code the same
dataset and helps to establish the dependability of
data (Ebel, 1951). Kolbe and Burnett (1991) stated
that interrater reliability "is often perceived as the
standard measure of research quality. High levels of
disagreement among judges suggest weaknesses in
research methods" (p. 248).
LIMITATIONS
This study used a convenience sample of youths,
involved in the child welfare system.The participants
STROLIN-GOLTZMAN, KOLLAR, AND TRINKLE / Listening to the Voices of Children in Foster Care
49
in this study were older, were leaders, and disproportionately represented the independent living
population. Despite these limitations, the youths
in this study make powerful statements about the
effects of caseworker turnover on their lives. Future
research should continue to explore the effects of
turnover with more representative populations of
youths within the child welfare system.
Table 1: Median Number of Placements
for the Sample {N = 25),
by Number of Caseworkers
2
4
6
5
6
7
RESULTS
Effects of Caseworker Turnover
Three themes relating to caseworker turnover were
identified by the youth focus groups: lack of stability,
loss of trust, and second chances. The reasons for
the turnover were irrelevant. For instance, some
caseworkers were rotated or shifted to a different
unit, whereas others left their positions altogether.
Regardless of the type of change, the effect of the
loss on the youth was similar. The majority of the
participants had negative perceptions of losing a
caseworker (ÍÍ = 18); however, three participants
said that getting a new caseworker improved their
relationships by allowing them to receive a "second
chance."
Lack of Stability. Nine participants identified
feeling a lack of emotional and physical stability
due to the "constant changing of caseworkers."
Two participants discussed their observation that
the changes in caseworkers had caused delays in
securing a permanent placement.
To test this observation quantitatively, a linear
regression was performed using number of placements as the dependent variable and number of
caseworkers in the past two years as the independent
variable. Length of time in the child welfare system
was used as a control variable. Results corroborated
the youths' assumption by indicating that in this
study's sample, with every two additional caseworkers a youth had in the past two years, the number
of placements increased by one {p = .041). A visual
representation of the results is provided in Tables
1 (showing median numbers of placements) and 2
(showing coefficients).
In addition to describing a feeling of instability
and lingering, a majority (n =15) of youths described the re-traumatization of losing their families
that coincided with the loss ofa caseworker. One
example of such a statement was this:
It was challenging for me because once you get
used to one person, then you have to change
50
over and over, they are creating an unsafe and
unstable environment for us especially when
there is already no stability and permanency
in our lives.
Several {n = 10) of the youths had the perception
that administrative policies within the child welfare
agencies mandated that caseworkers should not
maintain close relationships with their clients:"Every
time a caseworker gets close to a kid, the supervisor
takes them away. It is like a close relationship is not
allowed or something." Youths' perceptions of this
sort point to the fine line in youth culture between
the needs of youths to have stable relationships with
healthy adults and the maintenance of traditional
professional boundaries by child welfare agency
administrators and frontline staff.
Loss ofTrust. Youths in foster care have histories
of unhealthy relationships with adults. The effect
of workforce turnover is to once again disrupt the
development of healthy nurturing relationships with
a caring adult:
1 had a caseworker for two years, from the time
I entered care. She was the first and last worker.
I liked. It was hard to lose the relationship. She
had gone the extra mile for me and my siblings.
She made sure I had clothes, had a visit. The
next worker was very different, and it affected
Table 2: Regression of Number
of Caseworkers on Number of
Placements (N = 25)
No. of caseworkers in past year
Length of time in Child welfare system
.57
.32
Constant
.61
.26
.07
.89
2.21*
4.62***
0.69
*p< .05. ***p< .001.
SocialWork VOLUME 55, NUMBER i
JANUARY
2010
the way I treat all the workers I've had since. It
affects your ability to trust all workers.
Another participant illustrated a similar sense of
loss and closing off:
I had a deep relationship with one worker and
could talk with her about everything; she had
answers about things that were important.When
she left, I shut down, it wasn't the same, it didn't
feel right. I didn't talk with her [the new caseworker], tried to stay away from her and deal
with my problems by myself.
This cycle of loss is confusing to the youths:
When you keep losing caseworkers, it affects
your ability to tell who you can and can't trust.
1 should be able to trust my caseworker, but
I can't. How am I supposed to tell who I can
and can't trust when I am out on my own? For
instance, people tell me to trust my caseworker
who is supposed to be trustworthy, but then they
screw me by leaving. The same people tell me
not to trust my homies, yet they got my back
no matter what.
Second Chance with a New Marker. Three of the
youths identified a sense of relief when they were
assigned a new worker, stating that the change
allowed for increased communication, a second
chance, or a more open and committed worker.
One participant stated.
The change was new and fresh because things
were not going so well with my old worker.This
worker that I got is there a lot more for me and
helps me. Plus she is a lot easier to get a hold of
than the other workers.
Another respondent discussed her frustrations
with "incompetent, overworked, and inattentive
workers"by stating,"My caseworker had too much
negative to say and was downin' me. I felt like he
tried to discourage me when I was tryin' to better
myself. Finally I got a new worker. It is better now."
Although only three of the 25 participants identified
turnover as a positive experience, their statements
are poignant and provide a more holistic picture
of the effects of turnover on youths in the child
welfare system.
Youth Suggestions for Worker Retention
Youths in the child welfare system hold unique
knowledge about and have had unique experiences
with the child welfare workforce—resources that
have thus far gone untapped. They could serve as a
resource for developing solutions to the workforce
crisis and minimizing its negative effects on child
and family outcomes. This section presents their
ideas and opinions about the workforce retention
problem and provides suggestions for improvements
in the areas of retention of frontline caseworkers.
Finally, when changes are inevitable, it provides a
map for providing smoother transitions for children
in the system.
Retention.Youths, suggested many of the solutions
to combat worker turnover that have previously
been identified in the literature:"increase their pay,"
"lower their caseloads," "make sure they know what
they are in for and committed to working with us,"
"treat them with some respect," and "select better
people."
Making the Transition to New Workers. When
turnover is inevitable, it is important to make the
transitions transparent and smooth.The participants
consistently discussed the value of keeping youths
fully informed:
They should make this a smooth transition, such
as bringing the new worker with you on several
occasions with the child. I think the problem
is that a child cannot adjust to the new worker
quickly at the last minute, and it may take a lot
of time before that child opens it.self up to that
worker. Workers who think that the child is not
opening up to them make wrong assumptions
about the child.
DISCUSSION
This study attempted to answer two research
questions: What are the experiences and opinions
of youths in the child welfare system about child
welfare workforce turnover and retention? And,
among youths in this sample, was there a statistical
relationship between the number of caseworkers a
youth had had and his or her number of foster care
placements? Several themes emerged from the effort
to answer these questions, and these are discussed
in the following paragraphs.
Regarding the first question, youths discussed
the effects of workforce turnover as being a lack of
stability; loss of trusting relationships; and, at times.
STROLIN-GOLTZMAN, KOLLAR, AND TRINKLE / Listening to the Voices of Children in Foster Care
51
a second chance with a new worker. Although
the majority of the youths in this study attached
negative experiences to losing a caseworker, they
also acknowledged that not all worker turnover is
harmful.They indicated that turnover is constructive
when they receive a new worker who is able to more
effectively meet their needs.The youths emphasized
that child welfare agencies need to recruit and retain
the "right" workers: those who are dedicated to the
work and also have the experience and temperament to provide quality services to youths.This idea
is congruent with findings from other workforce
Studies that have emphasized the effects of turnover
(Lawson et al., 2005).
Second, it needs to be acknowledged that youths
form bonds with their caseworkers that may be as
strong as those they have had with their caregivers.
As bonding is an essential element in positive youth
development, severing those bonds may harm the
well-being of children in care. From this study, a
question arises about the utility of the common
organizational practice of worker unit rotation, in
which workers who are shifted from one unit in
a child welfare agency (Child Protective Services,
foster care, court, prevention, and so on) will rotate
to another unit so that all caseworkers in an agency
are trained in all unit practices. Future research
may want to consider the effects of caseworker
unit rotation on child well-being indicators such
as bonding.
CONCLUSION
This study provides evidence of the positive relationship between number of caseworkers and
number of placements for the youths in its sample.
Currently, more in-depth studies are being conducted that consider the effects of child welfare
turnover on federal Child and Family Service
Review (CFSR) outcomes (studies are being conducted in Milwaukee and New York state). Such
studies may be a vital link in the debate on the
importance of child welfare workforce turnover.
However, these studies are missing other important
information that may not be captured by only
investigating CFSR outcomes (such as re-reports
of abuse) or length of time in care (such as issues
of bonding with healthy adults and thriving in
the community). Future research should expand
to include real-life practice-oriented outcomes
such as whether caseworker retention contributes
to positive youth development by providing con-
52
sistent bonding and mentorship that help pave a
prosocial pathway.
Approximately 50 percent of foster care youths
are of an age (11 years or older) at which they are
capable of providing suggestions and feedback about
the issues that directly affect their lives, yet it is a
rarity for such opinions to be used sincerely in the
effort to achieve real system change. This study attempted to alter this tendency by asking youths in
the child welfare system how they are affected by
workforce turnover and soliciting their suggestions
on addressing the problem.
The preamble ofthe NASW Code of Ethics states,
"Social workers promote social justice and social
change with and on behalf of cüents" (NASW, 2000),
yet in the case of effects of workforce turnover on
foster care, social work researchers should not forget
the importance o{úie"with." This article concludes
with five suggestions for caseworkers, state trainers,
local and state administrators, and social work researchers on engaging with youths in relationships
that facilitate genuine systems change;
(1) Child welfare caseworkers can develop case
plans with their clients, solicit their clients' opinions
on what services would be most appropriate, be honest with them about their options, and provide them
with support to independently make important life
decisions. (2) State agency trainers can use youths as
resources to facilitate training in youth culture. (3)
Child welfare administrators at the state and local
levels can solicit youths' opinions on the causes of and
solutions to systemwide problems. (4) Local agency
administrators can seek the participation of youths
during the selection and recruitment of child welfare
caseworkers. (5) Finally, social work researchers can
collaborate with foster care youth leaders to develop
participatory research designs that investigate the
effects of workforce retention on other measures
of child well-being such as permanency, bonding,
and educational achievement. In sum, child welfare
agencies and partnering researchers should be challenged to harness the knowledge and experience of
foster care consumers by collaborating with them on
the development of interventions and innovations
that aim to decrease turnover and ultimately seek to
revolutionize systems of child welfare care. BÜÜ
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